This article explores the presence and function of texts by two spokesmen of the Franciscan Observance sub vicaris, namely Giovanni of Capestrano (d. 1456) and Jan Brugman (d. 1473), within a religious miscellany most probably used – if not composed – by the Brothers of the Common Life in the house of Lüchtenhof (literally, ‘the court of light’), founded in 1440 in the neighbourhood of Hildesheim, Lower Saxony. The miscellany attests to the influence of these two prominent preachers beyond their religious order and beyond the geographic areas in which they had been active, thus showing the exchange and interconnection between different branches of the so-called Observant movement. The article first describes the miscellany by highlighting its probable connection with the Lüchtenhof community as well as the differentiated provenance of its texts. Next, it briefly discusses the section that includes Jan Brugman’s works. Finally, it focuses on two sermons of Giovanni of Capestrano, analysing in particular his sermon on spiritual armour and siege engines. Both texts stem from his 1452 preaching campaign in Leipzig. Their presence in this miscellany sheds light not only on the transnational fame of Giovanni of Capestrano, but also on his reputation as master of spiritual life among the Brethren of the Common Life.
{"title":"Giovanni of Capestrano and Jan Brugman in a Manuscript of The Brothers of The Common life: The Hague, Koninklijke Bibliotheek, MS 78 H 54","authors":"P. Delcorno","doi":"10.1353/FRC.2017.0005","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1353/FRC.2017.0005","url":null,"abstract":"This article explores the presence and function of texts by two spokesmen of the Franciscan Observance sub vicaris, namely Giovanni of Capestrano (d. 1456) and Jan Brugman (d. 1473), within a religious miscellany most probably used – if not composed – by the Brothers of the Common Life in the house of Lüchtenhof (literally, ‘the court of light’), founded in 1440 in the neighbourhood of Hildesheim, Lower Saxony. The miscellany attests to the influence of these two prominent preachers beyond their religious order and beyond the geographic areas in which they had been active, thus showing the exchange and interconnection between different branches of the so-called Observant movement. The article first describes the miscellany by highlighting its probable connection with the Lüchtenhof community as well as the differentiated provenance of its texts. Next, it briefly discusses the section that includes Jan Brugman’s works. Finally, it focuses on two sermons of Giovanni of Capestrano, analysing in particular his sermon on spiritual armour and siege engines. Both texts stem from his 1452 preaching campaign in Leipzig. Their presence in this miscellany sheds light not only on the transnational fame of Giovanni of Capestrano, but also on his reputation as master of spiritual life among the Brethren of the Common Life.","PeriodicalId":53533,"journal":{"name":"Franciscan Studies","volume":"75 1","pages":"116 - 89"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2017-11-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.1353/FRC.2017.0005","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"45233454","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Jacques Dalarun’s “re-discovery” of The Life of Our Blessed Father Francis (or Vita brevior, Shorter Life) by Thomas of Celano is about as exciting a find as the field of medieval history is ever likely to provide. As André Vauchez remarked in Le Monde in January 2015, “There hasn’t been a discovery of this importance in half a century.” And indeed, there may never have been a major manuscript discovery for which the new text was made available in an impeccable Latin edition so quickly, translated into French and published in book-form almost before the initial announcement of the discovery had sunk in, and then translated into practically all the major European languages within the next year and a half, including now Timothy Johnson’s wonderful new rendering into English. Not only the discovery itself, but the way it has been published and publicized is unprecedented. Moreover, we are talking about the recovery of not only a text but a whole new manuscript, which is now BnF nouv. ac. lat. 3245. Again, the speed with which this new manuscript has generously been made available to the public (through Gallica.bnf.fr) in the form of very high quality digital images has been extraordinary. The team led by Jacques Dalarun (with Isabelle le Masne de Chermont, Dominique Poirel, Nicole Bériou and others) which is studying the rest of the manuscript will evidently have further discoveries to announce in the near future. In the meantime, because of the rapid and excellent digitization of the manuscript, any competent scholar can jump right in, right now, and examine it in detail for him or herself. In other words, the field has been thrown wide open for all kinds of new research. Following Jacques Dalarun’s presentation of the manuscript, which has given us a tantalizing glimpse of its other potential treasures, I will turn to the newly rediscovered Vita brevior itself. After a few words about chronology and audience, my intention is simply to suggest several of the most readily apparent lines of new research it opens up. In terms of chronology, this newly discovered life obviously falls between Thomas of Celano’s First Life (Vita prima) of Francis, finished
