Pub Date : 2021-12-02DOI: 10.1163/2165025x-bja10022
Marielle Y. Marcaida
This article highlights the case of the Ronda ng Kababaihan, a women’s volunteer organization established to conduct night patrols in their neighborhood after witnessing drug-related killings in Pateros. Guided by the political motherhood framework, this study argues that the members use their traditional roles as mothers to legitimize their presence in the streets and the public sphere, and they practice mothering to maintain good relations with the community, police, and local authorities. Data are drawn from in-depth interviews with mothers and participant observation of nightly patrols of the organization. This study problematizes the debate between the essentialist and constructivist views on motherhood – in understanding motherhood in political terms either as an emotionally motivated and apolitical extension of the domestic duties or as an avenue for the reconstruction of gendered roles and collective identities.
这篇文章重点介绍了Ronda ng Kababaihan的案件，这是一个妇女志愿者组织，在Pateros目睹与毒品有关的杀戮后，成立了该组织，在他们的社区进行夜间巡逻。在政治母性框架的指导下，这项研究认为，成员们利用他们作为母亲的传统角色，使他们在街头和公共领域的存在合法化，他们做母亲是为了与社区、警察和地方当局保持良好关系。数据来源于对母亲的深入采访和参与者对该组织夜间巡逻的观察。这项研究对本质主义和建构主义关于母性的观点之间的争论提出了质疑——从政治角度理解母性，将其视为家庭义务的情感驱动和非政治延伸，或是重建性别角色和集体身份的途径。
{"title":"Understanding the Narratives of Pateros Mothers’ Resistance under the Philippine Drug War","authors":"Marielle Y. Marcaida","doi":"10.1163/2165025x-bja10022","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1163/2165025x-bja10022","url":null,"abstract":"\u0000This article highlights the case of the Ronda ng Kababaihan, a women’s volunteer organization established to conduct night patrols in their neighborhood after witnessing drug-related killings in Pateros. Guided by the political motherhood framework, this study argues that the members use their traditional roles as mothers to legitimize their presence in the streets and the public sphere, and they practice mothering to maintain good relations with the community, police, and local authorities. Data are drawn from in-depth interviews with mothers and participant observation of nightly patrols of the organization. This study problematizes the debate between the essentialist and constructivist views on motherhood – in understanding motherhood in political terms either as an emotionally motivated and apolitical extension of the domestic duties or as an avenue for the reconstruction of gendered roles and collective identities.","PeriodicalId":53551,"journal":{"name":"Philippine Political Science Journal","volume":"1 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2021-12-02","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"41846588","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2021-12-02DOI: 10.1163/2165025x-bja10026
Kerby C. Alvarez
{"title":"Campaigns of Knowledge: U.S. Pedagogies of Colonialism and Occupation in the Philippines and Japan, written by Malini Johar Schueller","authors":"Kerby C. Alvarez","doi":"10.1163/2165025x-bja10026","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1163/2165025x-bja10026","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":53551,"journal":{"name":"Philippine Political Science Journal","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2021-12-02","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"46310280","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2021-12-02DOI: 10.1163/2165025x-bja10024
Matthew Manuelito S. Miranda
Quezon City and the City of Baguio enacted anti-discrimination ordinances to protect lesbian, gay, bisexual, and transgender (LGBT+) persons. The 2014 Quezon City Gender-Fair Ordinance (QCGFO) and the 2017 Anti-Discrimination Ordinance of the City of Baguio (ADOCB) criminalized discrimination based on sexual orientation, gender identity, and/or expression. With similar societal contexts, these two cities legislated two different anti-discrimination ordinances. Using comparative discourse analysis, this case study compares their formulation and framing. Data were gathered and evaluated through library research, documents analysis, and key informant interviews. With contextualization and process-tracing, this article also describes discursive policy frames that were utilized in formulating these ordinances. The QCGFO protects the local LGBT+ community, while the ADOCB considers multiple social sectors. These policies may provide potential opportunities to integrate intersectionality in anti-discrimination policy-making. In all, this study offers exploratory insights on policy framing strategies for anti-discriminatory policies in two contextually similar Philippine localities.
