As the final volumes of John Duns Scotus’s Opera Omnia are published by the International Scotistic Commission (Vatican), this volume of the Subtle Doctor’s Oxford Collationes are a welcome addition to all the texts we now have at our disposal. Indeed, we can enumerate the corpus of critical works now available: the Opera Philosophica (Noone et al) along with the ‘safe’ texts of the Reportatio IA (Wolter/Bychkov) and, at this writing, the first seventeen distinctions of Reportatio IV (Bychkov/Pomplun). The Oxford and Parisian Collationes offer the remaining pieces to the scholarly puzzle around Scotus, and a clearer portrait of his development as philosopher and theologian is slowly coming into view. The scholarly debates around the Collationes (their authenticity as well as their dating) have been alive since the beginning of the 20th century. While the Wadding (III: 339-430) and Vivès (V: 131-317) editions reproduce the Collationes under one title (Collationes Parisienses), there is textual evidence from Scotus himself that some of these belong to the period during which he was a student in Oxford, at the Franciscan house of studies. As early at 1927, Carlo Balić claimed that it was a mistake to consider all these as part of his Parisian years, and that, indeed, the greater part were from his earlier years in Oxford. It was later established that the Wadding/Vivès editions did not contain all the Collationes. Between 1927 and 1929 various additional Collationes were discovered. As a result, the listing of (what would become) the first fourteen was established on the basis of Magdalen Codex 194 (discovered by Longpré) and the ordering of numbers fifteen to twenty-four were the result of the discovery of Merton Codex 65 and Balliol Codex 209 (Balić). To these we can add the discoveries of Merton Codex 90 and Peterborough Codex 241 (Cambridge), both by Balić. Collationes were student exercises, held outside of ordinary university work and most often in the houses of studies of the various religious orders. Ephrem Bettoni held them to be authentic but not important to our understanding of Scotus’s teaching. Palémon Glorieux thought they
{"title":"Ioannis Duns Scoti Collationes Oxonienses eds. by Guido Alliney e Marina Fedeli (review)","authors":"Mary Beth Ingham","doi":"10.1353/frc.2017.0021","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1353/frc.2017.0021","url":null,"abstract":"As the final volumes of John Duns Scotus’s Opera Omnia are published by the International Scotistic Commission (Vatican), this volume of the Subtle Doctor’s Oxford Collationes are a welcome addition to all the texts we now have at our disposal. Indeed, we can enumerate the corpus of critical works now available: the Opera Philosophica (Noone et al) along with the ‘safe’ texts of the Reportatio IA (Wolter/Bychkov) and, at this writing, the first seventeen distinctions of Reportatio IV (Bychkov/Pomplun). The Oxford and Parisian Collationes offer the remaining pieces to the scholarly puzzle around Scotus, and a clearer portrait of his development as philosopher and theologian is slowly coming into view. The scholarly debates around the Collationes (their authenticity as well as their dating) have been alive since the beginning of the 20th century. While the Wadding (III: 339-430) and Vivès (V: 131-317) editions reproduce the Collationes under one title (Collationes Parisienses), there is textual evidence from Scotus himself that some of these belong to the period during which he was a student in Oxford, at the Franciscan house of studies. As early at 1927, Carlo Balić claimed that it was a mistake to consider all these as part of his Parisian years, and that, indeed, the greater part were from his earlier years in Oxford. It was later established that the Wadding/Vivès editions did not contain all the Collationes. Between 1927 and 1929 various additional Collationes were discovered. As a result, the listing of (what would become) the first fourteen was established on the basis of Magdalen Codex 194 (discovered by Longpré) and the ordering of numbers fifteen to twenty-four were the result of the discovery of Merton Codex 65 and Balliol Codex 209 (Balić). To these we can add the discoveries of Merton Codex 90 and Peterborough Codex 241 (Cambridge), both by Balić. Collationes were student exercises, held outside of ordinary university work and most often in the houses of studies of the various religious orders. Ephrem Bettoni held them to be authentic but not important to our understanding of Scotus’s teaching. Palémon Glorieux thought they","PeriodicalId":53533,"journal":{"name":"Franciscan Studies","volume":"75 1","pages":"537 - 539"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2017-11-17","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.1353/frc.2017.0021","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"46603052","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
{"title":"Giovanni da Capestrano: Iconografia di un predicatore osservante dalle origini alla canonizzazione (1456-1690) by Luca Pezzuto (review)","authors":"Bert Roest","doi":"10.1353/frc.2017.0024","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1353/frc.2017.0024","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":53533,"journal":{"name":"Franciscan Studies","volume":"75 1","pages":"547 - 550"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2017-11-17","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.1353/frc.2017.0024","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"47446320","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
