Pub Date : 2016-01-02DOI: 10.1080/15339114.2015.1128843
Murat Yulek
ABSTRACT Since the 1960s Korea and Turkey have been among the fastest growing economies globally with a transformation of their economic structures from an agrarian into an industrial one. However, design and implementation of their industrial polices have been different, leading to different industrialization paths and end points. This paper reviews and contrasts the industrial policies in the two countries on a comparative basis during their periods of rapid industrialization that precede economic and financial liberalization (1960–80 for Turkey and 1962–97 for Korea). Korean industrial policies were more focused; targeting specific industries and complementing this with manpower and technology policies. While import substitution has been prevalent in both countries, Korea has simultaneously emphasized export orientation and Turkey has not. Macroeconomic management was more prudent in Korea than in Turkey. Repressive financial policy together with directed credits were common in both, as were tax incentives favouring industrial investments.
{"title":"Industrial Policies and Outcomes: A Comparison of Pre-liberalized Korean and Turkish Economies","authors":"Murat Yulek","doi":"10.1080/15339114.2015.1128843","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/15339114.2015.1128843","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT Since the 1960s Korea and Turkey have been among the fastest growing economies globally with a transformation of their economic structures from an agrarian into an industrial one. However, design and implementation of their industrial polices have been different, leading to different industrialization paths and end points. This paper reviews and contrasts the industrial policies in the two countries on a comparative basis during their periods of rapid industrialization that precede economic and financial liberalization (1960–80 for Turkey and 1962–97 for Korea). Korean industrial policies were more focused; targeting specific industries and complementing this with manpower and technology policies. While import substitution has been prevalent in both countries, Korea has simultaneously emphasized export orientation and Turkey has not. Macroeconomic management was more prudent in Korea than in Turkey. Repressive financial policy together with directed credits were common in both, as were tax incentives favouring industrial investments.","PeriodicalId":53585,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Comparative Asian Development","volume":"15 1","pages":"179 - 200"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2016-01-02","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.1080/15339114.2015.1128843","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"59904559","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2016-01-02DOI: 10.1080/15339114.2016.1150188
Sumedha Bajar, M. Rajeev
ABSTRACT This paper analyses the link between physical infrastructure and inequality and focuses on 17 major Indian states. The Gini coefficient was used as the dependent variable computed using data on monthly per capita consumption expenditure (MPCE), which was estimated from unit-level records of the periodical Household Consumer Expenditure surveys of National Sample Survey Organization for the years 1983, 1987–88, 1993–94, 2004–05, and 2009–10. By evaluating Indian states with different levels of development the paper shows that the impact of infrastructure on consumption inequality across states differs not just for the type of infrastructure but also for the income category the state belongs to. Additionally, some components of infrastructure, mainly power and roads, tend to increase interpersonal inequality at the regional level. The results of this study do not prescribe abandoning transportation projects or infrastructure development but instead recommend that the government should emphasize investments in complementary policies.
{"title":"The Impact of Infrastructure Provisioning on Inequality in India: Does the Level of Development Matter?","authors":"Sumedha Bajar, M. Rajeev","doi":"10.1080/15339114.2016.1150188","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/15339114.2016.1150188","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT This paper analyses the link between physical infrastructure and inequality and focuses on 17 major Indian states. The Gini coefficient was used as the dependent variable computed using data on monthly per capita consumption expenditure (MPCE), which was estimated from unit-level records of the periodical Household Consumer Expenditure surveys of National Sample Survey Organization for the years 1983, 1987–88, 1993–94, 2004–05, and 2009–10. By evaluating Indian states with different levels of development the paper shows that the impact of infrastructure on consumption inequality across states differs not just for the type of infrastructure but also for the income category the state belongs to. Additionally, some components of infrastructure, mainly power and roads, tend to increase interpersonal inequality at the regional level. The results of this study do not prescribe abandoning transportation projects or infrastructure development but instead recommend that the government should emphasize investments in complementary policies.","PeriodicalId":53585,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Comparative Asian Development","volume":"52 1","pages":"122 - 155"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2016-01-02","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"91365420","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2016-01-02DOI: 10.1080/15339114.2015.1115744
A. Kaushik, Rupayan Pal
ABSTRACT This paper analyses the implications of political factors on provision of public goods by state governments in India. Using data on state governments’ expenditure and constituency results of states' Legislative Assembly elections during the period 1971–2005, it demonstrates that the greater the spread of ruling party's strength across legislative constituencies in a state, the higher the share of developmental expenditure in revenue budget. It also documents that the share of developmental expenditure in revenue budgets is positively associated with voter turnout and with a change in the political party in power. Interestingly, delivery of public goods in a state does not appear to have any significant relation to the form of the government – single party or coalition. It also shows that economic liberalization has reduced governments’ responsiveness to provision of public goods.
