Pub Date : 2021-01-01DOI: 10.5771/0947-9511-2021-2-303
François Doppler-Speranza, W. Gasparini
This paper examines the current feud between the two main actors of professional basketball in Europe - FIBA Europe and Euroleague Basketball - from a socio-historical perspective. It aims to delineate the diplomatic negotiations and organizational shifts in European sport competitions in relation to the growing influence of US basketball during the Cold War. Through an analysis of official reports and the press, as well as interviews with members of the European Parliament, this paper shows that basketball has acted as an informal sporting corollary to the 1957 Treaty of Rome, promoting the European community by way of a meritocratic system of sports competitions between teams or nations. The rivalry under study shows that the hegemonic post-Cold War US market-based model has challenged the ideas behind a “European model of sports”, ultimately putting the recent legislatures in a quandary about the initial consensus behind European integration.
{"title":"‘Europe Gets More Game Everyday’. Professional Basketball, Transatlantic Sports Models and European Integration since the 1950s","authors":"François Doppler-Speranza, W. Gasparini","doi":"10.5771/0947-9511-2021-2-303","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.5771/0947-9511-2021-2-303","url":null,"abstract":"This paper examines the current feud between the two main actors of professional basketball in Europe - FIBA Europe and Euroleague Basketball - from a socio-historical perspective. It aims to delineate the diplomatic negotiations and organizational shifts in European sport competitions in relation to the growing influence of US basketball during the Cold War. Through an analysis of official reports and the press, as well as interviews with members of the European Parliament, this paper shows that basketball has acted as an informal sporting corollary to the 1957 Treaty of Rome, promoting the European community by way of a meritocratic system of sports competitions between teams or nations. The rivalry under study shows that the hegemonic post-Cold War US market-based model has challenged the ideas behind a “European model of sports”, ultimately putting the recent legislatures in a quandary about the initial consensus behind European integration.","PeriodicalId":53497,"journal":{"name":"Journal of European Integration History","volume":"32 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2021-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"83023803","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2021-01-01DOI: 10.5771/0947-9511-2021-1-21
Laurent Warlouzet
The Single Market has been at the heart of European integration for more than three decades, as the recent Brexit negotiations exemplifies. However, the role of the European Parliament in the origins and the first years of implementation of the Single Market programme has been neglected, whereas it was important in two respects. First, as early as 1983 the European Parliament contributed to intellectual mobilisation efforts in advance of the programme’s adoption by developing the notion of the “cost of non-Europe”, an economic concept which materialized the tangible benefits of the Single Market Programme, instead of framing this endeavour as simply another European policy among others. Michel Albert was instrumental in this debate. Second, the European Parliament was active after the Single Act was signed in 1986 by adopting and influencing legislation to concretely implement this ambitious programme, as the example of the 1989 car emission directive demonstrates. Here the role of Carlo Ripa di Meana was of particular importance.
30多年来，单一市场一直是欧洲一体化的核心，最近的英国脱欧谈判就是一个例证。然而，欧洲议会在单一市场方案的起源和执行的头几年的作用被忽视了，而它在两个方面是重要的。首先，早在1983年，欧洲议会就通过提出“非欧洲成本”(cost of non-Europe)这一经济概念，促进了该计划实施前的智力动员工作。这一概念将单一市场计划的切实利益具体化，而不是将这一努力简单地框定为其他政策中的另一项欧洲政策。米歇尔·阿尔伯特在这场辩论中发挥了重要作用。其次，1986年《单一法案》签署后，欧洲议会积极通过并影响立法，具体实施这一雄心勃勃的计划，1989年汽车排放指令就是一个例子。在这里，Carlo Ripa di Meana的角色尤为重要。
{"title":"The Role of the European Parliament in the Single Market Programme: The Cost of Non-Europe and the Car Emission Directive (1983-89)","authors":"Laurent Warlouzet","doi":"10.5771/0947-9511-2021-1-21","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.5771/0947-9511-2021-1-21","url":null,"abstract":"The Single Market has been at the heart of European integration for more than three decades, as the recent Brexit negotiations exemplifies. However, the role of the European Parliament in the origins and the first years of implementation of the Single Market programme has been neglected, whereas it was important in two respects. First, as early as 1983 the European Parliament contributed to intellectual mobilisation efforts in advance of the programme’s adoption by developing the notion of the “cost of non-Europe”, an economic concept which materialized the tangible benefits of the Single Market Programme, instead of framing this endeavour as simply another European policy among others. Michel Albert was instrumental in this debate. Second, the European Parliament was active after the Single Act was signed in 1986 by adopting and influencing legislation to concretely implement this ambitious programme, as the example of the 1989 car emission directive demonstrates. Here the role of Carlo Ripa di Meana was of particular importance.","PeriodicalId":53497,"journal":{"name":"Journal of European Integration History","volume":"38 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2021-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"82114867","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2020-01-01DOI: 10.5771/0947-9511-2020-2-203
K.A.E. van der Zon
With the creation of the common market, citizens of the member states became European consumers. The history of consumer governance in the EEC therefore touches upon the legitimation of European integration. In that light, this article traces the institutionalisation of consumer representation in the EEC from the 1960s to the 1990s, and connects this development with the way in which EEC institutions conceptualised the consumer interest. It shows that during the 1970s, the emerging structures for consumer governance came with representations of the consumer as a powerless figure vis-à-vis big corporations, reflecting the powerlessness of the structures of consumer governance within the EEC. Although the consumer was portrayed as a pivotal figure in the completion of the internal market from the mid-1980s onward, this increase in power was merely rhetorical, and institutional changes largely cosmetic. All in all, consumer protection governance remained a relatively weak force of social protection within the EEC.
