Pub Date : 2020-11-06DOI: 10.1163/2165025x-12340031
M. Thompson
{"title":"Twentieth-Century Philippine Political Thinkers: Selected Readings, edited by Jorge V. Tigno","authors":"M. Thompson","doi":"10.1163/2165025x-12340031","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1163/2165025x-12340031","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":53551,"journal":{"name":"Philippine Political Science Journal","volume":"41 1","pages":"203-207"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2020-11-06","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"44023608","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2020-11-06DOI: 10.1163/2165025x-12340030
T. Tadem
{"title":"Counterrevolution: The Global Rise of the Far Right, written by Walden Bello","authors":"T. Tadem","doi":"10.1163/2165025x-12340030","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1163/2165025x-12340030","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":53551,"journal":{"name":"Philippine Political Science Journal","volume":"41 1","pages":"199-202"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2020-11-06","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.1163/2165025x-12340030","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"48346231","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2020-11-06DOI: 10.1163/2165025x-12340021
Temario C. Rivera, Maria Ela L. Atienza
{"title":"“Dutertismo”: Roots, Outcomes, Trends","authors":"Temario C. Rivera, Maria Ela L. Atienza","doi":"10.1163/2165025x-12340021","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1163/2165025x-12340021","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":53551,"journal":{"name":"Philippine Political Science Journal","volume":"41 1","pages":"1-3"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2020-11-06","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.1163/2165025x-12340021","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"45094434","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2020-11-06DOI: 10.1163/2165025x-bja10004
A. Contreras
Rodrigo Duterte is imaged as an ideology through narratives, texts, discourses and representations which emerge in a highly contentious discursive terrain. This paper places this in two domains, namely in academic theorizing and popular culture, particularly in social media, both of which are implicated in representational politics. Academic theorizing about Duterte attempts to be objective and scholarly, but is dominated by anti-Duterte sentiments that are mainly born from liberal and critical orientations. The pro-Duterte social media is not only anti-elite but also has an anti-intellectual orientation. Social media is an effective contrapuntal in painting academic theorizing as a weapon of the anti-Duterte elites. Written using narratives drawn from an auto-ethnographic account of this author, this paper first analyzes the academic and social media domains around which myths and representations about Rodrigo Duterte are produced. It concludes by drawing from the analysis the implications to ideological and discursive bases for the maintenance of political order in Philippine society, particularly on the role of leaders in the context of the country’s communitarian political culture.
{"title":"Rodrigo Duterte as Ideology: Academic vs. Social Media Myths and Representations and their Implications to Political Order","authors":"A. Contreras","doi":"10.1163/2165025x-bja10004","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1163/2165025x-bja10004","url":null,"abstract":"\u0000Rodrigo Duterte is imaged as an ideology through narratives, texts, discourses and representations which emerge in a highly contentious discursive terrain. This paper places this in two domains, namely in academic theorizing and popular culture, particularly in social media, both of which are implicated in representational politics. Academic theorizing about Duterte attempts to be objective and scholarly, but is dominated by anti-Duterte sentiments that are mainly born from liberal and critical orientations. The pro-Duterte social media is not only anti-elite but also has an anti-intellectual orientation. Social media is an effective contrapuntal in painting academic theorizing as a weapon of the anti-Duterte elites. Written using narratives drawn from an auto-ethnographic account of this author, this paper first analyzes the academic and social media domains around which myths and representations about Rodrigo Duterte are produced. It concludes by drawing from the analysis the implications to ideological and discursive bases for the maintenance of political order in Philippine society, particularly on the role of leaders in the context of the country’s communitarian political culture.","PeriodicalId":53551,"journal":{"name":"Philippine Political Science Journal","volume":"41 1","pages":"48-72"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2020-11-06","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"44089195","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2020-11-06DOI: 10.1163/2165025x-bja10009
Jenny D. Balboa
Since the Philippines elected President Rodrigo Duterte in 2016, the country’s foreign policy seems to have become more uncertain. President Duterte’s mercurial personality and antagonistic tirades against the country’s traditional Western allies, including the United States (US) and the European Union (EU), and his statements of building closer ties with China and Russia, had changed the political and diplomatic tone of the Philippines overall. Certainly, the political relationship between the Philippines and the West has been changed by Duterte’s strong remarks against the US and EU. Has this change spilled over to the economy? The paper presents an international political economy framework in examining the impact of Duterte’s foreign policy pivot to the country’s foreign economic relations, focusing on trade and investment. The paper argues that Duterte’s foreign policy shift is mainly shaped by Duterte’s “politics of survival”. Not firmly anchored in any idea, norms, or interest that can clearly benefit the country, Duterte is unable to provide coherent guidance and leadership on the foreign policy pivot, particularly on the economy. Duterte’s lack of guidance provided the technocrats with the policy space to continue the policies from the previous administration and not to divert radically from previous economic policies. The stability of the economic institutions provided a refuge in the period of uncertainty. As a result, the foreign economic relations of the Philippines has not radically shifted. The trade and investment situation of the Philippines remained stable, and economic relations with traditional partners are maintained.
