{"title":"Notabilia Super Metaphysicam by Giorgio Pini (review)","authors":"W. Crozier","doi":"10.1353/frc.2018.0013","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1353/frc.2018.0013","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":53533,"journal":{"name":"Franciscan Studies","volume":"76 1","pages":"373 - 378"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2018-11-16","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.1353/frc.2018.0013","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"43185525","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
{"title":"In the Mirror of the Prodigal Son: The Pastoral Uses of a Biblical Narrative (c. 1200-1550) by Pietro Delcorno (review)","authors":"Robert J. Karris","doi":"10.1353/FRC.2018.0014","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1353/FRC.2018.0014","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":53533,"journal":{"name":"Franciscan Studies","volume":"76 1","pages":"379 - 381"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2018-11-16","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.1353/FRC.2018.0014","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"45120403","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Early 2018, while trying to address one of the many deficiencies in the Franciscan Authors internet catalogue,2 my attention was drawn towards a peculiar English study and source translation of the Flagellum daemonum, a treatise written by the sixteenth-century Observant Franciscan Girolamo Menghi.3 Almost immediately afterwards, I came across a German translation of and commentary on both the Flagellum daemonum and the Fustis daemonum by the same author.4 According to the makers of these modern translations, they aim to make the works of one of Europe’s most famous sixteenth-century exorcists and possibly the most successful writer of exorcism manuals who ever existed, available for a wider scholarly audience. Looking for corroboration of this verdict in a number of modern studies on demonic possession and exorcism, it quickly became apparent that Girolamo Menghi figures prominently in the present-day scholarly discourse on the development of exorcism and demonology during the late medieval, renaissance and early modern period.5 Moreover, alongside
{"title":"Demonic Possession and the Practice of Exorcism: An exploration of the Franciscan legacy","authors":"B. Roest","doi":"10.1353/FRC.2018.0010","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1353/FRC.2018.0010","url":null,"abstract":"Early 2018, while trying to address one of the many deficiencies in the Franciscan Authors internet catalogue,2 my attention was drawn towards a peculiar English study and source translation of the Flagellum daemonum, a treatise written by the sixteenth-century Observant Franciscan Girolamo Menghi.3 Almost immediately afterwards, I came across a German translation of and commentary on both the Flagellum daemonum and the Fustis daemonum by the same author.4 According to the makers of these modern translations, they aim to make the works of one of Europe’s most famous sixteenth-century exorcists and possibly the most successful writer of exorcism manuals who ever existed, available for a wider scholarly audience. Looking for corroboration of this verdict in a number of modern studies on demonic possession and exorcism, it quickly became apparent that Girolamo Menghi figures prominently in the present-day scholarly discourse on the development of exorcism and demonology during the late medieval, renaissance and early modern period.5 Moreover, alongside","PeriodicalId":53533,"journal":{"name":"Franciscan Studies","volume":"76 1","pages":"301 - 340"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2018-11-16","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.1353/FRC.2018.0010","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"42310344","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Abstract:Bonaventure asserts in his Sentences commentary that Adam was created without sanctifying grace, a point noted by Christopher Cullen and John Milbank. However, he does not advert to this claim in the Breviloquium, Itinerarium Mentis, and Disputed Questions on the Knowledge of Christ, and his theology as a whole is more consistent with the position that Adam was created in the state of grace. The similarities between Bonaventure's Sentences commentary and the Summa Fratris Alexandris lend credence to this argument; in his early work Bonaventure followed the established expert, but he did not defend the inherited position in his later works, where his theology of the human end points towards a single supernatural end. Created good and ordered to his supernatural end, Adam's creation in grace puts Bonaventure in tension with Cullen's development of Bonaventure's theological anthropology.