{"title":"Policy Framing and Comparative Discourse Analysis","authors":"Matthew Manuelito S. Miranda","doi":"10.1163/2165025x-bja10024","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1163/2165025x-bja10024","url":null,"abstract":"\u0000Quezon City and the City of Baguio enacted anti-discrimination ordinances to protect lesbian, gay, bisexual, and transgender (LGBT+) persons. The 2014 Quezon City Gender-Fair Ordinance (QCGFO) and the 2017 Anti-Discrimination Ordinance of the City of Baguio (ADOCB) criminalized discrimination based on sexual orientation, gender identity, and/or expression. With similar societal contexts, these two cities legislated two different anti-discrimination ordinances. Using comparative discourse analysis, this case study compares their formulation and framing. Data were gathered and evaluated through library research, documents analysis, and key informant interviews. With contextualization and process-tracing, this article also describes discursive policy frames that were utilized in formulating these ordinances. The QCGFO protects the local LGBT+ community, while the ADOCB considers multiple social sectors. These policies may provide potential opportunities to integrate intersectionality in anti-discrimination policy-making. In all, this study offers exploratory insights on policy framing strategies for anti-discriminatory policies in two contextually similar Philippine localities.","PeriodicalId":53551,"journal":{"name":"Philippine Political Science Journal","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2021-12-02","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"46151534","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2021-12-02DOI: 10.1163/2165025x-bja10025
J. Candelaria
Negotiated settlements of civil wars are challenging since incompatibilities take a long time to resolve. Many scholars have approached this puzzle by identifying information asymmetry and commitment problems as critical deterrents to resolution. Similarly, this article argues that third-party mediation could improve or worsen the parties’ credible commitment problems, as illustrated in the Mindanao peace process mediation that spanned almost four decades. Following a contingency framework in analyzing third-party mediation, this article analyzes existing reports, statements, and peace process agreements using a process tracing methodology. The article argues that the success of a peace process could be attributed to how mediation resolves the parties’ credible commitment problems, which are evident in three aspects of the peace process: getting the parties to negotiate, the use of mediator leverage, and the promise of third-party monitoring and enforcement.
{"title":"The Credible Commitment Problem in the Third-Party Mediation of the Mindanao Peace Process, 1975–2014","authors":"J. Candelaria","doi":"10.1163/2165025x-bja10025","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1163/2165025x-bja10025","url":null,"abstract":"\u0000Negotiated settlements of civil wars are challenging since incompatibilities take a long time to resolve. Many scholars have approached this puzzle by identifying information asymmetry and commitment problems as critical deterrents to resolution. Similarly, this article argues that third-party mediation could improve or worsen the parties’ credible commitment problems, as illustrated in the Mindanao peace process mediation that spanned almost four decades. Following a contingency framework in analyzing third-party mediation, this article analyzes existing reports, statements, and peace process agreements using a process tracing methodology. The article argues that the success of a peace process could be attributed to how mediation resolves the parties’ credible commitment problems, which are evident in three aspects of the peace process: getting the parties to negotiate, the use of mediator leverage, and the promise of third-party monitoring and enforcement.","PeriodicalId":53551,"journal":{"name":"Philippine Political Science Journal","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2021-12-02","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"46050852","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2021-09-22DOI: 10.1163/2165025x-bja10021
Rachel E. Khan
A little over a month after the coronavirus (COVID-19) was declared as a pandemic, the World Health Organization expressed the need for open data to support policies that seek to address COVID-19, even as governments were called upon to facilitate access to data and information. Adopting the transparency framework developed by Fung, Graham and Weil (2007), this study examines ‘laginghanda.gov.ph,’ the official Philippine government website for COVID-19 data, to determine if it serves the open government data (OGD) goals as outlined and identified by the Organization for Economic Cooperation and Development (OECD) and as agreed under the Open Government Partnership. Using an exploratory research approach, a documentary analysis and content audit of the laginghanda.gov.ph showed that the website did not provide timely data even as the website contained mostly static, general information. Health statistical data could be accessed but it was neither machine readable nor timely; while, financial and economic data were lacking. In other words, the website does not contribute to government transparency and cannot be used to determine the accountability of government agencies. Thus, the author concludes that it fails as a tool for democratization.