{"title":"Duterte’s Foreign Policy Pivot and Its Impact on Philippine Trade and Investments: An International Political Economy Perspective","authors":"Jenny D. Balboa","doi":"10.1163/2165025x-bja10009","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1163/2165025x-bja10009","url":null,"abstract":"\u0000Since the Philippines elected President Rodrigo Duterte in 2016, the country’s foreign policy seems to have become more uncertain. President Duterte’s mercurial personality and antagonistic tirades against the country’s traditional Western allies, including the United States (US) and the European Union (EU), and his statements of building closer ties with China and Russia, had changed the political and diplomatic tone of the Philippines overall. Certainly, the political relationship between the Philippines and the West has been changed by Duterte’s strong remarks against the US and EU. Has this change spilled over to the economy? The paper presents an international political economy framework in examining the impact of Duterte’s foreign policy pivot to the country’s foreign economic relations, focusing on trade and investment. The paper argues that Duterte’s foreign policy shift is mainly shaped by Duterte’s “politics of survival”. Not firmly anchored in any idea, norms, or interest that can clearly benefit the country, Duterte is unable to provide coherent guidance and leadership on the foreign policy pivot, particularly on the economy. Duterte’s lack of guidance provided the technocrats with the policy space to continue the policies from the previous administration and not to divert radically from previous economic policies. The stability of the economic institutions provided a refuge in the period of uncertainty. As a result, the foreign economic relations of the Philippines has not radically shifted. The trade and investment situation of the Philippines remained stable, and economic relations with traditional partners are maintained.","PeriodicalId":53551,"journal":{"name":"Philippine Political Science Journal","volume":"41 1","pages":"127-160"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2020-11-06","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"47566524","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2020-11-06DOI: 10.1163/2165025x-12340023
R. Fabella
We construct the drug menace as a standard 2×2 collective action problem with two self-interested households A and B, each facing a strategy set (C, D) = (Cooperate, Don’t Cooperate). If the households cooperate, that is attain (C, C), they stop the drug menace; if not, which is the usual outcome of these games under laissez faire, non-cooperation rules instanced by the Nash equilibrium (D, D) and the drug menace overruns the community. We introduce a game transformation via a third party-intervention-by-statute (TPIS) mechanism: a third party promulgates and enforces a statute S which penalizes non-cooperation D, spells out the contribution c of households, the statutory penalty p for, and the likelihood f of being caught, playing D. For certain combinations of c, p and f, the intervention is efficient, that is, attains (C, C) as the Nash equilibrium of the transformed game. The likelihood of an efficient statute rises the lower is c and the higher the expected penalty pf, features associated with a strong and wise third party. The TPIS mechanism is a parable for the role of governments in general: to consolidate and galvanize the local forces to overcome collective action problems. The third party is normally identified with the government in the hands of persons who hold the mantle of government. When the mantle is contestable and the basis of contestability is electoral, there is a vent for good governance in the form of welfare-improving interventions. The perception of households matter in elections and aspirants with a perceived superior track record on or one that promises superiority at solving the most salient community problems will rise to the top of the voting preference. Whether the track record is real or constructed matters little as long as it is perceived by the voter as true. Duterte won the Philippine presidency for a variety of reasons but the most cogent and tailor-made for his persona was the narrative that he got rid of the drug problem by employing a death squad which carried out extrajudicial executions in Davao City. By showing himself capable of bypassing the widely despised corrupt due process was an electoral plus for many poor people. Duterte’s electoral victory was rooted in the narrative that drug menace was a collective action problem number one and that if there was a solution it was inexorably tied to Duterte’s real or imagined persona.
