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Abgeordnete ohne Grenzen? Das Europäische Parlament und die Entstehung des Schengener Abkommens 无国界国会议员?欧洲议会制定了《申根协定》
Pub Date : 2022-01-01 DOI: 10.5771/0947-9511-2022-2-247
Bastian Matteo Scianna
This article investigates the long-neglected influence of the European Parliament (EP) in the field of free movement of persons and the abolishment of border controls in the European Community (EC). Since the immediate post-war period, parliamentarians lobbied for a new mobility regime in Europe. In the early years, this was mainly done in the Council of Europe’s (then) Consultative Assembly, before the EC’s fora became more important. By trying to abolish visas, border formalities and controls, the parliamentarians spearheaded initiatives that some member states were also pursuing. The Council’s decision in 1975 to introduce a common format passport was a decisive step and after the direct elections to the EP in 1979, the activism in this field gained traction. Particularly a trio of German members (Karl von Wogau, Dieter Rogalla and Horst Seefeld) and the so-called Kangaroo Group developed effective strategies to spread their ideas and influence policy by including regional, national and supra-national actors as well as their parties and groups in the EP. The years 1981-1984 brought essential changes and lead to the Schengen Agreement in 1985, in which the EP’s role has long been neglected.
本文调查了欧洲议会(EP)在欧洲共同体(EC)人员自由流动和废除边境管制领域长期被忽视的影响。自战后以来,议员们一直在游说欧洲建立一个新的流动性制度。在欧共体的论坛变得更加重要之前,这主要是在欧洲委员会(当时的)协商会议上完成的。通过试图取消签证、边境手续和管制,议员们带头提出了一些成员国也在推行的倡议。理事会在1975年决定引入通用格式护照是决定性的一步,在1979年欧洲议会直接选举之后,这一领域的激进主义获得了牵引力。特别是三个德国成员(卡尔·冯·沃高、迪特尔·罗加拉和霍斯特·塞菲尔德)和所谓的袋鼠集团制定了有效的战略,通过在欧洲议会中包括地区、国家和超国家行动者以及他们的政党和团体,来传播他们的思想和影响政策。1981-1984年带来了根本性的变化,并导致了1985年的《申根协定》(Schengen Agreement),欧洲议会在其中的作用长期被忽视。
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引用次数: 0
The Eurco – An ECU in the making? 欧元——正在形成的欧洲货币单位?
Pub Date : 2022-01-01 DOI: 10.5771/0947-9511-2022-2-293
Bernard K. Gordon
The European Investment Bank (EIB) was the first financial institution to test the markets with bonds denominated in ‘Eurcos’, a basket of all European Community currencies, loosely based on Member Countries’ share of GNP, in September 1973 and January 1974. This article aims to throw light on the circumstances of the creation of the Eurco, and establish EIB’s proactive role in promoting a new European monetary unit. The EIB was successful in raising the resources needed to finance its fast expanding lending activity, in a context of monetary instability. However, despite the fact that the Eurco concept was a precursor to the European Currency Unit (ECU) and was promoted by a prominent European institution, Eurco bond issues had limited influence on the course of events that led to the launch of the ECU, in 1979. The Eurco nonetheless helped consolidate EIB’s reputation as a ‘market-maker’ on the international financial markets, and prepared it to play a role in the creation of financial instruments for the promotion of the ECU.
欧洲投资银行(EIB)是第一个在1973年9月和1974年1月以“欧元共同体”计价债券测试市场的金融机构,“欧元共同体”是一篮子欧洲共同体货币,松散地基于成员国在国民生产总值中所占的份额。本文旨在阐明创建欧元的情况,并确立欧洲投资银行在推动新的欧洲货币单位方面的积极作用。在货币不稳定的背景下,欧洲投资银行成功地筹集到了为其快速扩张的贷款活动融资所需的资源。然而,尽管欧元共同体的概念是欧洲货币单位(ECU)的前身,并且是由一个著名的欧洲机构推动的,但欧元共同体债券发行对导致1979年欧洲货币单位推出的事件进程的影响有限。尽管如此,欧元组织还是帮助巩固了欧洲投资银行在国际金融市场上作为“做市商”的声誉,并为其在创建金融工具以推广欧洲货币单位方面发挥作用做好了准备。
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引用次数: 0
Danes Say No – and Yes: The Maastricht Referendum and its Legacy 丹麦人说“不”和“是”:马斯特里赫特公投及其遗产
Pub Date : 2022-01-01 DOI: 10.5771/0947-9511-2022-1-101
T. Olesen
When its voters turned down the Maastricht Treaty in 1992, Denmark became the first among today’s EU member states to cast a No vote in a referendum on Euro‐ pean integration. With nine such votes, Denmark has held more referendums on EC/EU matters than any country bar Ireland. Of these, six have resulted in a Yes, while three have produced a No. This article analyses and discusses the role of referendums in Danish EU polit‐ ics and their impact, both in the short and long term, on how Danish EU policy is formulated and conducted. It focuses on the so-called Maastricht-Edinburgh inter‐ mezzo of 1992-1993, namely the process related to the two referendums which re‐ jected Danish accession to the European Union and paved the way for membership on an opt-out basis. The article will further turn its eye towards the European level to view how the Maastricht-Edinburgh intermezzo influenced and set an example for EC/EU politics and policy at the broader European level. In this way, the article may be seen as an apt prelude to the 50-year anniversary of Denmark’s member‐ ship of the EC/EU due to be celebrated - or regretted - in 2022.