雅克·达拉伦“重新发现”了塞拉诺的托马斯的《我们被祝福的父亲弗朗西斯的一生》,这是中世纪历史领域可能提供的最令人兴奋的发现。正如2015年1月在《世界报》(Le Monde)上所说的那样,“半个世纪以来都没有发现过如此重要的发现。”事实上,可能从来没有一个重大的手稿发现能如此迅速地提供完美的拉丁文版本,几乎在最初的发现宣布之前就被翻译成法语并以书的形式出版,然后在接下来的一年半内被翻译成几乎所有主要的欧洲语言,包括现在蒂莫西·约翰逊的精彩的英语翻译。不仅是这个发现本身,它被发表和宣传的方式也是前所未有的。此外,我们谈论的不仅仅是文本的恢复,而是一个全新的手稿,现在是BnF nouv。ac. lat。3245. 再一次,这个新的手稿以非常高质量的数字图像的形式慷慨地向公众提供(通过Gallica.bnf.fr)的速度是非凡的。由Jacques Dalarun领导的团队(与Isabelle le Masne de Chermont, Dominique Poirel, Nicole bsamriou等人一起)正在研究手稿的其余部分,显然在不久的将来会有进一步的发现宣布。与此同时,由于手稿的快速和优秀的数字化,任何有能力的学者都可以立即跳入其中,并为他或她自己详细检查。换句话说,这个领域已经为各种各样的新研究敞开了大门。雅克·达拉伦(Jacques Dalarun)展示了手稿,让我们对它的其他潜在宝藏有了一个诱人的一瞥,接下来我将转向新发现的《简短生命》本身。在简单介绍了时间顺序和读者之后,我的目的只是简单地提出它开辟的几个最明显的新研究方向。就年代而言,这个新发现的生命显然落在塞拉诺的托马斯的弗朗西斯的第一次生命(Vita prima)之间,完成了
{"title":"New Light on the 1230s: History, Hagiography, and Thomas of Celano’s The Life of Our Blessed Father Francis","authors":"S. Field","doi":"10.1353/FRC.2016.0010","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1353/FRC.2016.0010","url":null,"abstract":"Jacques Dalarun’s “re-discovery” of The Life of Our Blessed Father Francis (or Vita brevior, Shorter Life) by Thomas of Celano is about as exciting a find as the field of medieval history is ever likely to provide. As André Vauchez remarked in Le Monde in January 2015, “There hasn’t been a discovery of this importance in half a century.” And indeed, there may never have been a major manuscript discovery for which the new text was made available in an impeccable Latin edition so quickly, translated into French and published in book-form almost before the initial announcement of the discovery had sunk in, and then translated into practically all the major European languages within the next year and a half, including now Timothy Johnson’s wonderful new rendering into English. Not only the discovery itself, but the way it has been published and publicized is unprecedented. Moreover, we are talking about the recovery of not only a text but a whole new manuscript, which is now BnF nouv. ac. lat. 3245. Again, the speed with which this new manuscript has generously been made available to the public (through Gallica.bnf.fr) in the form of very high quality digital images has been extraordinary. The team led by Jacques Dalarun (with Isabelle le Masne de Chermont, Dominique Poirel, Nicole Bériou and others) which is studying the rest of the manuscript will evidently have further discoveries to announce in the near future. In the meantime, because of the rapid and excellent digitization of the manuscript, any competent scholar can jump right in, right now, and examine it in detail for him or herself. In other words, the field has been thrown wide open for all kinds of new research. Following Jacques Dalarun’s presentation of the manuscript, which has given us a tantalizing glimpse of its other potential treasures, I will turn to the newly rediscovered Vita brevior itself. After a few words about chronology and audience, my intention is simply to suggest several of the most readily apparent lines of new research it opens up. In terms of chronology, this newly discovered life obviously falls between Thomas of Celano’s First Life (Vita prima) of Francis, finished","PeriodicalId":53533,"journal":{"name":"Franciscan Studies","volume":"74 1","pages":"239 - 247"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2016-10-27","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.1353/FRC.2016.0010","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"66382893","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Almost 22 years ago the Franciscan Authors Website: A Catalogue in Progress was published on-line for the first time. This internet site, which is a co-production of Maarten van der Heijden and myself, and which can still be found at its original internet address (http://users.bart. nl/~roestb/franciscan/), is meant to develop into a digital successor to the Franciscan authors catalogues of Lucas Wadding (Scriptores ordinis minorum) and Sbaraglia (Supplementum et castigatio ad scriptores trium ordinum S. Francisci). The site is by no means complete, but it does contain biographical information, bibliographical references, and information on the works produced by a large and growing number of Franciscan authors active between the early thirteenth century and the French Revolution. Although we try to keep abreast of the latest secondary literature on each and every author, the main emphasis is on the works written by the friars in question: both the manuscripts in which they can be found and the old and modern editions available to modern scholars. At present, and in the foreseeable future, it is a simple html-based private website, as it has never been possible to interest any institution into hosting it as an open access research instrument for Franciscan