{"title":"A Consumers’ Europe? Common Market Governance Between Consumers and Commerce, 1960s-1990s","authors":"K.A.E. van der Zon","doi":"10.5771/0947-9511-2020-2-203","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.5771/0947-9511-2020-2-203","url":null,"abstract":"With the creation of the common market, citizens of the member states became European consumers. The history of consumer governance in the EEC therefore touches upon the legitimation of European integration. In that light, this article traces the institutionalisation of consumer representation in the EEC from the 1960s to the 1990s, and connects this development with the way in which EEC institutions conceptualised the consumer interest. It shows that during the 1970s, the emerging structures for consumer governance came with representations of the consumer as a powerless figure vis-à-vis big corporations, reflecting the powerlessness of the structures of consumer governance within the EEC. Although the consumer was portrayed as a pivotal figure in the completion of the internal market from the mid-1980s onward, this increase in power was merely rhetorical, and institutional changes largely cosmetic. All in all, consumer protection governance remained a relatively weak force of social protection within the EEC.","PeriodicalId":53497,"journal":{"name":"Journal of European Integration History","volume":"1 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2020-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"82397118","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2020-01-01DOI: 10.5771/0947-9511-2020-1-43
Alexandre Bibert
Diese Studie betrachtet die Reaktion der wichtigsten italienischen und französischen Gewerkschaftsorganisationen auf die europäische Integration. Obwohl beide Gewerkschaftsbünde demselben internationalen Gewerkschaftsdachverband, der von der kommunistischen Ideologie geprägt war, angegliedert waren, hatten sie, über die erste Ablehnung des Gemeinsamen Marktes hinaus, Schwierigkeiten, aufgrund unterschiedlicher Ansätze, eine Zusammenarbeit herbeizuführen. Der Artikel zeigt, warum und wie sie dazu gebracht wurden, ihre Tätigkeit in den europäischen institutionellen Rahmen einzubetten. Er beleuchtet die Spannungen zwischen beschleunigenden Elementen und den inneren und äußeren Hindernissen, die der Europäisierungsdynamik begegneten. Die Entwicklungen spiegelten den Kontext wider, blieben aber eng mit dem Selbstverständnis und der Weltanschauung der Akteure verflochten. Deren Vorstellungen blieben zwar nicht unveränderlich, waren aber so tief verwurzelt, dass sie zu Friktionen und Kehrtwendungen führten.