1992年,丹麦选民否决了《马斯特里赫特条约》(Maastricht Treaty),成为当今欧盟成员国中第一个对欧洲一体化公投投反对票的国家。丹麦举行了9次这样的公投,是除爱尔兰以外,就欧共体/欧盟事务举行公投最多的国家。其中,6个投票结果是赞成,3个投票结果是反对。本文分析和讨论了公投在丹麦欧盟政治中的作用,以及它们对丹麦欧盟政策如何制定和实施的短期和长期影响。它的重点是1992-1993年所谓的马斯特里赫特-爱丁堡间期,即与两次公民投票有关的进程,这两次公民投票拒绝了丹麦加入欧盟,并为丹麦选择退出欧盟铺平了道路。本文将进一步将目光转向欧洲层面,以了解马斯特里赫特-爱丁堡插曲如何影响并为欧共体/欧盟在更广泛的欧洲层面的政治和政策树立榜样。这样看来,这篇文章可能被视为丹麦加入欧共体/欧盟50周年纪念日的恰当前奏,而丹麦加入欧共体/欧盟50周年纪念日将在2022年庆祝——或者后悔。
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引用次数: 0
Achieving a Shared Consensus: the Delors Committee and the Relaunch of the EMU Process 达成共同共识:德洛尔委员会与重新启动欧洲货币联盟进程
Pub Date : 2022-01-01 DOI: 10.5771/0947-9511-2022-2-313
Marco Vianelli
The Madrid European Council of 26-27 June 1989, where the twelve heads of state of the EEC officially approved the Delors Report and formally launched the EMU process, marked the emergence of a new consensus towards European institutional innovations. This paper, based mainly on previously unseen documents from the Tommaso Padoa-Schioppa personal archives held at the Historical Archives of the European Union, analyses the two-years path that brought to this result. In early 1988, a French and Italian challenge to the European monetary system in place, through the publication of two memorandums, launched an international debate alimented by both national and supranational actors that led to the creation of the Delors Committee in June 1988. Developed from September 1988 to April 1989, its activity made it possible for the EC members to identify and define the fundamental elements of a monetary union and to outline a three-stage path for its realisation.
1989年6月26日至27日在马德里举行的欧洲理事会上,欧洲经济共同体的12个国家元首正式批准了德洛尔报告,并正式启动了欧洲货币联盟进程,这标志着对欧洲制度创新的新共识的出现。本文主要基于欧盟历史档案馆保存的托马索·帕多亚-斯基奥帕个人档案中以前未见过的文件,分析了两年来带来这一结果的路径。1988年初,法国和意大利通过发表两份备忘录对欧洲货币体系提出了挑战,引发了一场国际辩论,得到了国家和超国家行动者的支持,并于1988年6月成立了德洛尔委员会。它从1988年9月发展到1989年4月,其活动使欧共体成员能够确定和确定货币联盟的基本要素,并概述了实现货币联盟的三个阶段的道路。
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引用次数: 0
“It’s the economy, stupid”: Changing Irish minds on the Lisbon Treaty “这是经济问题,笨蛋”:改变爱尔兰人对里斯本条约的看法
Pub Date : 2022-01-01 DOI: 10.5771/0947-9511-2022-1-123
Mervyn O’Driscoll
Ireland was Europeanised as part of a pragmatic top-down policy of modernisation. The national bargain with regional integration was built on soft Europeanism and rudimentary knowledge about the “ever closer union”. By the 21st century the vir‐ tuous Irish-EU narrative was weakening. Multiple domestic factors contributed. They included political fragmentation, affluence, and constitutional constrictions on the government’s conduct during referendum campaigns. Complacency, dis‐ traction, and an energetic single-issue party (Libertas) were some of the immediate causes of the defeat of Lisbon in 2008. The legitimacy of the first Lisbon referen‐ dum was undercut in an extended post-mortem that laid bare the electorate’s lack of knowledge. The negotiation of guarantees to ameliorate concerns about some national sacred cows and clarify misapprehensions played a crucial part in the ap‐ proach to the second referendum. However, the Global Financial Crisis was paramount. It invigorated the conventional narrative that full EU membership was axiomatic to Ireland’s continued economic and fiscal health.