studies, and to guarantee its continued existence. This has blocked efforts to transform the site into a fully searchable database. In essence, it was and remains a slowly growing alphabetical list of authors with as much information as possible, and with a series of additional bibliographies concerning the study of medieval and Franciscan historiography, preaching, exegesis en geographical studies, and with references to secondary literature on Franciscan libraries, convents in various provinces, and comparable topics of relevance. At the very beginning, most of the information concerning manuscripts and editions of Franciscan authors was obtained by perusing manuscript catalogues, reference works such as Schneyer’s Repertorium of sermons, the Verfasserlexikon and the Dictionnaire d’Histoire et de Géographie Ecclésiastiques, as well as the bibliographical references in journals devoted to Franciscan life and learning, such as Archivum Franciscanum Histori-
大约22年前,方济各会作家网站:正在进行的目录首次在网上发布。这个网站是Maarten van der Heijden和我共同制作的,它的原始网址(http://users.bart)仍然可以找到。nl/~roestb/franciscan/),旨在发展成为Lucas Wadding (Scriptores ordinis minorum)和Sbaraglia (supplement et castiatio and Scriptores trium ordinum S. Francisci)的方济会作家目录的数字继承者。该网站绝不是完整的,但它确实包含传记信息,参考书目,以及在13世纪早期到法国大革命期间活跃的大量方济各会作家的作品信息。虽然我们试图跟上每一位作者的最新二手文献,但主要的重点是修士所写的作品:既可以找到他们的手稿,也可以为现代学者提供旧的和现代的版本。目前,在可预见的未来,它是一个简单的基于html的私人网站,因为它从来没有可能吸引任何机构托管它作为一个开放获取的研究工具,为方济各会的研究,并保证它的持续存在。这阻碍了将该网站转变为一个完全可搜索的数据库的努力。从本质上讲,它一直是一个缓慢增长的按字母顺序排列的作者列表,其中包含尽可能多的信息,以及一系列关于中世纪和方济各会史学研究的附加书目,讲道,训诂,地理研究,以及关于方济各会图书馆的二手文献,各省的修道院,以及相关的类似主题。一开始,关于方济各会作者的手稿和版本的大部分信息都是通过阅读手稿目录、参考著作(如Schneyer的《讲道汇编》、verfasserlexkon和《历史词典》)以及专门研究方济各会生活和学习的期刊(如Archivum Franciscanum Histori-)的参考书目获得的
{"title":"Franciscan Studies and the Repercussions of the Digital Revolution: A Proposal","authors":"B. Roest","doi":"10.1353/FRC.2016.0002","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1353/FRC.2016.0002","url":null,"abstract":"Almost 22 years ago the Franciscan Authors Website: A Catalogue in Progress was published on-line for the first time. This internet site, which is a co-production of Maarten van der Heijden and myself, and which can still be found at its original internet address (http://users.bart. nl/~roestb/franciscan/), is meant to develop into a digital successor to the Franciscan authors catalogues of Lucas Wadding (Scriptores ordinis minorum) and Sbaraglia (Supplementum et castigatio ad scriptores trium ordinum S. Francisci). The site is by no means complete, but it does contain biographical information, bibliographical references, and information on the works produced by a large and growing number of Franciscan authors active between the early thirteenth century and the French Revolution. Although we try to keep abreast of the latest secondary literature on each and every author, the main emphasis is on the works written by the friars in question: both the manuscripts in which they can be found and the old and modern editions available to modern scholars. At present, and in the foreseeable future, it is a simple html-based private website, as it has never been possible to interest any institution into hosting it as an open access research instrument for Franciscan studies, and to guarantee its continued existence. This has blocked efforts to transform the site into a fully searchable database. In essence, it was and remains a slowly growing alphabetical list of authors with as much information as possible, and with a series of additional bibliographies concerning the study of medieval and Franciscan historiography, preaching, exegesis en geographical studies, and with references to secondary literature on Franciscan libraries, convents in various provinces, and comparable topics of relevance. At the very beginning, most of the information concerning manuscripts and editions of Franciscan authors was obtained by perusing manuscript catalogues, reference works such as Schneyer’s Repertorium of sermons, the Verfasserlexikon and the Dictionnaire d’Histoire et de Géographie Ecclésiastiques, as well as the bibliographical references in journals devoted to Franciscan life and learning, such as Archivum Franciscanum Histori-","PeriodicalId":53533,"journal":{"name":"Franciscan Studies","volume":"74 1","pages":"375 - 384"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2016-10-27","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.1353/FRC.2016.0002","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"66383190","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