In her authoritative collection of contemporary sources on the Black Death, Rosemary Horrox subdivided the part dedicated to ‘explanations and responses’ in three sections: ‘The religious response’, ‘Scientific explanation’, and ‘Human agency’.2 Even if there are overlaps between these categories, they offer explicit or implicit explanations of pestilence and suggest adequate responses to it in different terms. Documents in the first are centered on God’s anger and punishment for human sins, those in the second on natural mechanisms not immediately dependent on God’s will, while those in the third on alleged conspiracies and secret machinations of the Jews (and, in one case, the urban poor). If we look at the relationship between content and genre in this rich and balanced selection of texts from different geographical areas and social milieus, we find an interesting discrepancy. It is not a mistake in the editor’s careful work but, most probably, a characteristic of the available source material itself or, perhaps, even of late medieval expectations and intentions behind that. The discrepancy is this: while scientific explanations had their own genre, the plague tract, that was largely born with the Black Death of the mid-fourteenth century,3 there was virtually no genre or sub-genre
{"title":"Giovanni of Capestrano on the Plague and the Doctors","authors":"Ottó Gecser","doi":"10.1353/FRC.2017.0002","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1353/FRC.2017.0002","url":null,"abstract":"In her authoritative collection of contemporary sources on the Black Death, Rosemary Horrox subdivided the part dedicated to ‘explanations and responses’ in three sections: ‘The religious response’, ‘Scientific explanation’, and ‘Human agency’.2 Even if there are overlaps between these categories, they offer explicit or implicit explanations of pestilence and suggest adequate responses to it in different terms. Documents in the first are centered on God’s anger and punishment for human sins, those in the second on natural mechanisms not immediately dependent on God’s will, while those in the third on alleged conspiracies and secret machinations of the Jews (and, in one case, the urban poor). If we look at the relationship between content and genre in this rich and balanced selection of texts from different geographical areas and social milieus, we find an interesting discrepancy. It is not a mistake in the editor’s careful work but, most probably, a characteristic of the available source material itself or, perhaps, even of late medieval expectations and intentions behind that. The discrepancy is this: while scientific explanations had their own genre, the plague tract, that was largely born with the Black Death of the mid-fourteenth century,3 there was virtually no genre or sub-genre","PeriodicalId":53533,"journal":{"name":"Franciscan Studies","volume":"75 1","pages":"27 - 47"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2017-11-17","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.1353/FRC.2017.0002","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"47449836","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
To ensure that the perfidious Jews and their accomplices, defenders and supporters, do not seek their own frivolous exception from the burdens of the statutes of the church or the abrogation of laws, it has been deemed expedient, by the approval and confirmation of recommendations, to extend the commission of the devout friar Giovanni of Capestrano, which he has with regard to the conduct of the Jews and the renewal and confirmation of the regulations of the church concerning the Jews issued by the lord Pope Nicholas IV (sic!), the tenor of which is the following.1
{"title":"'An liceat cum Iudeis participare' A consilium of Giovanni of Capestrano","authors":"F. Sedda","doi":"10.1353/FRC.2017.0007","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1353/FRC.2017.0007","url":null,"abstract":"To ensure that the perfidious Jews and their accomplices, defenders and supporters, do not seek their own frivolous exception from the burdens of the statutes of the church or the abrogation of laws, it has been deemed expedient, by the approval and confirmation of recommendations, to extend the commission of the devout friar Giovanni of Capestrano, which he has with regard to the conduct of the Jews and the renewal and confirmation of the regulations of the church concerning the Jews issued by the lord Pope Nicholas IV (sic!), the tenor of which is the following.1","PeriodicalId":53533,"journal":{"name":"Franciscan Studies","volume":"75 1","pages":"145 - 174"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2017-11-17","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.1353/FRC.2017.0007","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"44759560","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Writing in 1284, the Franciscan chronicler Salimbene of Parma said of his Order’s former General Minister, Elias of Cortona, that one of Elias’s several faults was “that he accepted many useless men into the Order. I lived in the convent of Siena for two years, for example, and I saw twentyfive lay brothers there.”2 For Salimbene, to be a layman in religious life was also to be useless.3 The Franciscan movement at its inception was a lay phenomenon, yet its founder’s immense popularity attracted large