摘要：博纳文特尔在他的《句子》评论中断言，亚当是在没有神圣恩典的情况下创造的，克里斯托弗·卡伦和约翰·米尔班克指出了这一点。然而，他在Breviloquium、Itinerarium Mentis和关于基督知识的争议问题中并没有注意到这一说法，他的神学作为一个整体更符合亚当是在恩典状态下被创造的立场。博纳文特尔的《句子》评论与亚历山大的《Fratris Summa Alexandris》之间的相似之处为这一论点提供了证据；在他的早期作品中，博纳文图拉遵循了既定的专家，但他并没有在后来的作品中捍卫继承的地位，在他的作品中，他对人类终结的神学指向一个单一的超自然终结。亚当被创造得很好，并被命令达到超自然的目的，他在恩典中的创造使博纳文图拉与库伦对博纳文图拉神学人类学的发展产生了紧张关系。
{"title":"Bonaventure on Habitual Grace in Adam: A Change of Heart on Nature and Grace?","authors":"K. Jones","doi":"10.1353/FRC.2018.0002","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1353/FRC.2018.0002","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract:Bonaventure asserts in his Sentences commentary that Adam was created without sanctifying grace, a point noted by Christopher Cullen and John Milbank. However, he does not advert to this claim in the Breviloquium, Itinerarium Mentis, and Disputed Questions on the Knowledge of Christ, and his theology as a whole is more consistent with the position that Adam was created in the state of grace. The similarities between Bonaventure's Sentences commentary and the Summa Fratris Alexandris lend credence to this argument; in his early work Bonaventure followed the established expert, but he did not defend the inherited position in his later works, where his theology of the human end points towards a single supernatural end. Created good and ordered to his supernatural end, Adam's creation in grace puts Bonaventure in tension with Cullen's development of Bonaventure's theological anthropology.","PeriodicalId":53533,"journal":{"name":"Franciscan Studies","volume":"76 1","pages":"39 - 66"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2018-11-16","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.1353/FRC.2018.0002","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"43571304","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
This is a story about a single letter and its circulation. It began as a letter addressed to an unnamed nun in France in the mid-twelfth century, and made its way into a vita of a Franciscan holy woman in Italy in the late thirteenth century. The letter was composed by Arnulf, the bishop of Lisieux from 1141 to 1181. Arnulf later included it in the various collections of his letters that he prepared for publication. Although transmission of Arnulf ’s letter in Italy was very minimal, it somehow got into the hands of Stefania, a member of the Sorores minores inclusae at San Silvestro in Capite (Rome), and it became part of her story about the founder of her community, Margherita Colonna. From Arnulf ’s hand to Stefania’s, the letter was transformed to meet the needs of widely disparate audiences. The outlines of the life of Arnulf of Lisieux are fairly well established. He had prepared for the clerical life, beginning his education by 1122 in Sées. Thereafter, his higher education can only be indirectly traced, with evidence that he studied at Chartres, Rome or Bologna (in 1133), and Paris.2 As bishop of Lisieux, he was involved in many of the political and ecclesiastical conflicts of the mid-twelfth century. In addition to his letters, which have been mined for evidence about the papal schism of 1159, the confrontation between Henry II and Thomas Becket, and the succession politics surrounding Henry II, Arnulf also composed a series of sermons, a collection of poems, and a polemical tract addressing the papal schism.3 Among Arnulf ’s 140 letters, only one was addressed to
{"title":"From Arnulf of Lisieux to Stefania of San Silvestro: A 12th-Century Letter and Its Hagiographic Afterlife","authors":"A. Clark","doi":"10.1353/FRC.2018.0001","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1353/FRC.2018.0001","url":null,"abstract":"This is a story about a single letter and its circulation. It began as a letter addressed to an unnamed nun in France in the mid-twelfth century, and made its way into a vita of a Franciscan holy woman in Italy in the late thirteenth century. The letter was composed by Arnulf, the bishop of Lisieux from 1141 to 1181. Arnulf later included it in the various collections of his letters that he prepared for publication. Although transmission of Arnulf ’s letter in Italy was very minimal, it somehow got into the hands of Stefania, a member of the Sorores minores inclusae at San Silvestro in Capite (Rome), and it became part of her story about the founder of her community, Margherita Colonna. From Arnulf ’s hand to Stefania’s, the letter was transformed to meet the needs of widely disparate audiences. The outlines of the life of Arnulf of Lisieux are fairly