iva, non differunt ex parte obiecti, sed ex parte modi cognoscendi, ita quod cum dicitur quod intuitiva est obiecti existentis et praesentis hoc non debet intelligi obiective sed modaliter tamquam conditio se tenens ex parte notitiae» (Reportatio, fol. 5ra). Diverso è infatti attenersi all’oggetto o attenersi al modo in cui conosciamo questo stesso oggetto: FS16 Master.indd 299 10/12/2016 8:26:13 AM Davide Riserbato 300 no per quattro condizioni che caratterizzano la visione nel rapporto con il proprio oggetto, e che l’immaginazione – e, dunque, la conoscenza astrattiva – disattende128. Queste sono la «rectitudo», cioè l’apprensione diretta e immediata dell’esistenza della cosa, di cui la «notitia imaginaria» è invece priva, in quanto procede mediante argomentazioni (dalla causa all’effetto o viceversa)129. La «praesentialitas»: la presenza della realtà su cui porta l’astrazione è soltanto immaginata «quasi modo absenti», mentre la visione termina invece alla cosa – sia questa presente o assente – sempre «modo praesentiali»130. L’«actuactio obiecti»: benché anche l’immaginazione conduca all’attualità della cosa, ciò non avviene «modo actuativo», come se cioè fosse una sua prerogativa conferire al proprio oggetto l’essere in atto. La visione, invece, comporta sempre l’apparire dell’oggetto nella sua attualità, per quanto esso possa anche non essere in atto131. Infine, la «positio existentiae»: la visione sensibile può far apparire come realmente esistenti anche le realtà che non esistono132. Se ora applicassimo nell’ambito dell’intelletto le differenze tra conoscenza intuitiva e astrattiva osservate sul piano della conoscenza sensibile, potremmo individuare anche qui le caratteristiche delle due diverse modalità di conoscenza («modi cognitionis»): Primus videlicet qui directe apparere facit rei praesentialitatem, actualitatem et existentiam, immo non est aliud illa cognitio nisi quaedam praesentialis et actuativa apparitio et directa existentia rei; et iste modus est intuitivus. Secundus vero, qui non directe nec ex se, nec praesentialiter nec actuative facit res apparere; et hic est abstractivus133. «Perspectivus enim dicit quod omne quod videt est rectum unde et quae sunt ante et quae post et quae a latere per speculum et quae videt per radium fractum, omnia videt recte et tamen alia non sunt situata recte» (ibidem). 128 Cfr. Scriptum, p. 204, n. 104. 129 Cfr. ibid., n. 105. 130 Cfr. ibid., p. 204, n. 106. Sulla nozione di praesentialitas, cfr. J. Biard, « Intention et présence: la notion de presentialitas au xive siècle », in D. Perler (ed.), Ancient and Medieval Theories of Intentionality (Leiden : Brill, 2001), 265-282. 131 Cfr. Scriptum, pp. 204-205, n. 107. 132 Cfr. ibid., p. 205, n. 108. 133 Ibid., n. 110; «notitia abstractiva etsi sit praesentiae et actualis existentiae rei non est tamen notitia praesentialis, sed requirit absentiam rei nec est actuativa nec exhibitiva existentiae praesentis, sicut patet de astrologo qui in camera dicit e
iva,非不同的单方面客体,sed ex party modi cognoscendi,ita quod cum dicritir quod直觉是客体的存在和实践,特别是基于单方面通知的非债务智能客体”(报告,下文5ra)。事实上,坚持物体或坚持我们认识同一物体的方式是不同的:FS16 Master.indd 299 10/12/2016 8:26:13 AM Davide Riserbato 300不适用于视觉与物体关系的四个条件,以及想象力——因此也是抽象知识——疏忽128。这些是“正直”,即对事物存在的直接和直接的理解,而“想象的通知”是缺乏的,因为它是通过争论(从原因到效果,反之亦然)129进行的。“实践”:抽象所引导的现实的存在只是想象中的“几乎不存在的方式”,而视觉却以事物为终点——无论是存在还是不存在——总是“实践”130。“实际-客体”:尽管想象也会导致事物的实际性,但这并不是“实际”发生的,就好像赋予其对象行动中的存在是其特权一样。另一方面,视觉总是涉及物体在其现实中的外观,即使它可能不在行为131中。最后,“存在论”:敏感的视觉甚至可以使不存在的现实看起来像真实的存在32。如果我们现在在智力中应用在敏感知识平面上观察到的直观知识和抽象知识之间的差异,我们也可以在这里确定两种不同知识模式(“认知模式”)的特征:Primus videlicet qui directe apparatre facit rei praesentialtem,actualtatem et existentim,不存在对现实和行为的认知和直接存在;这是一种直观的方式。安全,非直接的必要性,必要的实用性和必要的致动性;et hic est abstractvus133。“透视每一个窥器和每一个桡骨骨折的直肠,每一个直肠和其他非位置的直肠”(同上)。128参。《圣经》,第204页,第104页。129参见。同上,第105号。130参考。同上,第204页,第106号。关于praesentalitas的概念,请参见J.Biard,“意向与公共关系:呈现性概念”,载于D.Perler(编辑),《古代与中世纪意向性理论》(莱顿:Brill,2001),265-282。131参考。《圣经》,第204-205页,第107页。132参见。同上,第205页,第108号。133同上,第110号;“抽象的存在和实际的存在是不存在的,这要求不存在的存在和实践是必要的,这是占星术的专利,它在相机中被视为不存在的。直觉是实际的和缺席的,因为它在认知数据的过程中表现出实际的行为,而在经验叠加的过程中则表现出虚假的行为。[…]ipsa[sc.notitia直觉]是实践的,激励和实践的表现是实践的。Abstractiva vero est notitia tendens absentem rem in rem quacumque praesentem,nec exphibitiva talis existentie FS16 Master.indd 300 10/12/2016 8:26:13 AM元神学的Gnoseological重组301因此,最终有可能掌握直觉知识和抽象知识之间区别的原因。一个物体在智力中的两种形式出现模式(“modi apparationis form主义”134)——也就是说,根据这样一个物体的客观存在——一方面,直觉能够使物体看起来是存在的、存在的和存在的,而不管它的真实存在;另一方面,抽象使它表现为想象中的和不存在的,也与它的真实存在无关35。因此,物体的存在可以从真实存在的角度以及已知存在的角度来考虑,也就是说,可以从客观存在和明显存在的角度136来考虑。3.在展示了“直觉通知”或“准实践”137和“抽象”或“拟想象和缺席”138的可能性之后——然而,总是在知识中,即在目前的自然状态下,实践是真实的。直觉的证据是抽象实践的澄清者、完善者和证明者”(报告,第5rab页)。134参见。《圣经》,第205页,第111页。135“在不同的抽象和直观概念中,营养素的比例是不同的。 因为有两种形式的外表,当智力只是某种形式的外表时,它似乎对事物很熟悉;但一种现象似乎是存在的和存在的,并且存在于自然界中,无论它是否存在;这就是直觉。然而,无论是不是什么,事物都不是存在的、活跃的,存在于自然界中,而是几乎是想象的和不存在的(在那里)。参考。除了报告的平行段落外,“它可能是从世界的现实和想象中抽象出来的,因为占星家在经过一定的计算后,发现了未来的日食时间,如果这个时间在房间里被日食了,他对现实和现在的日食有一定的概念,他对学生说:出去,见我,他可以说“现在开始。”“现在它被调解了”,“现在它完成了”,他说月亮在黄道十二宫和不可能出现的地方的所有数量和运动,除了他实际上知道日食的现实和现实,但他没有概念的直觉,因为他没有直觉,她在这一生中并非没有敏感,直觉的力量不是科学的证明。项目,演示:因为[添加抽象概念]不仅产生了网络质量的概念,还产生了这种颗粒物质目前实际存在的概念,因为占星家知道地球目前正在旋转,因为天空的平均值总是出现,就像医生在小便,因为发烧的形状已经上升或下降;以及sed nulla istarum notitiarum是一个直觉,它需要一个圆形的fertur actu aspectui占星术,nec febris aspectui medici»(报告,fol.4va)。136“我说,今天去世的人是一个真实的人,是众所周知的,也是显而易见的。第二个是必须的,但第一个不是必须的,除非是真正的愿景”(同上,第5ra页)。Sull’esse apprens si consulti inotre:S.Vanni Rovighi,《第二个P·Aurelo的意图》,同上,《中世纪哲学研究》,第二卷。Secoli xiii e xiv(米兰:Vita e Pensiero,1978),同上,第275-282页,“一个来源于胡塞利亚纳教堂”,同上,283-298;O.Grassi,意向性。dottrina dell的“esse apparens”nel secolo xiv(米兰:Marietti,2005)。137《圣经》,第210页,第122页,第3页。138同上,第210页,第122号,第二页。4-5.FS16 Master.indd 301 2016年10月12日上午8:26:13 Davide Riserbato 302 Decuta in seguito al peccato originale,la conoscenza直觉在一定程度上证明了自己是一个敏感的人139,如Dio(《最有可能的Deo通知》140),Aurelo在《Deo est beatifica的直觉通知》142中写道,“这是一个与幸福愿景相混淆的时刻”(《distincta et nuda Dei essentia》141)。Egli,infine,非独奏riconosce la possibilitàper il viator di un lumine che accordinate la conoscenza astrativa143,
