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Occluded Histories: Philippine Labor after EDSA 被遮蔽的历史:EDSA之后的菲律宾劳工
Q3 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2019-09-19 DOI: 10.1163/2165025x-12340001
Noel Christian A. Moratilla
The uprising alternately called EDSA Revolution or People Power Revolution or EDSA People Power Revolt, which led to the downfall of Filipino dictator Ferdinand Marcos in 1986, supposedly ushered in the formal restoration of civil freedoms that had been snatched away by Marcos’ martial law. In the aftermath of the uprising, formal democratic institutions and civil rights were returned, including the right to free elections and the right to peaceful assembly. But as this article seeks to show, the administrations after EDSA have been marred by the neglect of workers’ welfare and the failure to address old labor concerns such as inadequate wages, job precarity, and contractualization. Given the shortage of employment opportunities in the Philippines, the administrations after EDSA have also promoted migration as its de facto job-generating mechanism. But the export of human resources is not without its ugly consequences, such as making overseas Filipino workers (OFWs) susceptible to abuse and exploitation. Deploying the notion of counter-history and using various materials from both government and non-government organizations, this article undertakes to critically assess the labor conditions during the historical period after the fabled EDSA People Power Revolt, and concludes that no notable changes have taken place.
这场被称为EDSA革命或人民力量革命或EDSA人民力量起义的起义导致了菲律宾独裁者费迪南德·马科斯(Ferdinand Marcos)在1986年的垮台,据说它开启了被马科斯戒严令剥夺的公民自由的正式恢复。在起义之后,正式的民主机构和公民权利得到了恢复,包括自由选举的权利和和平集会的权利。但正如本文试图表明的那样,EDSA之后的政府已经被忽视工人的福利和未能解决诸如工资不足,工作不稳定和合同化等老劳工问题所损害。鉴于菲律宾就业机会的短缺,EDSA之后的政府也将移民作为其事实上的就业创造机制。但是,人力资源的输出并非没有丑陋的后果,例如使海外菲律宾工人(ofw)容易受到虐待和剥削。本文运用反历史的概念,利用来自政府和非政府组织的各种材料,对传说中的EDSA人民力量起义后的历史时期的劳动条件进行了批判性评估,并得出结论,没有发生明显的变化。
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引用次数: 2
Epistemological Borders and Crossings in the War against ISIS in the Philippines 菲律宾反ISIS战争中的认识论边界和交叉点
Q3 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2019-09-19 DOI: 10.1163/2165025x-12340005
Eduardo T. Gonzalez
Following the approach of Judith Butler in Frames of war: When is life grievable? and similar theoretical perspectives, the paper examines how the war against ISIS in Southern Philippines discursively represents the “other” – the victims of war – as dispensable “collateral damage”. There is no disputing that the siege of Marawi City by an ISIS- inspired group has taken a terrible toll on human life and has exposed the increasing vulnerability of the country to terrorism. Yet, the relation between the state and the displaced victims that emerged, brought forth in and through media reporting and political commentaries, constitutes an epistemological border that casts the military (as the state’s instrument) as the uncontested heroic entity, yet at the same time keeps the dislocated inhabitants – mostly Muslim minorities – out of sight, inaccessible, and in due course ungrievable. Media texts and commentaries, privileging state perspectives and sources, implicitly establish what counts as “grievable” lives. A privileged hegemonic perspective has kept the war victims de-subjectified, rendering their suffering and the grave humanitarian conditions on the ground unproblematic. The paper then looks into how a “desensitized” political discourse is structured by this new cognitive orientation. While some Marawi voices still surface, the focus is on gaining direct public empathy and identification toward a particular side and engendering moral indifference toward the victims. Lastly, the paper looks at epistemological crossings in the form of alternative (and potentially disruptive) discourses that have emerged, despite the narrowed liminal space. It argues that war victims, in a context of new meanings, retain some form of agency that might engender change, and could reemerge as recognizable voices who can participate as full partners in the collective restoration of Marawi and the Muslim community.