well established. He had prepared for the clerical life, beginning his education by 1122 in Sées. Thereafter, his higher education can only be indirectly traced, with evidence that he studied at Chartres, Rome or Bologna (in 1133), and Paris.2 As bishop of Lisieux, he was involved in many of the political and ecclesiastical conflicts of the mid-twelfth century. In addition to his letters, which have been mined for evidence about the papal schism of 1159, the confrontation between Henry II and Thomas Becket, and the succession politics surrounding Henry II, Arnulf also composed a series of sermons, a collection of poems, and a polemical tract addressing the papal schism.3 Among Arnulf ’s 140 letters, only one was addressed to","PeriodicalId":53533,"journal":{"name":"Franciscan Studies","volume":"76 1","pages":"23 - 37"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2018-11-16","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.1353/FRC.2018.0001","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"44212346","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
{"title":"Eschatology and Discernment of Spirits: The Impact of Peter of John Olivi's Remedia contra Temptationes Spirituales (14th-15th Centuries)","authors":"M. Lodone","doi":"10.1353/FRC.2018.0009","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1353/FRC.2018.0009","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":53533,"journal":{"name":"Franciscan Studies","volume":"76 1","pages":"287 - 300"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2018-11-16","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.1353/FRC.2018.0009","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"43227258","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Abstract:This article focuses on aspects of the early interaction between the Franciscan friars and the indigenous people of Mexico. The most appropriate name for the natives of the Valley of Mexico is contentious and confused by the fact that scholars frequently refer to the Azteca, the Mexica and the Nahua interchangeably. According to Durán, in the tenth and eleventh centuries waves of Aztecs or Azteca, having left their ancestral home in Aztlán, moved down into the region of the Lake Texcoco. Here they quickly established themselves, building up an empire in the period immediately preceding the arrival of the Franciscans. Despite the fact that there were up to fifty semi-autonomous, self-governing states, each with its own language, the Nahua and their language Nahuátl became the dominant tribe and their language became the chief language of Franciscan evangelism around the Lake Texcoco. Thus it seems reasonable, for the purpose of this article, which deals with a drama written in Nahuàtl, to refer to the Nahua or, where appropriate, to the generic Azteca.The article explores ambiguities in the relations and interpretations of the Christian message in the early period of conquest and evangelisation; it suggests that there was a greater degree of mutual accommodation than has been previously recognised and that the friars in their relations with the Nahua were changed, as the Nahua were by their contact with the friars. Consequently, the classical subaltern/dominant interpretation should be viewed in a different light as an experience of adjustment, uneasy at times, fruitful at others, between two vastly different yet strangely similar cultures. These ambiguities are explored in detail in one of the most curiously 'alternative' autos La conversión de San Pablo, where Paul is accused of murdering Sebastian rather than Stephen and the whole text is overlaid with Aztec cultural and religious references, so that the Christian message and the native interpretation sit side by side in an almost symbiotic relationship or a curious truce.Resumen:Este artículo tiene dos objetivos. En primer lugar, intenta mostrar que el proceso de aculturación franciscana en México en el siglo XV1 era menos lineal y más flexible que antes considerado: en efecto, que los frailes aprendieron tanto de los Aztecas como los Aztecas aprendieron de ellos.En segundo lugar, toma como ejemplo de este proceso mutuo, los autos sacramentales asombrosos. Considera en particular el auto 'alternativo' La Conversión de San Pablo donde, no solo San Pablo se encontró acusado del asesinato de San Sebastian, en lugar de San Esteban, sino también era expulsado al Infierno por crímenes de avaricia y riquesa ostentosa. Así en este auto las dos culturas, Azteca y Francesca, se sentan una al lado del otra, cada una conservando su integridad.
