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Avant-Propos
Pub Date : 2023-01-01 DOI: 10.5771/0947-9511-2023-1-9
Sylvain Schirmann
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引用次数: 0
Mobilizing History: European Integration and its Legitimizing Narrative 动员历史:欧洲一体化及其合法化叙事
Pub Date : 2023-01-01 DOI: 10.5771/0947-9511-2023-1-13
O. Schmidtke, B. Wassenberg
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引用次数: 0
Constructing a Collective Memory in the Franco-German-Swiss Upper Rhine Region: European, Trans(national) or Regional? 法德瑞上莱茵河地区的集体记忆建构:欧洲、跨国还是区域性?
Pub Date : 2023-01-01 DOI: 10.5771/0947-9511-2023-1-135
B. Wassenberg
Cross-border regions in Europe have been often identified as models or testing places for European integration. The Franco-German-Swiss Upper Rhine Region has a long experience in cross-border cooperation since the 1960s, which should be a good starting point to construct a collective memory based on its image as an integrated borderland. Based on interviews with key witnesses of the cross-border region, this article shows, how these actors focus on three specific aspects to construct a collective memory: a memory that advocates the ideal of a “Europe of Regions”, a memory of reconciliation and a memory based on a common regional culture and history. It concludes by saying that, despite all efforts, in the absence of a common (trans)regional identity, it is extremely difficult to construct a common memory of the Upper Rhine Region.
欧洲的跨境地区经常被认为是欧洲一体化的典范或试验地。法德瑞上莱茵大区自20世纪60年代以来就有着长期的跨境合作经验,这应该是一个很好的起点,可以基于其一体化边境地区的形象来构建集体记忆。本文通过对跨境地区主要目击者的访谈,展示了这些行动者如何聚焦于三个具体方面来构建集体记忆:一种倡导“地区的欧洲”理想的记忆、一种和解的记忆和一种基于共同地域文化和历史的记忆。它的结论是,尽管做出了种种努力,但在缺乏共同(跨)区域认同的情况下,构建上莱茵河地区的共同记忆是极其困难的。
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引用次数: 0
The Complexity of Memory in Global Relations and European Integration: A Theoretical Perspective 全球关系与欧洲一体化中的记忆复杂性:一个理论视角
Pub Date : 2023-01-01 DOI: 10.5771/0947-9511-2023-1-19
A. Ludwig
Learning from and coming to terms with Europe’s belligerent past have been important drivers of regional integration since the Second World War. Unlike other disciplines, International Relations (IR) has long ignored memory as a relevant factor in global relations, regional integration, or foreign policy. I argue that this is mainly due to the dominant science philosophical premises of positivism in IR theory (IRT) and has only slowly begun to change. This article shows how the constructivist, historical and relational turns in IRT have brought IR closer to memory studies. It aims to further promote this trend by proposing another meta-theoretical perspective for IR, European studies, and the concept of memory: complexity thinking. In its ‘general’ form, advocated by Edgar Morin, it provides a transdisciplinary background for the analysis of memory in our VUCA world. Consequently, complexity also changes our perspective on European integration, not least with regard to the processes of remembering in its context.
自第二次世界大战以来,从欧洲好战的过去中吸取教训并接受教训一直是区域一体化的重要推动力。与其他学科不同,国际关系(IR)长期以来忽视了记忆在全球关系、区域一体化或外交政策中的相关因素。我认为,这主要是由于实证主义在IR理论(IRT)中占主导地位的科学哲学前提,并且只是缓慢地开始改变。这篇文章展示了IRT的建构主义,历史和关系的转变如何使IR更接近记忆研究。本文旨在进一步推动这一趋势,为国际关系、欧洲研究和记忆概念提出另一个元理论视角:复杂性思维。在埃德加·莫林倡导的“一般”形式中,它为我们的VUCA世界中的记忆分析提供了一个跨学科的背景。因此,复杂性也改变了我们对欧洲一体化的看法,尤其是在其背景下的记忆过程方面。
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引用次数: 0
In memoriam Claudia Hiepel 为了纪念克劳迪娅·希佩尔
Pub Date : 2023-01-01 DOI: 10.5771/0947-9511-2023-1-5
W. Loth
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引用次数: 0
Colonial Memories and the French Partisan Right: Preserving National Identity Through or Against Diversity (2002-2022) 殖民记忆与法国党派权利:通过或反对多样性来维护国家认同(2002-2022)
Pub Date : 2023-01-01 DOI: 10.5771/0947-9511-2023-1-71
Clémence Faure
Memorial issues have been one of the most important themes of the French presidential campaign of 2022. Éric Zemmour’s demand to abolish the memorial laws and Marine Le Pen’s and Valérie Pécresse’s criticism of the commemorations of the end of the Algerian War have made the relationship with the colonial past a polarising electoral issue. While the extreme right has exploited this theme since the 1960s, it is surprising that Valérie Précresse, a loyal supporter of Jacques Chirac, the great promoter of memorial reconciliation, has made anti-repentance one of her campaign themes. This article proposes to question this apparent rupture. It shows that it is the result of a process that began with the 2002 presidential elections. These elections led to a reopening of the debate on French identity thanks to a conflictualisation of the questions linked to colonial memories, leading the partisan right to fracture on cultural questions.