作为务实的自上而下的现代化政策的一部分,爱尔兰被欧洲化了。国家与区域一体化的交易建立在软欧洲主义和对“日益紧密的联盟”的基本认识之上。到了21世纪,爱尔兰-欧盟的邪恶叙事正在减弱。多重国内因素起了作用。这些因素包括政治分裂、富裕以及宪法对政府在公投期间行为的限制。自满、疏离和充满活力的单一议题政党(自由自由党)是2008年里斯本公投失败的直接原因。第一次《里斯本条约》公投的合法性在冗长的事后分析中遭到削弱,暴露出选民对该条约缺乏了解。谈判保证,以减轻对一些国家神圣不可侵犯的问题的担忧,并澄清误解,在第二次公投中发挥了至关重要的作用。然而,全球金融危机是最重要的。它重振了一种传统说法,即欧盟成员国身份对爱尔兰持续的经济和财政健康是理所当然的。
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引用次数: 0
Centre Stage: Ken Collins, the European Parliament, and Environmental Policy, 1979-1989 中心舞台:肯·柯林斯、欧洲议会与环境政策,1979-1989
Pub Date : 2022-01-01 DOI: 10.5771/0947-9511-2022-2-225
W. King
Environmental policies and politics are an important component of European integration history, yet they remain underexplored. They were sources of conflict, contestation, and alternative visions and had a profound impact on the history of European integration. This article offers an analysis of the role played by key individuals at a time when the European Parliament’s power was increasing. It also uses the experiences of Ken Collins, the first Chair of the directly elected Environment Committee, as a lens through which to view the increasing importance attached to environmental issues at the Community level.
环境政策和政治是欧洲一体化历史的重要组成部分,但它们仍未得到充分探索。它们是冲突、争论和不同观点的根源,对欧洲一体化的历史产生了深远的影响。本文分析了当欧洲议会的权力不断增加时,关键人物所扮演的角色。它还利用直接选举产生的环境委员会第一任主席肯·柯林斯的经验,作为观察社区一级对环境问题日益重视的一个镜头。
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引用次数: 0
Reconciliation in Resignation: The 2015 Greek Referendum on the Lenders’ Conditions 辞职中的和解:2015年希腊对债权人条件的公投
Pub Date : 2022-01-01 DOI: 10.5771/0947-9511-2022-1-147
Korinna Schönhärl
On 5 July 2015, the Greek voters were presented with a referendum on the austeri‐ ty policy that the European institutions demanded Greece should implement. Over 60% answered “No”, a vote that, however, the Greek government of then Prime Minister Alexis Tsipras did not act according to this outcome. The paper argues that the memorandum nonetheless revealed a consensus among the Greeks that their country should remain a member of the eurozone and the European Union. It therefore contributed to a resigned conciliation of contrary societal forces under catastrophic economic conditions. The paper develops this hypothesis by analysing the political and economic circumstances of the referendum and the national re‐ membrance culture which was activated during the referendum’s campaign. In ad‐ dition, possible motives that led to Tsipras’ government proclaiming the referen‐ dum are discussed, especially in the field of party politics. The question of consti‐ tutionality is also discussed, as is the renewed victory of SYRIZA in the parliamen‐ tary elections in September 2015.