{"title":"Accessible or Illusory Transparency? COVID-19 and Philippine Open Government Data","authors":"Rachel E. Khan","doi":"10.1163/2165025x-bja10021","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1163/2165025x-bja10021","url":null,"abstract":"\u0000A little over a month after the coronavirus (COVID-19) was declared as a pandemic, the World Health Organization expressed the need for open data to support policies that seek to address COVID-19, even as governments were called upon to facilitate access to data and information. Adopting the transparency framework developed by Fung, Graham and Weil (2007), this study examines ‘laginghanda.gov.ph,’ the official Philippine government website for COVID-19 data, to determine if it serves the open government data (OGD) goals as outlined and identified by the Organization for Economic Cooperation and Development (OECD) and as agreed under the Open Government Partnership. Using an exploratory research approach, a documentary analysis and content audit of the laginghanda.gov.ph showed that the website did not provide timely data even as the website contained mostly static, general information. Health statistical data could be accessed but it was neither machine readable nor timely; while, financial and economic data were lacking. In other words, the website does not contribute to government transparency and cannot be used to determine the accountability of government agencies. Thus, the author concludes that it fails as a tool for democratization.","PeriodicalId":53551,"journal":{"name":"Philippine Political Science Journal","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2021-09-22","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"41934293","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2021-09-22DOI: 10.1163/2165025x-bja10019
H. Park
This article analyzed the two summits between United States (U.S.) President Donald Trump and North Korean leader Kim Jong-un at Singapore and Hanoi in 2018 and 2019 respectively, from a negotiation theory perspective. The results of the analysis showed that the goals and bottom lines of the negotiation between the U.S. and North Korea were quite opposite to reach a meaningful agreement because the former wanted to dismantle North Korean nuclear weapons while the latter did not. President Trump opted for a hard positional negotiation strategy at the Hanoi summit, unlike the soft positional negotiation strategy he opted at the Singapore summit. However, Kim Jong-un maintained a hard positional strategy throughout the whole process which led to the failure of these summits. When it comes to a “Best Alternative to a Negotiated Agreement” (BATNA), President Trump did not imply any BATNA before or during the Singapore summit, while Kim demonstrated a new BATNA, i.e. China. However, both leaders did not prepare any BATNA for the Hanoi summit, except for a collapse of the negotiation by the U.S. Both of them depended on a top-down decision-making style throughout the whole negotiations without the working-level officials in the decisions. By analyzing all these, the article found that President Trump did not follow the recommendations that negotiation theorists had suggested for a successful negotiation, failing to achieve any progress on the denuclearization of North Korea.