纪念问题一直是2022年法国总统竞选的最重要主题之一。Éric Zemmour要求废除纪念法,Marine Le Pen和valsamrie psamcrese批评纪念阿尔及利亚战争结束,使得与殖民历史的关系成为选举中两极对立的议题。虽然自上世纪60年代以来,极右翼一直在利用这一主题,但令人惊讶的是,作为纪念和解的伟大推动者雅克•希拉克(Jacques Chirac)的忠实支持者,瓦尔格里•普莱姆克雷斯(val pracemrie pracemress)将反对忏悔作为自己的竞选主题之一。本文拟对这种明显的断裂提出质疑。这表明,这是从2002年总统选举开始的一个过程的结果。由于与殖民记忆有关的问题的冲突化,这些选举导致了关于法国身份的辩论重新开始,导致党派权利在文化问题上分裂。
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引用次数: 0
A Monument Made of Words? How the Metaphor of “Fortress Europe” Became a Collective Memory (1992-2008) 一座由文字构成的纪念碑?“欧洲堡垒”隐喻如何成为集体记忆(1992-2008)
Pub Date : 2023-01-01 DOI: 10.5771/0947-9511-2023-1-53
Celia Burgdorff
“Fortress Europe is a polysemic metaphor that was used as a synonym for the protectionist European Single Market from the 1980s. Since 1992, it has increasingly been associated with the European migration regime. Inside the European parliament, “Fortress Europe” was used by pro-European Members of the European Parliament (MEP)s to criticise the restrictive migration policies pushed by the Commission and the Council and turned into a political symbol for the failure to establish a common migration policy. Therefore, the topos was regularly used to provoke emotions, as part of the political game as well as in the press. This emotional connotation made the metaphor particularly suited for visual representations and it became a recurring motive in contemporary art in the early 2000s. Those works were politically charged and blurred the lines between art and activism. Many of them claimed to contribute to the collective memory of the victims of the European migration policies and turned the metaphor into a monument. Finally, the blog “Fortress Europe” shows how the events at the European borders were remembered online in the early 2000s.
“堡垒欧洲”是一个多义隐喻,从上世纪80年代起就被用作保护主义的欧洲单一市场的同义词。自1992年以来,它越来越与欧洲移民制度联系在一起。在欧洲议会内部,“堡垒欧洲”被欧洲议会的亲欧派议员用来批评欧盟委员会和理事会推行的限制性移民政策,并成为未能建立共同移民政策的政治象征。因此,作为政治游戏和媒体的一部分,这些主题经常被用来挑起情绪。这种情感内涵使得隐喻特别适合于视觉表现,并成为21世纪初当代艺术中反复出现的动机。这些作品充满了政治色彩,模糊了艺术与激进主义之间的界限。他们中的许多人声称这是对欧洲移民政策受害者的集体记忆的贡献,并将比喻变成了纪念碑。最后,博客“欧洲堡垒”展示了21世纪初发生在欧洲边境的事件是如何在网上被记住的。
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引用次数: 0
European Memory Politics in Scandinavia – the Case of a Swedish-Danish Border Region 斯堪的纳维亚半岛的欧洲记忆政治——以瑞典-丹麦边境地区为例
Pub Date : 2023-01-01 DOI: 10.5771/0947-9511-2023-1-111
S. Svensson, T. Nilson
The article analyses how history is used in the Danish-Swedish cross border Oresund area. The case study allows for an exploration of memory politics with relation to multiple regional processes (EU, Nordic, Scandinavian), as well as from multiple perspectives (national, subnational and transnational). The paper argues that the Nordic arena is in the focus of communicative and cultural memories through storytelling, with emphasis on solidarity and successful institution-building. Yet, conflicting national memories persist as obstacles and current diverting political standpoints at national level (e.g., migration, the Covid pandemic) are likely to affect how history is portrayed regionally. European history, on the other hand, plays a subservient role. For instance, references to the European continent’s totalitarian past are not explicitly used for memory politics, and recollection of the world wars are used in asymmetric modes and with focus on the specific Nordic experience.