{"title":"Writing Polemic as History: The Apocalyptic Implications of Elias of Cortona, Hugh of Digne, and Gerardo Segarelli in Salimbene's Cronica","authors":"Austin Powell","doi":"10.1353/FRC.2017.0013","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1353/FRC.2017.0013","url":null,"abstract":"Writing in 1284, the Franciscan chronicler Salimbene of Parma said of his Order’s former General Minister, Elias of Cortona, that one of Elias’s several faults was “that he accepted many useless men into the Order. I lived in the convent of Siena for two years, for example, and I saw twentyfive lay brothers there.”2 For Salimbene, to be a layman in religious life was also to be useless.3 The Franciscan movement at its inception was a lay phenomenon, yet its founder’s immense popularity attracted large","PeriodicalId":53533,"journal":{"name":"Franciscan Studies","volume":"75 1","pages":"343 - 384"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2017-11-17","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.1353/FRC.2017.0013","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"49465522","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Over the last two decades scholars have transformed our approaches to the religious history of the later middle ages. Setting aside older models of crisis and decline, reform and (pre-) Reformation, they now engage an era shown to be sparkling with energy and variety. A religious landscape once viewed through sharp dichotomies (elites against commoners, Latin against vernacular culture, clergy against laity, and so on across a wide range), now challenges scholars to think in terms of paradox, tension, and unpredictability, and to balance broad generalization with regional and local complexity. Moreover, scholars now confront more fully than ever the challenge of the sources an unexplored wilderness of manuscripts and texts, of genres and dynamics of authorship, publicity and circulation that defy easy categorization.1 In ways resonant with this scholarship, the last two decades and more have also witnessed a reconsideration of the life and career of Giovanni of Capestrano. Though Johannes Hofer’s monumental two-volume biography in many ways remains a standard, its early-twentieth century Catholic vision of ‘a life in the fight for the reform of the Church’ now yields to a wide range of new perspectives and approaches. From the pioneering conferences organized by Edith Pasztor and the essays of Kaspar Elm to the contributions of this volume of Franciscan Studies, scholars have transformed our image of the friar in ways that reflect and reinforce our changing view of his era.2 Capestrano’s preaching, writing, and trav-
{"title":"Bernardino's Rotting Corpse? A Skeptic's Tale of Capestrano's Preaching North of the Alps","authors":"J. Mixson","doi":"10.1353/FRC.2017.0004","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1353/FRC.2017.0004","url":null,"abstract":"Over the last two decades scholars have transformed our approaches to the religious history of the later middle ages. Setting aside older models of crisis and decline, reform and (pre-) Reformation, they now engage an era shown to be sparkling with energy and variety. A religious landscape once viewed through sharp dichotomies (elites against commoners, Latin against vernacular culture, clergy against laity, and so on across a wide range), now challenges scholars to think in terms of paradox, tension, and unpredictability, and to balance broad generalization with regional and local complexity. Moreover, scholars now confront more fully than ever the challenge of the sources an unexplored wilderness of manuscripts and texts, of genres and dynamics of authorship, publicity and circulation that defy easy categorization.1 In ways resonant with this scholarship, the last two decades and more have also witnessed a reconsideration of the life and career of Giovanni of Capestrano. Though Johannes Hofer’s monumental two-volume biography in many ways remains a standard, its early-twentieth century Catholic vision of ‘a life in the fight for the reform of the Church’ now yields to a wide range of new perspectives and approaches. From the pioneering conferences organized by Edith Pasztor and the essays of Kaspar Elm to the contributions of this volume of Franciscan Studies, scholars have transformed our image of the friar in ways that reflect and reinforce our changing view of his era.2 Capestrano’s preaching, writing, and trav-","PeriodicalId":53533,"journal":{"name":"Franciscan Studies","volume":"75 1","pages":"73 - 88"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2017-11-17","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.1353/FRC.2017.0004","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"45806691","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
The present work proposes to investigate, through an analysis of certain artistic works, the reasons that led Giovanni of Capestrano to be included, or not included, in the Franciscan family tree. After engaging the same theme with respect to the early martyrs of the Order of Friars Minor,1 and, more recently, the representation of Saint Louis of Toulouse in the subject under investigation,2 this investigation of the figure of the friar from Abruzzo represents a further opportunity to propose certain artistic examples and doing so without any pretense of an exhaustive presentation, in light of the limits of space allowed here in the hopes of proposing a path for future research that might be followed in later investigations.