{"title":"La Ristrutturazione Gnoseologica Della Metateologia. «Suscettibilità» Scientifica Della Natura Divina E Multiformità Dell’habitus Theologicus In Pietro Aureolo († 1322)","authors":"Davide Riserbato","doi":"10.1353/FRC.2016.0003","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1353/FRC.2016.0003","url":null,"abstract":"iva, non differunt ex parte obiecti, sed ex parte modi cognoscendi, ita quod cum dicitur quod intuitiva est obiecti existentis et praesentis hoc non debet intelligi obiective sed modaliter tamquam conditio se tenens ex parte notitiae» (Reportatio, fol. 5ra). Diverso è infatti attenersi all’oggetto o attenersi al modo in cui conosciamo questo stesso oggetto: FS16 Master.indd 299 10/12/2016 8:26:13 AM Davide Riserbato 300 no per quattro condizioni che caratterizzano la visione nel rapporto con il proprio oggetto, e che l’immaginazione – e, dunque, la conoscenza astrattiva – disattende128. Queste sono la «rectitudo», cioè l’apprensione diretta e immediata dell’esistenza della cosa, di cui la «notitia imaginaria» è invece priva, in quanto procede mediante argomentazioni (dalla causa all’effetto o viceversa)129. La «praesentialitas»: la presenza della realtà su cui porta l’astrazione è soltanto immaginata «quasi modo absenti», mentre la visione termina invece alla cosa – sia questa presente o assente – sempre «modo praesentiali»130. L’«actuactio obiecti»: benché anche l’immaginazione conduca all’attualità della cosa, ciò non avviene «modo actuativo», come se cioè fosse una sua prerogativa conferire al proprio oggetto l’essere in atto. La visione, invece, comporta sempre l’apparire dell’oggetto nella sua attualità, per quanto esso possa anche non essere in atto131. Infine, la «positio existentiae»: la visione sensibile può far apparire come realmente esistenti anche le realtà che non esistono132. Se ora applicassimo nell’ambito dell’intelletto le differenze tra conoscenza intuitiva e astrattiva osservate sul piano della conoscenza sensibile, potremmo individuare anche qui le caratteristiche delle due diverse modalità di conoscenza («modi cognitionis»): Primus videlicet qui directe apparere facit rei praesentialitatem, actualitatem et existentiam, immo non est aliud illa cognitio nisi quaedam praesentialis et actuativa apparitio et directa existentia rei; et iste modus est intuitivus. Secundus vero, qui non directe nec ex se, nec praesentialiter nec actuative facit res apparere; et hic est abstractivus133. «Perspectivus enim dicit quod omne quod videt est rectum unde et quae sunt ante et quae post et quae a latere per speculum et quae videt per radium fractum, omnia videt recte et tamen alia non sunt situata recte» (ibidem). 128 Cfr. Scriptum, p. 204, n. 104. 129 Cfr. ibid., n. 105. 130 Cfr. ibid., p. 204, n. 106. Sulla nozione di praesentialitas, cfr. J. Biard, « Intention et présence: la notion de presentialitas au xive siècle », in D. Perler (ed.), Ancient and Medieval Theories of Intentionality (Leiden : Brill, 2001), 265-282. 131 Cfr. Scriptum, pp. 204-205, n. 107. 132 Cfr. ibid., p. 205, n. 108. 133 Ibid., n. 110; «notitia abstractiva etsi sit praesentiae et actualis existentiae rei non est tamen notitia praesentialis, sed requirit absentiam rei nec est actuativa nec exhibitiva existentiae praesentis, sicut patet de astrologo qui in camera dicit e","PeriodicalId":53533,"journal":{"name":"Franciscan Studies","volume":"74 1","pages":"277 - 306"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2016-10-27","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.1353/FRC.2016.0003","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"66383240","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
In the last number of years scholars have discovered many new “parallels”2 to Francis of Assisi’s Admonitions.3 In this article I will provide more new parallels that I have uncovered not only in ecclesiastical contexts, but also in non-ecclesiastical ones.4 While almost all students of Francis’ Admonitions are acquainted with the general ecclesiastical contexts, most are unfamiliar with the non-ecclesiastical contexts evidenced by Cato’s Distichs, Daniel of Beccles’ Urbanus Magnus, Egbert of Liège’s The WellLaden Ship, the Facetus, and a fourteen-volume collection of medieval proverbs. From these parallels I will argue that the Admonitions of Francis of Assisi belong to the literary genre of Conduct Literature, that its closest formal parallel is found in Egbert of Liège’s The Well-Laden Ship which contains short and extensive “teachings,” and that Francis and the editors of his Admonitions took deep breaths from the traditions of ecclesiastical and non-ecclesiastical instances of “teachings for life.” First I provide a general introduction to both the ecclesiastical and non-ecclesiastical authors that supply the parallels. Second I use parallels from these works to provide insight on individual admonitions.