摘要:本文关注方济会修士与墨西哥原住民早期互动的各个方面。对于墨西哥山谷的土著居民来说，最合适的名字是有争议的，因为学者们经常把阿兹特克人、墨西卡人和纳瓦人混为一谈。根据Durán的说法，在10世纪和11世纪，阿兹特克人或阿兹特克人的浪潮离开了他们在Aztlán的祖先家园，来到了特克斯科湖地区。在这里，他们迅速建立了自己，在方济各会到来之前建立了一个帝国。尽管有多达五十个半自治，自治的州，每个州都有自己的语言，纳华人和他们的语言Nahuátl成为了主要的部落，他们的语言成为了方济各会在特克斯科科湖周围传教的主要语言。因此，就本文的目的而言，这似乎是合理的，这篇文章涉及Nahuàtl写的戏剧，指的是纳瓦人，或者，在适当的情况下，指的是一般的阿兹特克人。本文探讨了早期征服和传福音时期基督教信息的关系和解释的模糊性;这表明，他们之间的相互迁就程度比之前认为的要大得多，修士与纳华人的关系也发生了变化，就像纳华人通过与修士的接触而发生的变化一样。因此，经典的次等/主导解释应该从不同的角度来看待，它是一种适应的经历，有时令人不安，有时又富有成效，在两种截然不同但又奇怪地相似的文化之间。这些歧义在最奇怪的“另类”小说La conversión de San Pablo中得到了详细的探讨，保罗被指控谋杀了塞巴斯蒂安，而不是斯蒂芬，整个文本都被阿兹特克文化和宗教参考所掩盖，因此基督教的信息和当地的解释并排在一种几乎共生的关系中，或者是一种奇怪的休战。简历:Este artículo tiene dos objtivos。En primer lugar, intenta moenta que el proco de aculturación franciscana En mxxico En el siglo XV1时代的menos线性地通过más灵活的que antes考虑:En effect, que los fatires aprendieron tanto de los Aztecas como los Aztecas aprendieron de ello。在第二种情况下，如果你想要吃糖，你就得先吃点东西，然后再吃点东西。尤其要考虑到el auto ' alternative ' La Conversión de San Pablo donde, no solo San Pablo se encontró acusado del asesinato de San Sebastian, en lugar de San Esteban, sino - tamambien - acusado del asesinasinado fernandez fernandez crímenes de avaricia y riquesa osttosa。Así en este auto las dos culas, Azteca and Francesca, se sentan and unal lado del otra, cada una conservando su integridas。
{"title":"New light on the road to Damascus? Some further thoughts on acculturation as seen in the auto La Conversión de San Pablo","authors":"P. Reilly","doi":"10.1353/FRC.2018.0011","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1353/FRC.2018.0011","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract:This article focuses on aspects of the early interaction between the Franciscan friars and the indigenous people of Mexico. The most appropriate name for the natives of the Valley of Mexico is contentious and confused by the fact that scholars frequently refer to the Azteca, the Mexica and the Nahua interchangeably. According to Durán, in the tenth and eleventh centuries waves of Aztecs or Azteca, having left their ancestral home in Aztlán, moved down into the region of the Lake Texcoco. Here they quickly established themselves, building up an empire in the period immediately preceding the arrival of the Franciscans. Despite the fact that there were up to fifty semi-autonomous, self-governing states, each with its own language, the Nahua and their language Nahuátl became the dominant tribe and their language became the chief language of Franciscan evangelism around the Lake Texcoco. Thus it seems reasonable, for the purpose of this article, which deals with a drama written in Nahuàtl, to refer to the Nahua or, where appropriate, to the generic Azteca.The article explores ambiguities in the relations and interpretations of the Christian message in the early period of conquest and evangelisation; it suggests that there was a greater degree of mutual accommodation than has been previously recognised and that the friars in their relations with the Nahua were changed, as the Nahua were by their contact with the friars. Consequently, the classical subaltern/dominant interpretation should be viewed in a different light as an experience of adjustment, uneasy at times, fruitful at others, between two vastly different yet strangely similar cultures. These ambiguities are explored in detail in one of the most curiously 'alternative' autos La conversión de San Pablo, where Paul is accused of murdering Sebastian rather than Stephen and the whole text is overlaid with Aztec cultural and religious references, so that the Christian message and the native interpretation sit side by side in an almost symbiotic relationship or a curious truce.Resumen:Este artículo tiene dos objetivos. En primer lugar, intenta mostrar que el proceso de aculturación franciscana en México en el siglo XV1 era menos lineal y más flexible que antes considerado: en efecto, que los frailes aprendieron tanto de los Aztecas como los Aztecas aprendieron de ellos.En segundo lugar, toma como ejemplo de este proceso mutuo, los autos sacramentales asombrosos. Considera en particular el auto 'alternativo' La Conversión de San Pablo donde, no solo San Pablo se encontró acusado del asesinato de San Sebastian, en lugar de San Esteban, sino también era expulsado al Infierno por crímenes de avaricia y riquesa ostentosa. Así en este auto las dos culturas, Azteca y Francesca, se sentan una al lado del otra, cada una conservando su