{"title":"Saint Giovanni of Capestrano in the Artistic Representations of the Franciscan Family Tree","authors":"Giuseppe Cassio","doi":"10.1353/FRC.2017.0010","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1353/FRC.2017.0010","url":null,"abstract":"The present work proposes to investigate, through an analysis of certain artistic works, the reasons that led Giovanni of Capestrano to be included, or not included, in the Franciscan family tree. After engaging the same theme with respect to the early martyrs of the Order of Friars Minor,1 and, more recently, the representation of Saint Louis of Toulouse in the subject under investigation,2 this investigation of the figure of the friar from Abruzzo represents a further opportunity to propose certain artistic examples and doing so without any pretense of an exhaustive presentation, in light of the limits of space allowed here in the hopes of proposing a path for future research that might be followed in later investigations.","PeriodicalId":53533,"journal":{"name":"Franciscan Studies","volume":"75 1","pages":"233 - 273"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2017-11-17","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.1353/FRC.2017.0010","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"46144867","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Bernardino of Siena (1380-1444) and Giovanni of Capestrano (13861456), both preachers and among the most relevant figures of the Observance, shaped that branch of the Franciscan Order during the first half of the fifteenth century. After Bernardino’s death in 1444 Giovanni zealously promoted his friend’s canonization, which occurred in 1450. The Observants’ first sanctified friar signaled the official legitimacy of this branch of the Order and Giovanni subsequently tried to establish L’Aquila, Bernardino’s place of death, as the center of the Franciscan reform movement. By exploring the visual impact of Giovanni of Capestrano’s mission and preaching north of the Alps (1451 to 1456), this contribution analyzes Central European iconographical manifestations of the Observance’s protagonists in the second half of the fifteenth century, considering written sources as well as material culture. Firstly, this article investigates how Capestrano used the monogram of the Name of Jesus, ‘IHS’ in a golden glory of rays, a formula invented by Bernardino that became vital to his iconography. During his sojourn in Central Europe Giovanni further promoted the cult of Bernardino. Consequently, representations of the Sienese saint, the monogram and Giovanni proliferated in regions where the latter had preached and operated. The article’s second focus aims at shedding light on the relation of material culture and pictorial representation in the Observant milieu. Giovanni’s walking stick, his crucifix, and presumably also his pax – all objects that were venerated as contact relics – can be found depicted together with his effigy. This strategy went along with a general tendency of increasing importance of secondary relics during the Quattrocento. Furthermore, these objects were employed in the process of visual amalgamations between the depictions of Observant friars. Based on, but also looking beyond the recent monograph on Giovanni of Capestrano’s iconography and a handful of transcultural analyses of the pictorial representations of Bernardino and Giovanni in Central and
{"title":"Giovanni of Capestrano as novus Bernardinus. An Attempt in Iconography and Relics","authors":"Pavla Langer","doi":"10.1353/FRC.2017.0008","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1353/FRC.2017.0008","url":null,"abstract":"Bernardino of Siena (1380-1444) and Giovanni of Capestrano (13861456), both preachers and among the most relevant figures of the Observance, shaped that branch of the Franciscan Order during the first half of the fifteenth century. After Bernardino’s death in 1444 Giovanni zealously promoted his friend’s canonization, which occurred in 1450. The Observants’ first sanctified friar signaled the official legitimacy of this branch of the Order and Giovanni subsequently tried to establish L’Aquila, Bernardino’s place of death, as the center of the Franciscan reform movement. By exploring the visual impact of Giovanni of Capestrano’s mission and preaching north of the Alps (1451 to 1456), this contribution analyzes Central European iconographical manifestations of the Observance’s protagonists in the second half of the fifteenth century, considering written sources as well as material culture. Firstly, this article investigates how Capestrano used the monogram of the Name of Jesus, ‘IHS’ in a golden glory of rays, a formula invented by Bernardino that became vital to his iconography. During his sojourn in Central Europe Giovanni further promoted the cult of Bernardino. Consequently, representations of the Sienese saint, the monogram and Giovanni proliferated in regions where the latter had preached and operated. The article’s second focus aims at shedding light on the relation of material culture and pictorial representation in the Observant milieu. Giovanni’s walking stick, his crucifix, and presumably also his pax – all objects that were venerated as contact relics – can be found depicted together with his effigy. This strategy went along with a general tendency of increasing importance of secondary relics during the Quattrocento. Furthermore, these objects were employed in the process of visual amalgamations between the depictions of Observant friars. Based on, but also looking beyond the recent monograph on Giovanni of Capestrano’s iconography and a handful of transcultural analyses of the pictorial representations of Bernardino and Giovanni in Central and","PeriodicalId":53533,"journal":{"name":"Franciscan Studies","volume":"75 1","pages":"175 - 208"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2017-11-17","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.1353/FRC.2017.0008","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"42892130","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