{"title":"Electoral Outcomes and Provision of Public Goods: A Case Study of India","authors":"A. Kaushik, Rupayan Pal","doi":"10.1080/15339114.2015.1115744","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/15339114.2015.1115744","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT This paper analyses the implications of political factors on provision of public goods by state governments in India. Using data on state governments’ expenditure and constituency results of states' Legislative Assembly elections during the period 1971–2005, it demonstrates that the greater the spread of ruling party's strength across legislative constituencies in a state, the higher the share of developmental expenditure in revenue budget. It also documents that the share of developmental expenditure in revenue budgets is positively associated with voter turnout and with a change in the political party in power. Interestingly, delivery of public goods in a state does not appear to have any significant relation to the form of the government – single party or coalition. It also shows that economic liberalization has reduced governments’ responsiveness to provision of public goods.","PeriodicalId":53585,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Comparative Asian Development","volume":"14 1","pages":"121 - 91"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2016-01-02","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"87723358","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2015-09-02DOI: 10.1080/15339114.2015.1102290
J. Cheng
{"title":"The China Model and Global Political Economy","authors":"J. Cheng","doi":"10.1080/15339114.2015.1102290","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/15339114.2015.1102290","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":53585,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Comparative Asian Development","volume":"30 1","pages":"515 - 518"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2015-09-02","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"77867547","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2015-09-02DOI: 10.1080/15339114.2015.1096551
R. Grabowski
Abstract This paper utilizes a semi-open dualistic model of economic development to explain why African states have in the past chosen to follow comparative advantage defying strategies of development while East and Southeast Asia have chosen comparative advantage following strategies. It will be argued here that the difference in policies chosen by these two regions is partly the result of the poor performance of the food staples sector in the former relative to the latter. Empirical evidence from both regions is provided to support this hypothesis. The policy implication is that the food problem must be solved if development policy is to succeed.
{"title":"The Effectiveness of Development Policy","authors":"R. Grabowski","doi":"10.1080/15339114.2015.1096551","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/15339114.2015.1096551","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract This paper utilizes a semi-open dualistic model of economic development to explain why African states have in the past chosen to follow comparative advantage defying strategies of development while East and Southeast Asia have chosen comparative advantage following strategies. It will be argued here that the difference in policies chosen by these two regions is partly the result of the poor performance of the food staples sector in the former relative to the latter. Empirical evidence from both regions is provided to support this hypothesis. The policy implication is that the food problem must be solved if development policy is to succeed.","PeriodicalId":53585,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Comparative Asian Development","volume":"3 1","pages":"351 - 376"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2015-09-02","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"75435683","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2015-09-02DOI: 10.1080/15339114.2015.1102289
J. Cheng
{"title":"State-led Privatization in China: The Politics of Economic Reform","authors":"J. Cheng","doi":"10.1080/15339114.2015.1102289","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/15339114.2015.1102289","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":53585,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Comparative Asian Development","volume":"23 1","pages":"512 - 515"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2015-09-02","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"85135757","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2015-09-02DOI: 10.1080/15339114.2015.1096552
Mohammad Zulfan Tadjoeddin
Abstract This paper gauges spatial inequality in Indonesia beyond the traditional focus on income and consumption by mapping a small subset of employment-related indicators in Indonesia disaggregated by provinces over time (1996–2011). It looks beyond the conventional indicators of unemployment rate such as formal employment, wage inequality, low-pay incidence and percentage of youth NEET (not in employment, education or training). Three observations stand out. First, while the unemployment rate continued to decline from 2005, regional variations were relatively high and showed an increasing trend. Second, the magnitudes of regional variations of indicators reflecting the quality of employment (e.g. formal employment and waged employment) were also high. Third, gender gaps in most of the employment-related indicators were declining but from very high levels. It is suggested that Indonesia should concentrate more on indicators reflecting the quality of employment with clear targets set, disaggregated into sub-national levels. For this, the evolution of spatial inequalities with regard to employment outcomes should be better and more regularly monitored.
