Pub Date : 2023-05-11DOI: 10.1163/2165025x-bja10040
G. Ducanes, S. Rood, J. Tigno
The persistently high satisfaction ratings of President Rodrigo Duterte, despite various perceived policy missteps and in contrast to the pattern for previous Presidents, have puzzled pundits and scholars alike. Using three waves of the Social Weather Stations’ Social Weather Surveys, this article examines the extent to which sociodemographic factors, policy satisfaction, and perceptions of the character of the President could explain this ‘puzzle’. The three survey waves correspond to the beginning of President Duterte’s term, the period when he obtained his lowest net satisfaction rating, and the most recent available data at the time of this study. The study finds that sociodemographic factors, policy satisfaction, and perception of the President’s character all contribute to explaining his high satisfaction rating. Based on the most recent survey examined, perception of the President’s character appears to be the most important for distinguishing those who are satisfied from those who are dissatisfied with the President.
{"title":"Sociodemographic Factors, Policy Satisfaction, Perceived Character: What Factors Explain President Duterte’s Popularity?","authors":"G. Ducanes, S. Rood, J. Tigno","doi":"10.1163/2165025x-bja10040","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1163/2165025x-bja10040","url":null,"abstract":"\u0000The persistently high satisfaction ratings of President Rodrigo Duterte, despite various perceived policy missteps and in contrast to the pattern for previous Presidents, have puzzled pundits and scholars alike. Using three waves of the Social Weather Stations’ Social Weather Surveys, this article examines the extent to which sociodemographic factors, policy satisfaction, and perceptions of the character of the President could explain this ‘puzzle’. The three survey waves correspond to the beginning of President Duterte’s term, the period when he obtained his lowest net satisfaction rating, and the most recent available data at the time of this study. The study finds that sociodemographic factors, policy satisfaction, and perception of the President’s character all contribute to explaining his high satisfaction rating. Based on the most recent survey examined, perception of the President’s character appears to be the most important for distinguishing those who are satisfied from those who are dissatisfied with the President.","PeriodicalId":53551,"journal":{"name":"Philippine Political Science Journal","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-05-11","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"45498206","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-11-28DOI: 10.1163/2165025x-bja10039
M. Mendoza
The literature on distributive politics explores changes in public expenditures vis-à-vis the electoral incentives of politicians. In theory, term-limited politicians are not inclined to increase spending in the absence of re-election prospects. The Philippine case shows otherwise. Guided by theories and studies on Philippine local politics and the effects of term limits on electoral incentives, this article argues that even term-limited politicians can be driven to increase spending if they have a family member intended to succeed them in an upcoming election. Estimates from regression models that used panel data on public expenditures and elections in Philippine provinces and cities from 1992 to 2018 confirm this. Overall, this study provides insights on how electoral incentives and public spending behavior of term-limited politicians change once membership in a political family is factored in.
{"title":"Public Means for Private Ends? Local Electoral Incentives and Public Welfare Expenditures","authors":"M. Mendoza","doi":"10.1163/2165025x-bja10039","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1163/2165025x-bja10039","url":null,"abstract":"\u0000The literature on distributive politics explores changes in public expenditures vis-à-vis the electoral incentives of politicians. In theory, term-limited politicians are not inclined to increase spending in the absence of re-election prospects. The Philippine case shows otherwise. Guided by theories and studies on Philippine local politics and the effects of term limits on electoral incentives, this article argues that even term-limited politicians can be driven to increase spending if they have a family member intended to succeed them in an upcoming election. Estimates from regression models that used panel data on public expenditures and elections in Philippine provinces and cities from 1992 to 2018 confirm this. Overall, this study provides insights on how electoral incentives and public spending behavior of term-limited politicians change once membership in a political family is factored in.","PeriodicalId":53551,"journal":{"name":"Philippine Political Science Journal","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2022-11-28","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"47841866","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-11-28DOI: 10.1163/2165025x-bja10038
Łukasz Stach
The situation in Southeast Asia is of concern not only to the countries in the region, but also to the world’s great powers. The growing economic and military power of the People’s Republic of China (PRC) and its rivalry with the United States (U.S.) are perceived as disruption of the regional status quo. Smaller Southeast Asian states try to secure their position in the changing international environment. These countries include the Philippines, which faces many internal and external security threats. The situation is worsened by the fact that the Philippines is considered by scholars to be a weak and fragile state. The article attempts to elucidate the issue of the Philippines’ fragile state and its influence on the country’s position in the age of growing China-U.S. competition. Moreover, the study tries to answer the question of why the Philippines earned the reputation of a fragile state. The article uses on content analysis of existing literature plus the data from readily accessible sources, and it mostly employs descriptive data analysis methodology.