{"title":"L’européanisation inattendue: la CGT et la CGIL devant l’intégration européenne (1950-1974)","authors":"Alexandre Bibert","doi":"10.5771/0947-9511-2020-1-43","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.5771/0947-9511-2020-1-43","url":null,"abstract":"Diese Studie betrachtet die Reaktion der wichtigsten italienischen und französischen Gewerkschaftsorganisationen auf die europäische Integration. Obwohl beide Gewerkschaftsbünde demselben internationalen Gewerkschaftsdachverband, der von der kommunistischen Ideologie geprägt war, angegliedert waren, hatten sie, über die erste Ablehnung des Gemeinsamen Marktes hinaus, Schwierigkeiten, aufgrund unterschiedlicher Ansätze, eine Zusammenarbeit herbeizuführen. Der Artikel zeigt, warum und wie sie dazu gebracht wurden, ihre Tätigkeit in den europäischen institutionellen Rahmen einzubetten. Er beleuchtet die Spannungen zwischen beschleunigenden Elementen und den inneren und äußeren Hindernissen, die der Europäisierungsdynamik begegneten. Die Entwicklungen spiegelten den Kontext wider, blieben aber eng mit dem Selbstverständnis und der Weltanschauung der Akteure verflochten. Deren Vorstellungen blieben zwar nicht unveränderlich, waren aber so tief verwurzelt, dass sie zu Friktionen und Kehrtwendungen führten.","PeriodicalId":53497,"journal":{"name":"Journal of European Integration History","volume":"2 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2020-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"77687186","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2020-01-01DOI: 10.5771/0947-9511-2020-1-1
{"title":"Titelei/Inhaltsverzeichnis","authors":"","doi":"10.5771/0947-9511-2020-1-1","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.5771/0947-9511-2020-1-1","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":53497,"journal":{"name":"Journal of European Integration History","volume":"103 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2020-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"80646207","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2020-01-01DOI: 10.5771/0947-9511-2020-2-197
{"title":"Titelei/Inhaltsverzeichnis","authors":"","doi":"10.5771/0947-9511-2020-2-197","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.5771/0947-9511-2020-2-197","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":53497,"journal":{"name":"Journal of European Integration History","volume":"69 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2020-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"84371689","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2020-01-01DOI: 10.5771/0947-9511-2020-1-127
N. Paun
The degree of economic integration attained within Comecon never came close to the one fostered by the policies within the European Economic Community, notably the Common Commercial Policy. Moreover, the relations between the two entities were hindered by the fact that the Moscow-driven bloc fell short of granting recognition to the EEC, with trade relations being organized in the form of bilateral agreements between countries from both sides of the Iron Curtain, until the mid-1970s. This study chiefly relies on Romanian archives, which demonstrate the specific interests of socialist countries pertaining to the fate of their economic agreements with Western states, set against the background of the institutional progress made by the EEC in shaping its Common Commercial Policy. The attempts by the former to sabotage the Community endeavour are explained through figures indicating the amount of trade conducted with Western countries, but various breaches weakened Comecon’s position.
{"title":"The EEC and Comecon: A Difficult Relationship, 1960-1974","authors":"N. Paun","doi":"10.5771/0947-9511-2020-1-127","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.5771/0947-9511-2020-1-127","url":null,"abstract":"The degree of economic integration attained within Comecon never came close to the one fostered by the policies within the European Economic Community, notably the Common Commercial Policy. Moreover, the relations between the two entities were hindered by the fact that the Moscow-driven bloc fell short of granting recognition to the EEC, with trade relations being organized in the form of bilateral agreements between countries from both sides of the Iron Curtain, until the mid-1970s. This study chiefly relies on Romanian archives, which demonstrate the specific interests of socialist countries pertaining to the fate of their economic agreements with Western states, set against the background of the institutional progress made by the EEC in shaping its Common Commercial Policy. The attempts by the former to sabotage the Community endeavour are explained through figures indicating the amount of trade conducted with Western countries, but various breaches weakened Comecon’s position.","PeriodicalId":53497,"journal":{"name":"Journal of European Integration History","volume":"897 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2020-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"77913582","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2020-01-01DOI: 10.5771/0947-9511-2020-2-305
Bernard M. Gordon
This article aims to better define the vectors as well as the objectives of French influence at the European Investment Bank (EIB), a European institution created in 1957 which annually mobilises a volume of funding equivalent to the Commission’s budget. For the main part, French influence was exercised individually, through the French members of the Management Committee as well as the French managers of the Bank, in a context where the French Ministry of Finance, which represents the French government at the Bank’s governing bodies, is sometimes reluctant, often inactive, and exceptionally proactive on new initiatives. Based on visions, models and experiences in which France retained a comparative advantage, this influencewas instrumental in the promotion of key policies in three areas: EIB finances and the promotion of a common currency, the financing of small and medium-sized enterprises and innovation and external mandates (Mediterranean and ACP States in particular). Over the past twenty years, successive enlargements, the erosion of France's comparative advantages and the decline of its linguistic and cultural influence have precipitated, as in the European Commission, the loss of an influence which had really started in the mid-1970s.