本文分析了历史是如何在丹麦和瑞典交界的厄勒海峡地区被使用的。案例研究允许探索记忆政治与多个区域进程(欧盟,北欧,斯堪的纳维亚)的关系,以及从多个角度(国家,次国家和跨国)。本文认为,北欧舞台是通过讲故事的交流和文化记忆的焦点,强调团结和成功的制度建设。然而,相互冲突的国家记忆仍然存在,因为国家层面的障碍和当前的政治立场(例如移民、新冠肺炎大流行)可能会影响区域对历史的描绘。另一方面,欧洲历史扮演着从属的角色。例如,对欧洲大陆极权主义过去的引用并没有明确地用于记忆政治,而对世界大战的回忆则以不对称的模式使用,并侧重于具体的北欧经验。
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引用次数: 0
Divided by Memory: Divergent Memory Cultures and the Debate about Democracy in the EU 被记忆分割:不同的记忆文化与欧盟民主之争
Pub Date : 2023-01-01 DOI: 10.5771/0947-9511-2023-1-89
Peter J. Verovšek
While the accession of the first post-communist states to the European Union (EU) in 2004 seemingly reunited the continent after 45 years of division, new political fault-lines soon emerged. I argue that the divergent understandings of nationalism, sovereignty and democracy in Europe at the start of the twentieth century – most often captured with the distinction between liberal and “illiberal” democracy – are rooted in collective remembrance. Whereas memory cultures organized around the defeat of National Socialism in 1945 emphasize overcoming nationalism, the protection of fundamental human rights and the constraining of popular sovereignty, those organized around communism and its fall in 1989, interpret nationalism as a source of liberation, the importance of majoritarian democracy and the inviolability of popular sovereignty. Given the role that differences over the interpretation of the recent past have played in justifying Russia’s full-scale invasion of Ukraine, I conclude by arguing for the mutual recognition of these different narratives, rather than their assimilation within a meta-narrative.
2004年,第一批后共产主义国家加入欧盟(EU),似乎使分裂了45年的欧洲大陆重新统一,但新的政治断层很快就出现了。我认为,20世纪初欧洲对民族主义、主权和民主的不同理解——最常体现在自由民主与“非自由”民主之间的区别——根植于集体记忆。1945年国家社会主义战败前后组织起来的记忆文化强调克服民族主义、保护基本人权和限制人民主权,而1989年共产主义垮台前后组织起来的记忆文化则将民族主义解释为解放的源泉、多数民主的重要性和人民主权的不可侵犯性。鉴于各方对近期历史的不同解读,在为俄罗斯全面入侵乌克兰的行为辩护时发挥了重要作用,我最后主张,各方应相互承认这些不同的叙事,而不是将它们同化在一个元叙事中。
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引用次数: 0
The Great Temptation: Referendums on European Integration from the 1970s to the Present in Historical Perspective 巨大的诱惑:历史视角下1970年代至今的欧洲一体化公投
Pub Date : 2022-01-01 DOI: 10.5771/0947-9511-2022-1-9
Dominik Geppert, Juliane Clegg, Victor Jaeschke
Spätestens seit dem Brexit-Votum 2016 werden Europareferenden kontrovers dis‐ kutiert. Der Aufsatz zeigt, wie die historische Forschung zu den Debatten beitragen kann: durch Einordnung in die longue durée der europäischen Referendumsge‐ schichte seit 1970; durch politische, kulturelle und soziale Kontextualisierung; und durch Entschlüsselung der zugrundeliegenden Narrative nationaler Identität. An‐ hand von Fallstudien werden zwei Beobachtungen und zwei Hypothesen formu‐ liert. Erstens fällt auf, dass Nein-Kampagnen mehr von transnationalen Lernpro‐ zessen profitierten als ihre Gegenseiten, und zweitens, dass Referenden statt klarer Handlungsanleitungen eine Vielzahl offener Fragen nach sich zogen. Der Aufsatz vertritt die Hypothesen, dass Referenden erstens ein Ventil für Opposition boten, die in den europäischen Strukturen keinen Raum fand, und dass sie zweitens so‐ wohl Ausdruck als auch Folge wachsender Kritik am Integrationsprozess waren. Zugleich zeigt der deutsche Fall, dass ein Verzicht auf Referenden diese Oppositi‐ on nicht verhindert.
最迟自Brexit-Votum 2016年将Europareferenden争议没有人‐kutiert .这篇文章表明,这种历史研究有助于辩论:通过评价来longue的ée欧洲Referendumsge‐总共自1970年以来,;政治,文化和社会背景;并破解该国的基本特性。‐手的两个个案研究观察和两个假设formu‐liert .首先注意到Nein-Kampagnen更多的跨国Lernpro‐zessen获益的Gegenseiten;其次,全民投票而不是明确的指南一系列公开问题搬.这篇文章将代表假说认为全民投票首先一个出口为反对派提供了在欧洲结构找不到房间,并且在第二‐是遇表示也跟着不断批评一体化进程时的.同时德国的案例表明,一个坚决放弃全民投票这Oppositi‐on并不能阻止.
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Journal of European Integration History
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