{"title":"The Fragility of the Philippines in the Context of Increasing China-U.S. Rivalry in the Western Pacific","authors":"Łukasz Stach","doi":"10.1163/2165025x-bja10038","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1163/2165025x-bja10038","url":null,"abstract":"\u0000The situation in Southeast Asia is of concern not only to the countries in the region, but also to the world’s great powers. The growing economic and military power of the People’s Republic of China (PRC) and its rivalry with the United States (U.S.) are perceived as disruption of the regional status quo. Smaller Southeast Asian states try to secure their position in the changing international environment. These countries include the Philippines, which faces many internal and external security threats. The situation is worsened by the fact that the Philippines is considered by scholars to be a weak and fragile state. The article attempts to elucidate the issue of the Philippines’ fragile state and its influence on the country’s position in the age of growing China-U.S. competition. Moreover, the study tries to answer the question of why the Philippines earned the reputation of a fragile state. The article uses on content analysis of existing literature plus the data from readily accessible sources, and it mostly employs descriptive data analysis methodology.","PeriodicalId":53551,"journal":{"name":"Philippine Political Science Journal","volume":"1 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2022-11-28","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"41981691","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-09-28DOI: 10.1163/2165025x-bja10033
Mathea Melissa Lim, J. Grayman
Focusing on the Philippines’ response to the COVID-19 pandemic, this article examines two key objects used to mitigate the widespread transmission of the virus. To answer the research question, “What is the meaning of face masks and shields in the Philippines during the COVID-19 pandemic?” a patchwork ethnography research method was used to triangulate data from a variety of sources, including academic scholarship, mass media, grey literature, and personal experience. Using Tom Scott-Smith’s theoretical interpretation of Karl Marx’s “commodity fetishism” as a framework, the article traces the concealment, transformation, and mystification of face masks and face shields as humanitarian objects , and explores the social, political, and cultural role they play in the lives of Filipinos during the COVID-19 era.
{"title":"Humanitarian Objects for COVID-19: Face Masks and Shields in the Philippines","authors":"Mathea Melissa Lim, J. Grayman","doi":"10.1163/2165025x-bja10033","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1163/2165025x-bja10033","url":null,"abstract":"\u0000Focusing on the Philippines’ response to the COVID-19 pandemic, this article examines two key objects used to mitigate the widespread transmission of the virus. To answer the research question, “What is the meaning of face masks and shields in the Philippines during the COVID-19 pandemic?” a patchwork ethnography research method was used to triangulate data from a variety of sources, including academic scholarship, mass media, grey literature, and personal experience. Using Tom Scott-Smith’s theoretical interpretation of Karl Marx’s “commodity fetishism” as a framework, the article traces the concealment, transformation, and mystification of face masks and face shields as humanitarian objects , and explores the social, political, and cultural role they play in the lives of Filipinos during the COVID-19 era.","PeriodicalId":53551,"journal":{"name":"Philippine Political Science Journal","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2022-09-28","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"46408647","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-09-28DOI: 10.1163/2165025x-bja10035
O. T. Serquiña
{"title":"No Beast Larger than All of Us: Theorizing Strongman Rule in the Philippine Postcolony","authors":"O. T. Serquiña","doi":"10.1163/2165025x-bja10035","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1163/2165025x-bja10035","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":53551,"journal":{"name":"Philippine Political Science Journal","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2022-09-28","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"48147239","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-09-28DOI: 10.1163/2165025x-bja10036
Rosalie Arcala Hall
With emergency powers, President Rodrigo Duterte mobilized and deployed military and police to enforce lockdown measures in Metro Manila and Cebu City. For several months in 2020, the deployed forces ran quarantine control points in borders and city wards, and enforced curfew and liquor bans. This article examines how said deployment affected civilian control by the President and local civil-military dynamics. The heightened visibility of uniformed personnel in these urban spaces, and subsequent arrests and detention of quarantine violators came under heavy criticism. Against the backdrop of ex-military dominated national Inter Agency Task Force for Infectious Diseases (IATF), the militarized lockdown failed to stem the virus’ spread and expanded the military’s reach into civilian domain. Its involvement in law enforcement operations alongside the police poses dangers to local civil-military balance and to democracy. President Duterte’s reliance on the state’s coercive apparatus to carry out the pandemic response enabled him to assert control over local governments and to repress dissent.