{"title":"Du Projet européen à l’Europe des projets: Soixante ans de présence et d’influence françaises à la Banque européenne d’investissement (1958-2018)","authors":"Bernard M. Gordon","doi":"10.5771/0947-9511-2020-2-305","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.5771/0947-9511-2020-2-305","url":null,"abstract":"This article aims to better define the vectors as well as the objectives of French influence at the European Investment Bank (EIB), a European institution created in 1957 which annually mobilises a volume of funding equivalent to the Commission’s budget. For the main part, French influence was exercised individually, through the French members of the Management Committee as well as the French managers of the Bank, in a context where the French Ministry of Finance, which represents the French government at the Bank’s governing bodies, is sometimes reluctant, often inactive, and exceptionally proactive on new initiatives. Based on visions, models and experiences in which France retained a comparative advantage, this influencewas instrumental in the promotion of key policies in three areas: EIB finances and the promotion of a common currency, the financing of small and medium-sized enterprises and innovation and external mandates (Mediterranean and ACP States in particular). Over the past twenty years, successive enlargements, the erosion of France's comparative advantages and the decline of its linguistic and cultural influence have precipitated, as in the European Commission, the loss of an influence which had really started in the mid-1970s.","PeriodicalId":53497,"journal":{"name":"Journal of European Integration History","volume":"17 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2020-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"81737261","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2019-08-04DOI: 10.5771/0947-9511-2019-1-81
Ludovica Marchi
This article explores the EU’s attempts at the ASEAN Regional Forum (ARF) to encourage Myanmar directly, or indirectly via the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN), to connect with security cooperation. It argues that both ASEAN’s assumption of responsibility and Myanmar’s taking on of multilateral security options were linked to the EU’s policy at ARF. In order to demonstrate this, the article provides an historical insight into the EEC/EU’s relations with ASEAN, in 1980, leading to the EU’s participation in the ARF in 1993. It focuses on the EU’s messages at the Forum when the EU and ASEAN co-chaired the ARF meetings. Meetings co-chaired by both were held between 2004 and 2008. The investigation relates to the ARF as to a framework where interactions develop, and uses Cyclone Nargis that ravaged Myanmar in 2008 to assess Myanmar and ASEAN’s conduct. In evaluating Yangon and the Association’s behaviour, the article is helped by explanations provided by social mechanisms, an appropriateness logic and observations derived from interviews conducted in Southeast Asia and Brussels. The article covers the interaction between the EU and Myanmar before the outbreak of the Rohingya crisis, which gave EU policies towards Myanmar a new dimension.
{"title":"The EU Promotion of Security Cooperation in the Non-European World: The Case of ASEAN and Myanmar","authors":"Ludovica Marchi","doi":"10.5771/0947-9511-2019-1-81","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.5771/0947-9511-2019-1-81","url":null,"abstract":"This article explores the EU’s attempts at the ASEAN Regional Forum (ARF) to encourage Myanmar directly, or indirectly via the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN), to connect with security cooperation. It argues that both ASEAN’s assumption of responsibility and Myanmar’s taking on of multilateral security options were linked to the EU’s policy at ARF. In order to demonstrate this, the article provides an historical insight into the EEC/EU’s relations with ASEAN, in 1980, leading to the EU’s participation in the ARF in 1993. It focuses on the EU’s messages at the Forum when the EU and ASEAN co-chaired the ARF meetings. Meetings co-chaired by both were held between 2004 and 2008. The investigation relates to the ARF as to a framework where interactions develop, and uses Cyclone Nargis that ravaged Myanmar in 2008 to assess Myanmar and ASEAN’s conduct. In evaluating Yangon and the Association’s behaviour, the article is helped by explanations provided by social mechanisms, an appropriateness logic and observations derived from interviews conducted in Southeast Asia and Brussels. The article covers the interaction between the EU and Myanmar before the outbreak of the Rohingya crisis, which gave EU policies towards Myanmar a new dimension.","PeriodicalId":53497,"journal":{"name":"Journal of European Integration History","volume":"4 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2019-08-04","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"80850870","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2019-01-01DOI: 10.5771/0947-9511-2019-2-157
{"title":"Titelei/Inhaltsverzeichnis","authors":"","doi":"10.5771/0947-9511-2019-2-157","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.5771/0947-9511-2019-2-157","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":53497,"journal":{"name":"Journal of European Integration History","volume":"1 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2019-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"73199878","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
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