2015年7月5日,希腊选民就欧洲机构要求希腊实施的紧缩政策举行了公投。超过60%的人回答“不”,然而,当时的总理亚历克西斯·齐普拉斯(Alexis Tsipras)领导的希腊政府并没有根据这一结果采取行动。该报认为,尽管如此,这份备忘录还是揭示了希腊人的共识,即希腊应该继续留在欧元区和欧盟(eu)。因此,在灾难性的经济条件下,它促成了对立社会力量的顺从和解。本文通过分析公投的政治和经济环境以及在公投运动期间激活的国家纪念文化来发展这一假设。此外,本文还讨论了导致齐普拉斯政府宣布全民公决的可能动机,特别是在政党政治领域。文中还讨论了合宪性问题,以及激进左翼联盟在2015年9月议会选举中再次获胜的问题。
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引用次数: 0
A Transatlantic Partnership for European Recovery: The Monnet Plan (1941-1946) 跨大西洋伙伴关系促进欧洲复苏:莫内计划(1941-1946)
Pub Date : 2022-01-01 DOI: 10.5771/0947-9511-2022-2-205
Enrico Ciappi
Der Beitrag liefert eine neue Interpretation zum Monnet Plan und seiner theoretischen Grundlagen im Kontext transatlantischer Beziehungen der 1940er Jahre. Ausgehend von mehreren unbekannten amerikanischen und europäischen Dokumenten stellt er eine Kausalitätsverbindung zwischen der Diplomatie des Zweiten Weltkriegs und derjenigen der Anfänge des Kalten Krieges her. Die bedeutende amerikanische Expertengruppe des Council on Foreign Relations (CFR) hatte eng mit Jean Monnet an der interalliierten Koordinierung mitgearbeitet, später dann an der Entwicklung des Monnet Plans. Aus dieser Perspektive reiht sich das Team um Monnet in ein transatlantisches Politiknetzwerk ein, in dem der Fordismus, der Funktionalismus und der Föderalismus als Grundpfeiler des Wiederaufbaus und der europäischen Integration eine überragende Rolle spielten.
这篇文章为19世纪40年代的跨大西洋关系提供了新的解释。根据一些来自美国和欧洲的未知文件,他建立了第二次世界大战外交与冷战早期的外交之间的因果关系。美国外交关系委员会重要的专家小组在同盟国协调机制上与让·莫内密切合作,然后进一步努力发展莫内计划。在这种观点下,莫奈已经进入了一个跨大西洋政治网络,在这个网络中,改革主义、功能主义和联邦制是重建和欧洲一体化的基石。
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引用次数: 0
Aspects and Foreword to the Special Issue on Comparative Referendum Studies in EC and EU Member States 欧共体和欧盟成员国比较公民投票研究特刊的内容和前言
Pub Date : 2022-01-01 DOI: 10.5771/0947-9511-2022-1-5
M. Gehler
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引用次数: 0
Don’t Think Twice, It’s All Right? A Historical Comparison of the 1975 and 2016 British Referendums 别再犹豫了,没事的?1975年和2016年英国公投的历史比较
Pub Date : 2022-01-01 DOI: 10.5771/0947-9511-2022-1-37
Mathias Häussler
The article offers a detailed comparison of the 1975 and 2016 British referendums in light of the larger debates surrounding Britain’s relationship with European inte‐ gration. Rather than depicting ‘Brexit’ as the likely, or even inevitable, outcome of British European policy since 1945, it situates both referendums in their respective historical contexts, showing how each one was highly contingent and should be un‐ derstood against the particular background of its time. Yet the article also identifies some broader structural similarities and longer-term continuities, such as the paramount importance of domestic politics, and the lack of a clearly articulated ra‐ tionale for EC/EU membership in the British political discourse. In the end, both referendums were decided by dynamics that stretched far beyond the question of EC/EU membership, highlighting both the general rise of Euroscepticism since the 1990s and some distinct British particularities.
鉴于围绕英国与欧洲一体化关系的更大争论,本文对1975年和2016年的英国公投进行了详细的比较。它没有将“脱欧”描述为1945年以来英国欧洲政策的可能结果,甚至是不可避免的结果,而是将两次公投置于各自的历史背景中,展示了每一次公投都是如何高度偶然的,应该在其特定的时代背景下加以理解。然而,本文也指出了一些更广泛的结构上的相似性和长期的连续性,例如国内政治的至高无上的重要性,以及在英国政治话语中缺乏明确阐述欧共体/欧盟成员国身份的合理性。最终,决定这两次公投的因素远远超出了欧共体/欧盟成员国身份的问题,突显了自上世纪90年代以来欧洲怀疑主义的普遍抬头,以及英国的一些独特之处。
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引用次数: 0
期刊
Journal of European Integration History
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