{"title":"Camouflage in the Streets: Emergency Powers, the Military, and the Philippines’ COVID-19 Pandemic Response","authors":"Rosalie Arcala Hall","doi":"10.1163/2165025x-bja10036","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1163/2165025x-bja10036","url":null,"abstract":"\u0000With emergency powers, President Rodrigo Duterte mobilized and deployed military and police to enforce lockdown measures in Metro Manila and Cebu City. For several months in 2020, the deployed forces ran quarantine control points in borders and city wards, and enforced curfew and liquor bans. This article examines how said deployment affected civilian control by the President and local civil-military dynamics. The heightened visibility of uniformed personnel in these urban spaces, and subsequent arrests and detention of quarantine violators came under heavy criticism. Against the backdrop of ex-military dominated national Inter Agency Task Force for Infectious Diseases (IATF), the militarized lockdown failed to stem the virus’ spread and expanded the military’s reach into civilian domain. Its involvement in law enforcement operations alongside the police poses dangers to local civil-military balance and to democracy. President Duterte’s reliance on the state’s coercive apparatus to carry out the pandemic response enabled him to assert control over local governments and to repress dissent.","PeriodicalId":53551,"journal":{"name":"Philippine Political Science Journal","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2022-09-28","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"46854550","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-09-28DOI: 10.1163/2165025x-12340047
F. Magno, J. Teehankee
The Coronavirus Disease 2019 (COVID-19) pandemic continues to impact people’s health and livelihood systems around the globe. As governments roll out mass vaccination programs in their respective jurisdictions, it is uncertain whether herd immunity can be achieved at the soonest time, given the mutations and emergence of new COVID-19 variants and vaccine hesitancy on the part of citizens. Meanwhile, political leaders have straddled the thin line between imposing mobility restrictions to save lives and reopening the economy to save jobs. This raised fundamental concerns about the political responses at both domestic and international levels toward the crisis. It is important to examine and compare the political dynamics of the pandemic in various contexts. The articles in this special issue unpack the role of politics in confronting an existential health crisis such as the COVID-19 pandemic. Specifically, it delineates three core dimensions of the state necessary to address such a crisis: authority, capacity, and legitimacy (Gisselquist and Vaccaro 2021).
{"title":"Pandemic Politics in the Philippines: An Introduction from the Special Issue Editors","authors":"F. Magno, J. Teehankee","doi":"10.1163/2165025x-12340047","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1163/2165025x-12340047","url":null,"abstract":"The Coronavirus Disease 2019 (COVID-19) pandemic continues to impact people’s health and livelihood systems around the globe. As governments roll out mass vaccination programs in their respective jurisdictions, it is uncertain whether herd immunity can be achieved at the soonest time, given the mutations and emergence of new COVID-19 variants and vaccine hesitancy on the part of citizens. Meanwhile, political leaders have straddled the thin line between imposing mobility restrictions to save lives and reopening the economy to save jobs. This raised fundamental concerns about the political responses at both domestic and international levels toward the crisis. It is important to examine and compare the political dynamics of the pandemic in various contexts. The articles in this special issue unpack the role of politics in confronting an existential health crisis such as the COVID-19 pandemic. Specifically, it delineates three core dimensions of the state necessary to address such a crisis: authority, capacity, and legitimacy (Gisselquist and Vaccaro 2021).","PeriodicalId":53551,"journal":{"name":"Philippine Political Science Journal","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2022-09-28","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"43801241","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-09-28DOI: 10.1163/2165025x-bja10034
Ronald A. Pernia
What accounts for the uptick of political trust in the Philippines? This study theorizes that individual subjective health combined with the extent of democratic (and nondemocratic political attitude) explains political trust in the Philippines. It hypothesizes that healthier authoritarian citizens are more likely to express favorable views towards political institutions because these individuals possess conservative values who put, among others, a premium on maintenance of order and stability. Such political values are activated upon the arrival of strongmen. Using data from the 2019 World Values Survey, estimates strongly support such an argument. The novel operationalization of this study nuances the view of citizen attitudes on political trust in developing democracies. Overall, the main results not only add credence to the cultural origins of political trust, but it also illuminates on why Philippine political institutions remain trusted despite the botched pandemic response and Filipinos’ enduring support for leaders like Duterte.