integridad.","PeriodicalId":53533,"journal":{"name":"Franciscan Studies","volume":"76 1","pages":"341 - 358"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2018-11-16","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.1353/FRC.2018.0011","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"45517550","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Franciscan thought in the 1300’s, starting with Duns Scotus, is quite a revolution in terms of a shift to relying on sensory and phenomenal experience in the construction of cognitive theories.1 However, we do not yet understand the full extent of its convergence with modern and contemporary thought. In what follows, we intend to advance this understanding. The experiential tendency in early fourteenth-century thought is undermined by a Cartesian-style doubt about the reliability of sensory perception and phenomenal experience that stems from the 63rd proposition of the Condemnations of 1277, which rejects the thesis that “God cannot produce the effect of a secondary cause without the secondary cause itself ”:2 a position frequently repeated by the authors discussed below. The position implies that all of our sensory and phenomenal experiences at least in principle could exist without any real things standing behind them. The issue of the status of phenomenal appearances, or the results of sensory perception or operation of other mental faculties that project a picture of what is interpreted variously as “reality,” “external world,” etc., is not new. It is raised in the Hindu and Buddhist thought long before Greek thought. Descriptions of hallucinations, visual illusions, and altered mental states abound, such as a rope appearing as a snake or one’s phenomenal field being colored yellow or red from a diseased condition
{"title":"The Status of the Phenomenal Appearance of the Sensory in Fourteenth-century Franciscan Thought after Duns Scotus (Peter Aureol to Adam of Wodeham)","authors":"O. Bychkov","doi":"10.1353/FRC.2018.0008","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1353/FRC.2018.0008","url":null,"abstract":"Franciscan thought in the 1300’s, starting with Duns Scotus, is quite a revolution in terms of a shift to relying on sensory and phenomenal experience in the construction of cognitive theories.1 However, we do not yet understand the full extent of its convergence with modern and contemporary thought. In what follows, we intend to advance this understanding. The experiential tendency in early fourteenth-century thought is undermined by a Cartesian-style doubt about the reliability of sensory perception and phenomenal experience that stems from the 63rd proposition of the Condemnations of 1277, which rejects the thesis that “God cannot produce the effect of a secondary cause without the secondary cause itself ”:2 a position frequently repeated by the authors discussed below. The position implies that all of our sensory and phenomenal experiences at least in principle could exist without any real things standing behind them. The issue of the status of phenomenal appearances, or the results of sensory perception or operation of other mental faculties that project a picture of what is interpreted variously as “reality,” “external world,” etc., is not new. It is raised in the Hindu and Buddhist thought long before Greek thought. Descriptions of hallucinations, visual illusions, and altered mental states abound, such as a rope appearing as a snake or one’s phenomenal field being colored yellow or red from a diseased condition","PeriodicalId":53533,"journal":{"name":"Franciscan Studies","volume":"76 1","pages":"267 - 285"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2018-11-16","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.1353/FRC.2018.0008","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"42128337","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