{"title":"The Drug Menace as Contributor to the Duterte Electoral Victory","authors":"R. Fabella","doi":"10.1163/2165025x-12340023","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1163/2165025x-12340023","url":null,"abstract":"\u0000We construct the drug menace as a standard 2×2 collective action problem with two self-interested households A and B, each facing a strategy set (C, D) = (Cooperate, Don’t Cooperate). If the households cooperate, that is attain (C, C), they stop the drug menace; if not, which is the usual outcome of these games under laissez faire, non-cooperation rules instanced by the Nash equilibrium (D, D) and the drug menace overruns the community. We introduce a game transformation via a third party-intervention-by-statute (TPIS) mechanism: a third party promulgates and enforces a statute S which penalizes non-cooperation D, spells out the contribution c of households, the statutory penalty p for, and the likelihood f of being caught, playing D. For certain combinations of c, p and f, the intervention is efficient, that is, attains (C, C) as the Nash equilibrium of the transformed game. The likelihood of an efficient statute rises the lower is c and the higher the expected penalty pf, features associated with a strong and wise third party. The TPIS mechanism is a parable for the role of governments in general: to consolidate and galvanize the local forces to overcome collective action problems. The third party is normally identified with the government in the hands of persons who hold the mantle of government. When the mantle is contestable and the basis of contestability is electoral, there is a vent for good governance in the form of welfare-improving interventions. The perception of households matter in elections and aspirants with a perceived superior track record on or one that promises superiority at solving the most salient community problems will rise to the top of the voting preference. Whether the track record is real or constructed matters little as long as it is perceived by the voter as true. Duterte won the Philippine presidency for a variety of reasons but the most cogent and tailor-made for his persona was the narrative that he got rid of the drug problem by employing a death squad which carried out extrajudicial executions in Davao City. By showing himself capable of bypassing the widely despised corrupt due process was an electoral plus for many poor people. Duterte’s electoral victory was rooted in the narrative that drug menace was a collective action problem number one and that if there was a solution it was inexorably tied to Duterte’s real or imagined persona.","PeriodicalId":53551,"journal":{"name":"Philippine Political Science Journal","volume":"41 1","pages":"32-47"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2020-11-06","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"44089730","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2020-11-06DOI: 10.1163/2165025x-bja10006
Naomi B. Arata, Ador R. Torneo, A. Contreras
This study investigates whether partisanship influences the cognitive processing of statements made by President Rodrigo Duterte. It adopts a pre-test/post-test design and involves 254 college students from Metro Cebu and Metro Manila Philippines. Findings suggest that partisanship significantly influenced the cognitive processing of statements attributed to President Duterte. Political support was significantly and positively associated with belief. Supporters were more likely to express belief in attributed statements. Even when informed that the statements were false, their political support did not significantly decline. Non-supporters were less likely to believe attributed statements and more likely to change their minds when shown information that the statements were false. “Motivated reasoning” or “expressive responding” may explain these findings but there is not enough data in this study to establish this. The implication is that fact-checking may have a limited impact on changing the minds or diminishing the political support of the strongly partisan.