{"title":"Explaining the High Political Trust in the Philippines: The Role of Citizens’ Subjective Health and Political Values","authors":"Ronald A. Pernia","doi":"10.1163/2165025x-bja10034","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1163/2165025x-bja10034","url":null,"abstract":"\u0000What accounts for the uptick of political trust in the Philippines? This study theorizes that individual subjective health combined with the extent of democratic (and nondemocratic political attitude) explains political trust in the Philippines. It hypothesizes that healthier authoritarian citizens are more likely to express favorable views towards political institutions because these individuals possess conservative values who put, among others, a premium on maintenance of order and stability. Such political values are activated upon the arrival of strongmen. Using data from the 2019 World Values Survey, estimates strongly support such an argument. The novel operationalization of this study nuances the view of citizen attitudes on political trust in developing democracies. Overall, the main results not only add credence to the cultural origins of political trust, but it also illuminates on why Philippine political institutions remain trusted despite the botched pandemic response and Filipinos’ enduring support for leaders like Duterte.","PeriodicalId":53551,"journal":{"name":"Philippine Political Science Journal","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2022-09-28","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"45399225","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-09-28DOI: 10.1163/2165025x-bja10037
P. Hutchcroft, Weena Gera
This article examines central-local dynamics in the Philippines in the era of the pandemic, demonstrating that the national government has not provided the type of “central steering” necessary to confront a foe as tenacious as COVID-19. Instead, there is another type of power that emanates from the center – namely the strong-arming of local politicians by President Rodrigo Duterte. While this form of power may help conceal the government’s “weak steering,” and make the president appear to be in control, it does not produce the quality of national-subnational coordination required for effective pandemic response. It is an escalation of Duterte’s earlier approaches, from 2016 to 2019, albeit no longer accompanied with rhetoric supporting local autonomy. Through examination of key elements of the government’s pandemic response, we advance our core argument: strong-arming is no substitute for effective central steering – whether in responding to this crisis or to other crises that may emerge in the future.
{"title":"Strong-Arming, Weak Steering: Central-Local Relations in the Philippines in the Era of the Pandemic","authors":"P. Hutchcroft, Weena Gera","doi":"10.1163/2165025x-bja10037","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1163/2165025x-bja10037","url":null,"abstract":"\u0000This article examines central-local dynamics in the Philippines in the era of the pandemic, demonstrating that the national government has not provided the type of “central steering” necessary to confront a foe as tenacious as COVID-19. Instead, there is another type of power that emanates from the center – namely the strong-arming of local politicians by President Rodrigo Duterte. While this form of power may help conceal the government’s “weak steering,” and make the president appear to be in control, it does not produce the quality of national-subnational coordination required for effective pandemic response. It is an escalation of Duterte’s earlier approaches, from 2016 to 2019, albeit no longer accompanied with rhetoric supporting local autonomy. Through examination of key elements of the government’s pandemic response, we advance our core argument: strong-arming is no substitute for effective central steering – whether in responding to this crisis or to other crises that may emerge in the future.","PeriodicalId":53551,"journal":{"name":"Philippine Political Science Journal","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2022-09-28","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"47601052","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
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