{"title":"St. Francis of Assisi’s Admonitions In New Ecclesiastical And Secular Contexts","authors":"Robert J. Karris","doi":"10.1353/FRC.2016.0007","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1353/FRC.2016.0007","url":null,"abstract":"In the last number of years scholars have discovered many new “parallels”2 to Francis of Assisi’s Admonitions.3 In this article I will provide more new parallels that I have uncovered not only in ecclesiastical contexts, but also in non-ecclesiastical ones.4 While almost all students of Francis’ Admonitions are acquainted with the general ecclesiastical contexts, most are unfamiliar with the non-ecclesiastical contexts evidenced by Cato’s Distichs, Daniel of Beccles’ Urbanus Magnus, Egbert of Liège’s The WellLaden Ship, the Facetus, and a fourteen-volume collection of medieval proverbs. From these parallels I will argue that the Admonitions of Francis of Assisi belong to the literary genre of Conduct Literature, that its closest formal parallel is found in Egbert of Liège’s The Well-Laden Ship which contains short and extensive “teachings,” and that Francis and the editors of his Admonitions took deep breaths from the traditions of ecclesiastical and non-ecclesiastical instances of “teachings for life.” First I provide a general introduction to both the ecclesiastical and non-ecclesiastical authors that supply the parallels. Second I use parallels from these works to provide insight on individual admonitions.","PeriodicalId":53533,"journal":{"name":"Franciscan Studies","volume":"74 1","pages":"207 - 230"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2016-10-27","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.1353/FRC.2016.0007","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"66383321","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Many skills are required for research and many virtues too: patience, humility, audacity, prudence... But I would like to illustrate a very important dimension of our activity: friendship. Actually, our session at the International Congress of Medieval Studies in Kalamazoo, with Sean Field and Timothy Johnson, under Wayne Hellmann’s chairmanship, is exactly the illustration of what I want to say.1 On September 15, 2014, I received an email from Sean Field, in which he told me about a manuscript on sale on Sandra Hindman’s site, Les Enluminures. In the excellent description on line by Laura Light, I was immediately attracted by the mention “THOMAS OF CELANO (?), Vita et miracula sancti Francisci”: “The opening sections of the Vita agree with the Legenda S. Francisci, readings for Matins for the feast of St. Francis in a Breviary in the Vatican (Vat lat. 8737), printed by Lemmens, 1908. [...] The concluding sections of our Vita are found in another source, known as the Umbrian Legend (edited Dalarun, 2007). [...] The text in this manuscript, therefore, represents an important discovery regardless of whether it was compiled by an unknown author, using these two sources, or if it is in fact the original version of a hitherto unknown Life by Thomas of Celano, that was itself the source for the other two texts.” As soon as I deciphered the dedicatory letter which was reproduced on line, I understood that the second hypothesis was the right one: we were facing a complete Legend written by Thomas of Celano under Elias’ generalate (1232-1239), a Legend of which the readings for Matins of the Vatican Breviary (plus the readings of another breviary of the same Library I discovered in 2007) and the entire so called Umbrian Legend were only excerpts. Actually, all the fragments which were already known represent only 40 % of the complete text now exhumed, which runs from Francis’ birth to the translation of his corpse in the Assisi basilica and includes more than seventy posthumous miracles. It is true that, since 2007, I had been expecting such a discovery. It is true too that Sean could
研究需要很多技能,也需要很多美德:耐心、谦逊、大胆、谨慎……但我想说明我们活动的一个非常重要的方面:友谊。实际上,我们在卡拉马祖举行的中世纪研究国际大会上,由韦恩·赫尔曼主持的肖恩·菲尔德和蒂莫西·约翰逊主持的会议,正好说明了我想说的话2014年9月15日,我收到了肖恩·菲尔德(Sean Field)的一封电子邮件,他在邮件中告诉我,桑德拉·辛德曼(Sandra Hindman)的网站Les Enluminures上有一份手稿正在出售。在劳拉·莱特(Laura Light)在网上的精彩描述中,我立刻被提到的“塞拉诺的托马斯(?),Vita et miracula sancti Francisci”所吸引:“Vita的开头部分与《圣方济各的传说》(Legenda S. Francisci)一致,这是梵蒂冈祈祷书中圣方济各盛宴的主祷文。”8737),莱门斯印制,1908年。[…我们的《维塔》的结论部分来自另一个来源,即翁布里亚传说(Dalarun编辑,2007年)。[…因此,这份手稿中的文本代表了一个重要的发现,无论它是由一个不知名的作者使用这两个来源编辑的,还是实际上是迄今为止未知的塞拉诺的托马斯生活的原始版本,后者本身就是其他两个文本的来源。”当我破译了这封在网上复制的献词时,我明白了第二个假设是正确的:我们面对的是埃利亚斯将军(1232-1239)下由Celano的托马斯写的完整的传说,一个传说的梵蒂冈祈祷书(加上我在2007年发现的同一图书馆的另一个祈祷书的阅读)和整个所谓的翁布里亚传说只是摘录。事实上,所有已知的碎片只代表了现在挖掘出的完整文本的40%,从弗朗西斯出生到他在阿西西大教堂的尸体翻译,包括70多个死后的奇迹。的确,自2007年以来,我一直期待着这样的发现。肖恩也可以
{"title":"The Rediscovered Manuscript A Story of Friendship","authors":"Jacques Dalarun","doi":"10.1353/FRC.2016.0014","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1353/FRC.2016.0014","url":null,"abstract":"Many skills are required for research and many virtues too: patience, humility, audacity, prudence... But I would like to illustrate a very important dimension of our activity: friendship. Actually, our session at the International Congress of Medieval Studies in Kalamazoo, with Sean Field and Timothy Johnson, under Wayne Hellmann’s chairmanship, is exactly the illustration of what I want to say.1 On September 15, 2014, I received an email from Sean Field, in which he told me about a manuscript on sale on Sandra Hindman’s site, Les Enluminures. In the excellent description on line by Laura Light, I was immediately attracted by the mention “THOMAS OF CELANO (?), Vita et miracula sancti Francisci”: “The opening sections of the Vita agree with the Legenda S. Francisci, readings for Matins for the feast of St. Francis in a Breviary in the Vatican (Vat lat. 8737), printed by Lemmens, 1908. [...] The concluding sections of our Vita are found in another source, known as the Umbrian Legend (edited Dalarun, 2007). [...] The text in this manuscript, therefore, represents an important discovery regardless of whether it was compiled by an unknown author, using these two sources, or if it is in fact the original version of a hitherto unknown Life by Thomas of Celano, that was itself the source for the