The controversy over the meaning and parameters of Franciscan poverty is one of the most widely discussed issues in medieval historiography, both within the Franciscan order as well as outside of it, both during the Middle Ages as well as among contemporary scholars even today. Contemporary scholars—be they professed Franciscans or professional Franciscanists—have generally shown an interest in reconstructing the evolution of the friars’ practice of their poverty and the debates about this subject that were raging within the order among the friars themselves as well as between the order and their critics outside of it. These scholarly efforts have followed the trajectory of a more classically historical approach. They have been particularly intent on reconstructing and telling the story in all of its complexity and contentiousness. The emblematic scholarly work of this kind of historical approach still remains the masterly volume of Malcolm Lambert, titled Franciscan Poverty, written in 1961 and then slightly revised and expanded in 1998.2
{"title":"Highest Poverty or Lowest Poverty?: The Paradox of the Minorite Charism","authors":"M. Cusato","doi":"10.1353/FRC.2017.0011","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1353/FRC.2017.0011","url":null,"abstract":"The controversy over the meaning and parameters of Franciscan poverty is one of the most widely discussed issues in medieval historiography, both within the Franciscan order as well as outside of it, both during the Middle Ages as well as among contemporary scholars even today. Contemporary scholars—be they professed Franciscans or professional Franciscanists—have generally shown an interest in reconstructing the evolution of the friars’ practice of their poverty and the debates about this subject that were raging within the order among the friars themselves as well as between the order and their critics outside of it. These scholarly efforts have followed the trajectory of a more classically historical approach. They have been particularly intent on reconstructing and telling the story in all of its complexity and contentiousness. The emblematic scholarly work of this kind of historical approach still remains the masterly volume of Malcolm Lambert, titled Franciscan Poverty, written in 1961 and then slightly revised and expanded in 1998.2","PeriodicalId":53533,"journal":{"name":"Franciscan Studies","volume":"75 1","pages":"275 - 321"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2017-11-17","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.1353/FRC.2017.0011","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"47695220","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
The collection of miracle stories appended to Bonaventure's Legenda maior is a succinct adaptation of Thomas of Celano's Treatise on the Miracles of St. Francis. As such, it could be regarded as Bonaventure's own "treatise" on Francis' miracles. Until now, little scholarly attention has been given to this collection, particularly with respect to questions surrounding the redaction of Francis' story. In an attempt to address this lack of scrutiny, this article provides a close reading of the material that Bonaventure added to Celano's Treatise. It concludes that one prominent function of Bonaventure's "treatise" was to defend the Franciscan order from external criticism. In addition, it briefly explores how this apologetic function is connected to a theme that was central to Bonaventure's spirituality: the crucified Christ.
{"title":"The Function and Spirituality of Bonaventure's \"Treatise\" on the Miracles of St. Francis","authors":"George F. Rambow","doi":"10.1353/FRC.2017.0012","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1353/FRC.2017.0012","url":null,"abstract":"The collection of miracle stories appended to Bonaventure's Legenda maior is a succinct adaptation of Thomas of Celano's Treatise on the Miracles of St. Francis. As such, it could be regarded as Bonaventure's own \"treatise\" on Francis' miracles. Until now, little scholarly attention has been given to this collection, particularly with respect to questions surrounding the redaction of Francis' story. In an attempt to address this lack of scrutiny, this article provides a close reading of the material that Bonaventure added to Celano's Treatise. It concludes that one prominent function of Bonaventure's \"treatise\" was to defend the Franciscan order from external criticism. In addition, it briefly explores how this apologetic function is connected to a theme that was central to Bonaventure's spirituality: the crucified Christ.","PeriodicalId":53533,"journal":{"name":"Franciscan Studies","volume":"75 1","pages":"323 - 341"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2017-11-17","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.1353/FRC.2017.0012","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"44261631","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
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