The following essays focus on one of the most important figures in the religious history of the later middle ages. Giovanni of Capestrano is in one sense familiar to many, above all to scholars and students of Franciscan history. The story of the friar from Abruzzo, one of the ‘four pillars’ of the Observance, appears in every standard account of the Order’s history: his career as a jurist, his conversion and tutelage under Bernardino, his fierce advocacy for the Observants, his long preaching tour north of the Alps and his role in the crusade of 1456. And for centuries that story has been the subject of progressively more refined scholarship, from Luke Wadding in the seventeenth century to Johannes Hofer and Ottokar Bonmann in the twentieth. Some of the best has appeared in the last generation, including important conference proceedings and essays in the 1980s and 1990s. But momentum and focus have increased in the last decade in particular, as scholars from Italy, France, Germany, Poland, Hungary, and Romania have turned to Giovanni with renewed focus and interest. Yet in the Anglophone tradition of studies on the Franciscan Order, to which the journal Franciscan Studies has long been central, Capestrano remains by turns relatively neglected, misread, or misunderstood. He remains a challenging, enigmatic, and overall difficult figure who can be subject to widely divergent, even contradictory interpretations. The sources for access to his life and work, in contrast to other Franciscan figures, remain very difficult to access. And overall his story, perhaps along with that of the Observants generally, may seem too ‘late’ for scholars interested in Francesco d’Assisi and his followers, or the ‘golden age’ of the Order. Whatever the reasons, the fact remains: despite the great scholarly energy devoted to Giovanni in recent years, we still have relatively little English-language scholarship on this important figure, and in comparison to his contemporaries he remains marginal in Anglophone histories of the religious history of his era. In an effort to remedy that neglect, and to add to the few but significant studies on Capestrano that have appeared previously in Franciscan
{"title":"Essays on Giovanni of Capestrano Preface","authors":"J. Mixson, B. Roest","doi":"10.1353/frc.2017.0000","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1353/frc.2017.0000","url":null,"abstract":"The following essays focus on one of the most important figures in the religious history of the later middle ages. Giovanni of Capestrano is in one sense familiar to many, above all to scholars and students of Franciscan history. The story of the friar from Abruzzo, one of the ‘four pillars’ of the Observance, appears in every standard account of the Order’s history: his career as a jurist, his conversion and tutelage under Bernardino, his fierce advocacy for the Observants, his long preaching tour north of the Alps and his role in the crusade of 1456. And for centuries that story has been the subject of progressively more refined scholarship, from Luke Wadding in the seventeenth century to Johannes Hofer and Ottokar Bonmann in the twentieth. Some of the best has appeared in the last generation, including important conference proceedings and essays in the 1980s and 1990s. But momentum and focus have increased in the last decade in particular, as scholars from Italy, France, Germany, Poland, Hungary, and Romania have turned to Giovanni with renewed focus and interest. Yet in the Anglophone tradition of studies on the Franciscan Order, to which the journal Franciscan Studies has long been central, Capestrano remains by turns relatively neglected, misread, or misunderstood. He remains a challenging, enigmatic, and overall difficult figure who can be subject to widely divergent, even contradictory interpretations. The sources for access to his life and work, in contrast to other Franciscan figures, remain very difficult to access. And overall his story, perhaps along with that of the Observants generally, may seem too ‘late’ for scholars interested in Francesco d’Assisi and his followers, or the ‘golden age’ of the Order. Whatever the reasons, the fact remains: despite the great scholarly energy devoted to Giovanni in recent years, we still have relatively little English-language scholarship on this important figure, and in comparison to his contemporaries he remains marginal in Anglophone histories of the religious history of his era. In an effort to remedy that neglect, and to add to the few but significant studies on Capestrano that have appeared previously in Franciscan","PeriodicalId":53533,"journal":{"name":"Franciscan Studies","volume":"75 1","pages":"1 - 3"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2017-11-17","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.1353/frc.2017.0000","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"41419225","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
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