other two texts.” As soon as I deciphered the dedicatory letter which was reproduced on line, I understood that the second hypothesis was the right one: we were facing a complete Legend written by Thomas of Celano under Elias’ generalate (1232-1239), a Legend of which the readings for Matins of the Vatican Breviary (plus the readings of another breviary of the same Library I discovered in 2007) and the entire so called Umbrian Legend were only excerpts. Actually, all the fragments which were already known represent only 40 % of the complete text now exhumed, which runs from Francis’ birth to the translation of his corpse in the Assisi basilica and includes more than seventy posthumous miracles. It is true that, since 2007, I had been expecting such a discovery. It is true too that Sean could","PeriodicalId":53533,"journal":{"name":"Franciscan Studies","volume":"74 1","pages":"231 - 238"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2016-10-27","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.1353/FRC.2016.0014","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"66383097","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
The question of whether there exist other quaestiones disputatae attributable to St. Bonaventure, beyond those contained within the definitive Quaracchi critical edition of his Opera Omnia, is a subject which has divided scholarly opinion for nearly a century. During the mid-twentieth-century, several newly discovered sets of quaestiones disputatae were claimed as authentic Bonaventurian works. Most notably, the Quaestiones de theologia transcribed by George Tavard and the Quaestiones de caritate et de novissimis edited by Palémon Glorieux. This is to say nothing, of the extensive and much discussed collection of draft quaestiones identified by François-Marie Henquinet in Assisi Bibl. Com. 186, which include the Quaestiones de prophetia, de raptu, and de nostra cognitione Dei. As those who follow the debate concerning Bonaventure’s literary corpus will know, Bonaventurian authorship of these quaestiones is by no means certain and was called into doubt by important figures such as Ignatius Brady and Henri-François Dondaine. More recently, it has been questioned by Jean-Pierre Torrell and Barbara Faes de Mottoni. Since the mid-twentieth century, however, little research has been devoted to identifying and critically engaging with other potentially authentic Bonaventurian quaestiones disputatae. One promising collection of quaestiones, with a strong claim to Bonaventurian authorship, is the Quaestiones de productione rerum, de imagine, and de anima, contained in a thirteenth-century Florentine manuscript (Biblioteca Nazionale Centrale, Conv. Soppr. D.4.27). Scholarship has been aware of these quaestiones since the rediscovery of the manuscript by the Quaracchi fathers during the nineteenth-century, and they have, in turn, been claimed as genuine works of Bonaventure by no less eminent Bonaventurian scholars than Jacques Guy Bougerol and Balduinus Distelbrink. Having said this, they have remained, for the most part, unedited and neglected. Re-
除了其歌剧《Omnia》的权威Quaracchi评论版中所包含的内容之外,是否还有其他可归因于圣·博纳文特尔的资格争议,这一问题在近一个世纪以来一直存在学术意见分歧。在二十世纪中期,一些新发现的quaestiones争议集被认为是真正的博纳文图拉作品。最值得注意的是,乔治·塔瓦德(George Tavard)转录的《神学家的资格》(Quaestiones de神学家)和帕莱蒙·格罗里奥(Palémon Glorieux)编辑的《卡里特和新西斯的资格》。更不用说François Marie Henquinet在《阿西西圣经》中发现的大量且备受讨论的quaestiones草稿了。Com.186,其中包括预言的Quaestiones de predictia,de raptu和de nostra cognitionone Dei。正如那些关注博纳文图拉文学语料库争论的人所知道的那样,博纳文图拉对这些quaestiones的作者身份绝非确定,伊格纳提乌斯·布雷迪和亨利·弗朗索瓦·唐丹等重要人物对此表示怀疑。最近,让-皮埃尔·托雷尔和Barbara Faes de Mottoni对其提出了质疑。然而,自二十世纪中期以来,很少有研究致力于识别和批判性地参与其他可能真实的博纳文图拉式quaestiones争议。一个很有前途的quaestiones收藏集,强烈主张博纳文图拉的作者身份,是十三世纪佛罗伦萨手稿中的Quaestione de productione rerum、de imaging和de anima(国家图书馆,Conv。Soppr。D.4.27)。自从夸拉奇的父亲在十九世纪重新发现手稿以来,学术界就意识到了这些珍贵的手稿,而这些手稿又被与雅克·盖伊·布格罗和巴尔杜努斯·迪斯特尔布林克一样杰出的博纳文特尔学者称为博纳文图拉的真迹。话虽如此,它们在很大程度上仍然未经编辑和忽视。Re-
{"title":"Quaestiones Disputatae “De productione rerum” “De imagine” et “De anima” e schola bonaventuriana (codex Conv. Soppr. D.4.27 Bibliothecae Nationalis Centralis Florentinae) by Mikołaj Olszewski (review)","authors":"W. Crozier","doi":"10.1353/frc.2016.0020","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1353/frc.2016.0020","url":null,"abstract":"The question of whether there exist other quaestiones disputatae attributable to St. Bonaventure, beyond those contained within the definitive Quaracchi critical edition of his Opera Omnia, is a subject which has divided scholarly opinion for nearly a century. During the mid-twentieth-century, several newly discovered sets of quaestiones disputatae were claimed as authentic Bonaventurian works. Most notably, the Quaestiones de theologia transcribed by George Tavard and the Quaestiones de caritate et de novissimis edited by Palémon Glorieux. This is to say nothing, of the extensive and much discussed collection of draft quaestiones identified by François-Marie Henquinet in Assisi Bibl. Com. 186, which include the Quaestiones de prophetia, de raptu, and de nostra cognitione Dei. As those who follow the debate concerning Bonaventure’s literary corpus will know, Bonaventurian authorship of these quaestiones is by no means certain and was called into doubt by important figures such as Ignatius Brady and Henri-François Dondaine. More recently, it has been questioned by Jean-Pierre Torrell and Barbara Faes de Mottoni. Since the mid-twentieth century, however, little research has been devoted to identifying and critically engaging with other potentially authentic Bonaventurian quaestiones disputatae. One promising collection of quaestiones, with a strong claim to Bonaventurian authorship, is the Quaestiones de productione rerum, de imagine, and de anima, contained in a thirteenth-century Florentine manuscript (Biblioteca Nazionale Centrale, Conv. Soppr. D.4.27). Scholarship has been aware of these quaestiones since the rediscovery of the manuscript by the Quaracchi fathers during the nineteenth-century, and they have, in turn, been claimed as genuine works of Bonaventure by no less eminent Bonaventurian scholars than Jacques Guy Bougerol and Balduinus Distelbrink. Having said this, they have remained, for