遵循朱迪斯·巴特勒在《战争框架》中的方法:生活何时可以悲伤?在类似的理论视角下,本文考察了菲律宾南部打击ISIS的战争如何将“另一方”——战争的受害者——作为可有可无的“附带损害”。毫无疑问,一个受伊斯兰国启发的组织对马拉维城的围困对人类生命造成了可怕的损失,并暴露了该国日益容易受到恐怖主义的影响。然而,国家与媒体报道和政治评论中出现的流离失所受害者之间的关系,构成了一个认识论边界,将军队(作为国家的工具)塑造成无可争议的英雄实体,但同时又让流离失所的居民——主要是穆斯林少数民族——看不见,无法进入,在适当的时候是不可原谅的。媒体文本和评论,赋予国家观点和来源以特权,隐含地确立了什么是“可悲伤的”生活。一种特权霸权的观点使战争受害者失去了主体性,使他们的苦难和当地严重的人道主义状况没有问题。然后,本文探讨了这种新的认知取向是如何构建“脱敏”的政治话语的。尽管一些马拉维人的声音仍然浮出水面,但重点是获得公众对某一方的直接同情和认同,并对受害者产生道德冷漠。最后,本文以替代(和潜在的破坏性)话语的形式审视了认识论的交叉,尽管界限空间缩小了。它认为,在新意义的背景下,战争受害者保留了某种可能带来变革的机构形式,并可能重新成为可识别的声音,作为正式合作伙伴参与马拉维和穆斯林社区的集体恢复。
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引用次数: 0
Routledge Handbook of the Contemporary Philippines, edited by Mark R. Thompson and Eric Vincent C. Batalla 当代菲律宾劳特利奇手册,由马克R.汤普森和埃里克文森特C.巴塔拉编辑
Q3 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2019-09-19 DOI: 10.1163/2165025x-12340008
Maria Veronica M. Manalo
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引用次数: 0
Acknowledgments 致谢
Q3 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2019-09-19 DOI: 10.1163/2165025x-12340011
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引用次数: 0
Philippines Political Science Association Officers 2019–2021 菲律宾政治学协会官员2019-2021
Q3 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2019-09-19 DOI: 10.1163/2165025x-12340012
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引用次数: 0
Achieving Human Security after a Disaster: the Case of the Haiyan Widows 灾后人类安全的实现——以海燕寡妇为例
Q3 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2019-09-19 DOI: 10.1163/2165025x-12340006
L. Mangada, Yvonne Su
When Typhoon Haiyan struck the Philippines on November 8, 2013, it took the lives of over 6,300 people. Many of those who died were men who did not evacuate in order to protect their homes. As a result, widowhood was a significant and devastating consequence of Haiyan, but widowed women were also one of the most neglected and underserved vulnerable populations in the aftermath of the disaster. The data used in this study were drawn from 15 semi-structured interviews and three focus group discussions with widowed women in three areas in the province of Leyte that were heavily affected by Haiyan: Tacloban City, Palo, and Tanauan. Our fieldwork uncovered that while the delivery of humanitarian assistance provided a modicum of human security to the survivors, the ability for widows to achieve human security was severely reduced and constrained. Thus, the main research question of this paper is: “What undermined the widows from attaining human security after Haiyan?” and we argue that there were four main factors: (1) the lack of equal access to economic opportunities; (2) the occurrence of new risks in the resettlement sites; (3) the inability of institutions to respond and adapt to change; and (4) the absence of survivor-centered decision making venues. To overcome these barriers to human security in the future, we make two key policy recommendations on how local government units, being the primary organizations that deliver prevention and response services, need to do. These are: (1) prioritize the elimination of existing economic and social vulnerabilities in the relocation sites, and (2) prepare the widows and their families for future climate shocks.