{"title":"Partisanship, Political Support, and Information Processing Among President Rodrigo Duterte’s Supporters and Non-Supporters","authors":"Naomi B. Arata, Ador R. Torneo, A. Contreras","doi":"10.1163/2165025x-bja10006","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1163/2165025x-bja10006","url":null,"abstract":"\u0000This study investigates whether partisanship influences the cognitive processing of statements made by President Rodrigo Duterte. It adopts a pre-test/post-test design and involves 254 college students from Metro Cebu and Metro Manila Philippines. Findings suggest that partisanship significantly influenced the cognitive processing of statements attributed to President Duterte. Political support was significantly and positively associated with belief. Supporters were more likely to express belief in attributed statements. Even when informed that the statements were false, their political support did not significantly decline. Non-supporters were less likely to believe attributed statements and more likely to change their minds when shown information that the statements were false. “Motivated reasoning” or “expressive responding” may explain these findings but there is not enough data in this study to establish this. The implication is that fact-checking may have a limited impact on changing the minds or diminishing the political support of the strongly partisan.","PeriodicalId":53551,"journal":{"name":"Philippine Political Science Journal","volume":"41 1","pages":"73-105"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2020-11-06","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.1163/2165025x-bja10006","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"43579413","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2020-11-06DOI: 10.1163/2165025x-12340022
M. Thompson
Two influential explanations of Duterte’s surprising rise and rule are his “penal populist” leadership style and a structural crisis of oligarchic democracy. The populist leadership perspective explains “too little” about the extreme violence of Duterte’s illiberal rule and the vulnerability of the prevailing political order to it. The oligarchic-democracy-in-crisis view, on the other hand, explains “too much” because it is overly generalized and determinist, thus unable to account for what in particular triggered Duterte’s rise despite political stability and economic growth. The article offers a third explanation that integrates a leadership perspective into an oligarchic framework using a “structuration” approach. It focuses on how Duterte’s leadership style enabled him to take advantage of a disjunctive moment in the country’s “liberal reformist” political structure, a distinct subset of oligarchic democracy.
{"title":"Explaining Duterte’s Rise and Rule: “Penal Populist” Leadership or a Structural Crisis of Oligarchic Democracy in the Philippines?","authors":"M. Thompson","doi":"10.1163/2165025x-12340022","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1163/2165025x-12340022","url":null,"abstract":"\u0000Two influential explanations of Duterte’s surprising rise and rule are his “penal populist” leadership style and a structural crisis of oligarchic democracy. The populist leadership perspective explains “too little” about the extreme violence of Duterte’s illiberal rule and the vulnerability of the prevailing political order to it. The oligarchic-democracy-in-crisis view, on the other hand, explains “too much” because it is overly generalized and determinist, thus unable to account for what in particular triggered Duterte’s rise despite political stability and economic growth. The article offers a third explanation that integrates a leadership perspective into an oligarchic framework using a “structuration” approach. It focuses on how Duterte’s leadership style enabled him to take advantage of a disjunctive moment in the country’s “liberal reformist” political structure, a distinct subset of oligarchic democracy.","PeriodicalId":53551,"journal":{"name":"Philippine Political Science Journal","volume":"41 1","pages":"5-31"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2020-11-06","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.1163/2165025x-12340022","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"45500483","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2020-11-06DOI: 10.1163/2165025x-12340034
{"title":"Philippines Political Science Association Officers 2019–2021","authors":"","doi":"10.1163/2165025x-12340034","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1163/2165025x-12340034","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":53551,"journal":{"name":"Philippine Political Science Journal","volume":"1 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2020-11-06","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"42890436","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2020-11-06DOI: 10.1163/2165025x-bja10005
M. Dahl
{"title":"Alliance Decision-Making in the South China Sea. Between Allied and Alone, written by Joseph A. Gagliano","authors":"M. Dahl","doi":"10.1163/2165025x-bja10005","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1163/2165025x-bja10005","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":53551,"journal":{"name":"Philippine Political Science Journal","volume":"41 1","pages":"208-210"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2020-11-06","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"47029325","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
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