the most part, unedited and neglected. Re-","PeriodicalId":53533,"journal":{"name":"Franciscan Studies","volume":"74 1","pages":"389 - 391"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2016-10-27","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.1353/frc.2016.0020","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"66383632","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Forty years ago, speaking of Peter of John Olivi’s commentaries on the Gospel of Matthew and the Gospel of John, Raoul Manselli affirmed that these texts prove that Olivi had “a vast knowledge of the exegetes who preceded him, a vivid perception of the role of the Bible within the contemporary life of the Church, and, last but not least, a vivid understanding of the complex significance and value of being Franciscan.”1 Undoubtedly, this judgment can also be extended to the Lectura super Lucam, which Fortunato Iozzelli edited in 2010, thereby becoming the first of Olivi’s Gospel commentaries to be available in a modern edition.2 Iozzelli’s critical edition offers scholars a precious opportunity to better understand a text that, notwithstanding the increasing number of studies on Olivi, has remained largely unexplored and serves to point out the role of this text within the complex exegesis, theology, and spirituality of Olivi.3 His biblical commentaries assume a paramount
四十年前,谈到约翰·奥利维的彼得对马太福音和约翰福音的评论,拉乌尔·曼塞利肯定说,这些文本证明奥利维“对他之前的注释家有广泛的了解,对圣经在当代教会生活中的作用有生动的认识,最后但并非最不重要的是,对方济各会士的复杂意义和价值有生动的理解。”1毫无疑问,这种判断也可以延伸到福尔图纳托·约泽利(Fortunato Iozzelli)在2010年编辑的《超级卢卡姆》(Lectura super Lucam),从而成为奥利维的福音注释中第一部以现代版本出版的约泽利的批判版为学者们提供了一个宝贵的机会来更好地理解一段文本,尽管对奥利维的研究越来越多,但在很大程度上仍未被探索,并有助于指出这段文本在奥利维复杂的训诂学、神学和灵性中所起的作用
{"title":"Following Francis at the Time of the Antichrist: Evangelical Poverty and Worldly Riches in the Lectura super Lucam of Peter of John Olivi","authors":"P. Delcorno","doi":"10.1353/FRC.2016.0013","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1353/FRC.2016.0013","url":null,"abstract":"Forty years ago, speaking of Peter of John Olivi’s commentaries on the Gospel of Matthew and the Gospel of John, Raoul Manselli affirmed that these texts prove that Olivi had “a vast knowledge of the exegetes who preceded him, a vivid perception of the role of the Bible within the contemporary life of the Church, and, last but not least, a vivid understanding of the complex significance and value of being Franciscan.”1 Undoubtedly, this judgment can also be extended to the Lectura super Lucam, which Fortunato Iozzelli edited in 2010, thereby becoming the first of Olivi’s Gospel commentaries to be available in a modern edition.2 Iozzelli’s critical edition offers scholars a precious opportunity to better understand a text that, notwithstanding the increasing number of studies on Olivi, has remained largely unexplored and serves to point out the role of this text within the complex exegesis, theology, and spirituality of Olivi.3 His biblical commentaries assume a paramount","PeriodicalId":53533,"journal":{"name":"Franciscan Studies","volume":"74 1","pages":"147 - 176"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2016-10-27","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.1353/FRC.2016.0013","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"66383084","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Les questions quodlibétiques ou quodlibets sont des questions disputées particulières que les maîtres de l’Université devaient organiser deux fois par an, à l’Avent et au Carême. Ils constituent les exercices universitaires fondamentaux durant les XIIIe et XIVe siècles. Selon la définition traditionnelle, n’importe qui (a quolibet) pouvait poser des questions sur n’importe quel sujet (de quolibet) à un maître, devant un large public, même extra-universitaire. La littérature quodlibétique a attiré l’attention de nombreux chercheurs (historiens et/ou théologiens) qui se sont efforcé de faire mieux connaître cet exercice scolastique à travers des monographies et des éditions de textes1. Dans un article paru en 2012, j’avais fait des ordres mendiants – à travers les figures du franciscain Alexandre de Halès et du dominicain Guerric de Saint Quentin, tous deux disparus en 1245 – les « inventeurs » du genre quodlibétique. De récentes découvertes dans les manuscrits m’imposent aujourd’hui de revenir sur cette question et même de nuancer certaines conclusions auxquelles j’étais alors parvenue2. En effet,
{"title":"Nouvelles découvertes sur les débuts de l’exercice quodlibétique à Paris (avant 1245): Un quodlibet inédit de Godefroid de Poitiers","authors":"Sophie Delmas","doi":"10.1353/FRC.2016.0012","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1353/FRC.2016.0012","url":null,"abstract":"Les questions quodlibétiques ou quodlibets sont des questions disputées particulières que les maîtres de l’Université devaient organiser deux fois par an, à l’Avent et au Carême. Ils constituent les exercices universitaires fondamentaux durant les XIIIe et XIVe siècles. Selon la définition traditionnelle, n’importe qui (a quolibet) pouvait poser des questions sur n’importe quel sujet (de quolibet) à un maître, devant un large public, même extra-universitaire. La littérature quodlibétique a attiré l’attention de nombreux chercheurs (historiens et/ou théologiens) qui se sont efforcé de faire mieux connaître cet exercice scolastique à travers des monographies et des éditions de textes1. Dans un article paru en 2012, j’avais fait des ordres mendiants – à travers les figures du franciscain Alexandre de Halès et du dominicain Guerric de Saint Quentin, tous deux disparus en 1245 – les « inventeurs » du genre quodlibétique. De récentes découvertes dans les manuscrits m’imposent aujourd’hui de revenir sur cette question et même de nuancer certaines conclusions auxquelles j’étais alors parvenue2. En effet,","PeriodicalId":53533,"journal":{"name":"Franciscan Studies","volume":"74 1","pages":"263 - 276"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2016-10-27","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.1353/FRC.2016.0012","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"66383038","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}