2013年11月8日,台风“海燕”袭击菲律宾,夺走了6300多人的生命。许多遇难者都是为了保护家园而没有撤离的人。因此,丧偶是海燕的一个重大和毁灭性后果,但丧偶妇女也是灾难后最被忽视和服务不足的弱势群体之一。本研究中使用的数据来自15次半结构化访谈和三次焦点小组讨论,对象是受海燕影响严重的莱特省三个地区的寡居妇女:塔克洛班市、帕洛和塔纳昂。我们的实地调查发现,虽然提供人道主义援助为幸存者提供了一点人的安全,但寡妇实现人的安全的能力却受到严重削弱和限制。因此,本文的主要研究问题是:“是什么破坏了海燕之后寡妇获得人类安全?”我们认为主要有四个因素:(1)缺乏平等的经济机会;(2) 安置点出现新的风险;(3) 机构无力应对和适应变化;以及(4)缺乏以幸存者为中心的决策场所。为了在未来克服人类安全的这些障碍,我们就作为提供预防和应对服务的主要组织的地方政府单位需要如何做提出了两项关键的政策建议:(1)优先消除搬迁地点现有的经济和社会脆弱性,以及(2)为寡妇及其家人做好应对未来气候冲击的准备。
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引用次数: 6
Routledge Handbook of the Contemporary Philippines, edited by Mark R. Thompson and Eric Vincent C. Batalla 当代菲律宾劳特利奇手册,由马克R.汤普森和埃里克文森特C.巴塔拉编辑
Q3 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2019-09-19 DOI: 10.1163/2165025x-12340007
Cleo Calimbahin
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引用次数: 1
Evaluating the Large-Scale Mining Fiscal Regime in the Philippines 评估菲律宾大规模矿业财政制度
Q3 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2019-09-19 DOI: 10.1163/2165025x-12340002
C. Magno, Ricardo Rafael S. Guzman
Economies that derive substantial government revenues from natural resources face the unique challenge of implementing fiscal regimes that deliver a fair share of rents without discouraging private investment in extractive sectors. However, designing progressive and non-distortionary fiscal tools requires an evaluation of the current fiscal regime and the extent to which it captures the resource rent – the surplus return above the value of capital, labor, and opportunity costs incurred to exploit the resource. To evaluate the efficiency of the Philippines’ fiscal regime, we compare the resource rent to government revenues from mining activity. Then, we estimate the effective tax rates under the current fiscal regime and other combinations of fiscal tools. First, we look at aggregated tax payments of all large-scale mining companies over a ten-year period and compare them with the estimated resource rent. Second, we model the different tax regimes using firm-level data from a nickel mine. We propose a fiscal regime for the mining sector in the Philippines that is least distortionary while appropriate given the country’s regulatory context and administrative capacity.
从自然资源中获得大量政府收入的经济体面临着实施财政制度的独特挑战,即在不阻碍采掘部门私人投资的情况下,提供公平的租金份额。然而,设计渐进式和非扭曲性的财政工具需要对当前财政制度及其获取资源租金的程度进行评估——资源租金是指开采资源所产生的资本、劳动力和机会成本价值之上的剩余回报。为了评估菲律宾财政制度的效率,我们将资源租金与采矿活动的政府收入进行了比较。然后,我们估计了当前财政制度和其他财政工具组合下的有效税率。首先,我们查看了所有大型矿业公司在十年期间的总纳税额,并将其与估计的资源租金进行比较。其次,我们使用来自镍矿的公司层面数据对不同的税收制度进行建模。鉴于菲律宾的监管背景和行政能力,我们建议菲律宾采矿业的财政制度扭曲程度最低,同时又适当。
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引用次数: 1
Note from the Editor 编者注
Q3 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2019-09-19 DOI: 10.1163/2165025x-12340013
Maria Ela L. Atienza
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引用次数: 0
Urban Domestic Water Governance in the Philippines: Paradigms and Capacities 菲律宾城市生活用水治理:模式与能力
Q3 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2019-09-19 DOI: 10.1163/2165025x-12340003
D. V. Blanco
The paper analyzes urban water governance paradigms in the Philippines using available literature and describes the various water policies with specific emphasis on the underlying main legal frameworks which relate to urban domestic water governance. It also focuses on various urban domestic water governance actors, institutions and stakeholders involved and engaged in water governance as an added dimension. Employing a synthesis integrative review and policy-capacity analysis, the paper proposes some key policy-capacity solutions in which urban domestic water governance actors and stakeholders can adopt and replicate, such as capacity-building, epistemic governance, and hydrosolidarity, as possible recommendations or ways forward in urban domestic water good governance studies. Finally, the paper recommends the need for potential review and reform of the main legal foundations, functions, and responsibilities of water institutions through the assignment and determination of jurisdictional capacities exclusively to specialized agencies within the urban domestic water governance framework.
本文利用现有文献分析了菲律宾的城市水治理范例,并描述了各种水政策,特别强调了与城市家庭水治理相关的基本主要法律框架。它还侧重于作为一个额外维度参与和从事水治理的各种城市家庭水治理行为者、机构和利益攸关方。通过综合综合审查和政策-能力分析,本文提出了一些关键的政策-能力解决方案,城市生活水治理行为者和利益相关者可以采用和复制这些解决方案,如能力建设、认知治理和水文团结,作为城市生活水良好治理研究的可能建议或前进方向。最后,该文件建议有必要对水机构的主要法律基础、职能和责任进行潜在的审查和改革,办法是在城市家庭水治理框架内将管辖能力专门分配和确定给专门机构。
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Philippine Political Science Journal
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