{"title":"An Analysis of the Singapore and Hanoi Denuclearization Summits between the United States and North Korea from a Negotiation Theory Perspective","authors":"H. Park","doi":"10.1163/2165025x-bja10019","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1163/2165025x-bja10019","url":null,"abstract":"\u0000This article analyzed the two summits between United States (U.S.) President Donald Trump and North Korean leader Kim Jong-un at Singapore and Hanoi in 2018 and 2019 respectively, from a negotiation theory perspective. The results of the analysis showed that the goals and bottom lines of the negotiation between the U.S. and North Korea were quite opposite to reach a meaningful agreement because the former wanted to dismantle North Korean nuclear weapons while the latter did not. President Trump opted for a hard positional negotiation strategy at the Hanoi summit, unlike the soft positional negotiation strategy he opted at the Singapore summit. However, Kim Jong-un maintained a hard positional strategy throughout the whole process which led to the failure of these summits. When it comes to a “Best Alternative to a Negotiated Agreement” (BATNA), President Trump did not imply any BATNA before or during the Singapore summit, while Kim demonstrated a new BATNA, i.e. China. However, both leaders did not prepare any BATNA for the Hanoi summit, except for a collapse of the negotiation by the U.S. Both of them depended on a top-down decision-making style throughout the whole negotiations without the working-level officials in the decisions. By analyzing all these, the article found that President Trump did not follow the recommendations that negotiation theorists had suggested for a successful negotiation, failing to achieve any progress on the denuclearization of North Korea.","PeriodicalId":53551,"journal":{"name":"Philippine Political Science Journal","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2021-09-22","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"43607819","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2021-09-22DOI: 10.1163/2165025x-bja10020
Eryan Ramadhani
The study of political decision-making cannot exclude the actors involved in the process. Neither can it disregard the interplay between decision-makers and political institution where they operate. This article aims to explain how perception of survival affects decision-making by focusing on leaders, specifically by analysing Benigno S. Aquino III’s leadership (2010–2016). Built on political psychology, I will show that motivation to maintain power may bias leaders’ reasoning leading to suboptimal decision. Accountability can help leaders mitigate bias, or de-bias, by stimulating their use of cognitive complexity. But the same effort may backfire and make leaders resort to heuristics instead. Where leaders end up in the cognitive spectrum depends on the types of audiences to whom they feel accountable: core (the ruling elites and loyal voters) and external (the opposition and its supporters) audiences. Preoccupation with core audiences can make leaders downplay the opposition challenge. Furthermore, leaders’ perceived understanding of their support base may be erroneous. The result is overconfidence in their perception of survival. I argue that President Aquino’s misperception of survival was rooted in his belief that (1) Filipinos would like to have his legacy continued and that (2) his popularity would help his successor Manuel Araneta Roxas II win the 2016 presidential race. This overconfidence turned out to be detrimental. Roxas’s electoral loss to Rodrigo Duterte put an end to the Daang Matuwid, President Aquino’s good governance platform.
{"title":"Whither the Daang Matuwid?: Overconfidence in Benigno S. Aquino III’s Perception of Survival (2010–2016)","authors":"Eryan Ramadhani","doi":"10.1163/2165025x-bja10020","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1163/2165025x-bja10020","url":null,"abstract":"\u0000The study of political decision-making cannot exclude the actors involved in the process. Neither can it disregard the interplay between decision-makers and political institution where they operate. This article aims to explain how perception of survival affects decision-making by focusing on leaders, specifically by analysing Benigno S. Aquino III’s leadership (2010–2016). Built on political psychology, I will show that motivation to maintain power may bias leaders’ reasoning leading to suboptimal decision. Accountability can help leaders mitigate bias, or de-bias, by stimulating their use of cognitive complexity. But the same effort may backfire and make leaders resort to heuristics instead. Where leaders end up in the cognitive spectrum depends on the types of audiences to whom they feel accountable: core (the ruling elites and loyal voters) and external (the opposition and its supporters) audiences. Preoccupation with core audiences can make leaders downplay the opposition challenge. Furthermore, leaders’ perceived understanding of their support base may be erroneous. The result is overconfidence in their perception of survival. I argue that President Aquino’s misperception of survival was rooted in his belief that (1) Filipinos would like to have his legacy continued and that (2) his popularity would help his successor Manuel Araneta Roxas II win the 2016 presidential race. This overconfidence turned out to be detrimental. Roxas’s electoral loss to Rodrigo Duterte put an end to the Daang Matuwid, President Aquino’s good governance platform.","PeriodicalId":53551,"journal":{"name":"Philippine Political Science Journal","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2021-09-22","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"47947121","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2021-09-22DOI: 10.1163/2165025x-12340041
{"title":"Philippines Political Science Association Officers 2021–2023","authors":"","doi":"10.1163/2165025x-12340041","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1163/2165025x-12340041","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":53551,"journal":{"name":"Philippine Political Science Journal","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2021-09-22","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"49619129","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
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