{"title":"Spatial Dimensions of Key Employment Outcomes in Indonesia","authors":"Mohammad Zulfan Tadjoeddin","doi":"10.1080/15339114.2015.1096552","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/15339114.2015.1096552","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract This paper gauges spatial inequality in Indonesia beyond the traditional focus on income and consumption by mapping a small subset of employment-related indicators in Indonesia disaggregated by provinces over time (1996–2011). It looks beyond the conventional indicators of unemployment rate such as formal employment, wage inequality, low-pay incidence and percentage of youth NEET (not in employment, education or training). Three observations stand out. First, while the unemployment rate continued to decline from 2005, regional variations were relatively high and showed an increasing trend. Second, the magnitudes of regional variations of indicators reflecting the quality of employment (e.g. formal employment and waged employment) were also high. Third, gender gaps in most of the employment-related indicators were declining but from very high levels. It is suggested that Indonesia should concentrate more on indicators reflecting the quality of employment with clear targets set, disaggregated into sub-national levels. For this, the evolution of spatial inequalities with regard to employment outcomes should be better and more regularly monitored.","PeriodicalId":53585,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Comparative Asian Development","volume":"43 1","pages":"466 - 509"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2015-09-02","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"86877690","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2015-09-02DOI: 10.1080/15339114.2015.1100439
J. Cheng
Abstract In line with the principle of ‘small government, big society', the Chinese authorities are likely to considerably expand the service delivery role of NGOs which do not intend to challenge the Party-state. These NGOs could be allowed a respected place in society, and they would have the financial resources from the government to offer needed services. On the other hand, NGOs which are perceived to pose a threat to the Party-state will continue to be suppressed. United front tactics are likely to be adopted, and leaders of these NGOs will be induced to alter their mode of operation into one acceptable to the Chinese authorities — i.e. both carrots and sticks are applied. Meanwhile, civil society will continue to grow quantitatively and qualitatively. Optimistic estimates are that, at this stage, China has about 7‒8 million social organizations involving about 300 million people, about one-fifth of China's total population. This critical mass is still inadequate to exert pressure on the Party-state to introduce serious political reforms, but if this ‘progressive civil society population' expands to 30 or 40 per cent of the entire population in less than 10‒15 years’ time, then the threshold may be reached. This may not be a very useful way of defining or examining the threshold, but is an interesting illustration. In sum, in the coming four or five years, it is difficult to anticipate serious political reforms leading to democratization, and civil society is not likely to achieve significant breakthroughs. But the trend is obvious, civil society in China will continue to expand and strengthen, and pressure will build for a dialogue between the Party-state and civil society to avoid crises and violent confrontations.
{"title":"China's New Labour Policy: Guided Development for Labour NGOs","authors":"J. Cheng","doi":"10.1080/15339114.2015.1100439","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/15339114.2015.1100439","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract In line with the principle of ‘small government, big society', the Chinese authorities are likely to considerably expand the service delivery role of NGOs which do not intend to challenge the Party-state. These NGOs could be allowed a respected place in society, and they would have the financial resources from the government to offer needed services. On the other hand, NGOs which are perceived to pose a threat to the Party-state will continue to be suppressed. United front tactics are likely to be adopted, and leaders of these NGOs will be induced to alter their mode of operation into one acceptable to the Chinese authorities — i.e. both carrots and sticks are applied. Meanwhile, civil society will continue to grow quantitatively and qualitatively. Optimistic estimates are that, at this stage, China has about 7‒8 million social organizations involving about 300 million people, about one-fifth of China's total population. This critical mass is still inadequate to exert pressure on the Party-state to introduce serious political reforms, but if this ‘progressive civil society population' expands to 30 or 40 per cent of the entire population in less than 10‒15 years’ time, then the threshold may be reached. This may not be a very useful way of defining or examining the threshold, but is an interesting illustration. In sum, in the coming four or five years, it is difficult to anticipate serious political reforms leading to democratization, and civil society is not likely to achieve significant breakthroughs. But the trend is obvious, civil society in China will continue to expand and strengthen, and pressure will build for a dialogue between the Party-state and civil society to avoid crises and violent confrontations.","PeriodicalId":53585,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Comparative Asian Development","volume":"46 1","pages":"414 - 446"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2015-09-02","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"76761551","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2015-09-02DOI: 10.1080/15339114.2015.1096553
Y. Yu
Abstract This article focuses on the impact of Korean minority students’ bilingual proficiency, multi-dimensional knowledge and educational stage on their ethnic pride. Analysis of data collected from 693 Chinese Korean minority high school and university students tests three hypotheses from the conflict theoretical perspective: (1) Korean minority students’ bilingual proficiency positively impacts on their ethnic pride, (2) their multi-dimensional knowledge impacts on their ethnic pride positively but differently, (3) from high school to university, their ethnic pride is strengthened as they are further exposed to the bilingual education programme. The analysis indicates that bilingual proficiency and minority knowledge positively contribute to students’ ethnic pride, but their diaspora knowledge and educational level have negative impacts on their ethnic pride. The Korean minority's pragmatic pursuit of upward mobility and the increasing conflicts it causes over time could contextually explain why their ethnic pride fails to sustain itself at higher levels of education.
{"title":"The Impact of Bilingual Literacy and Education Level on Ethnic Pride from the Conflict Theoretical Perspective: A Case Study of Chinese Korean Minority Students in Yanbian","authors":"Y. Yu","doi":"10.1080/15339114.2015.1096553","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/15339114.2015.1096553","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract This article focuses on the impact of Korean minority students’ bilingual proficiency, multi-dimensional knowledge and educational stage on their ethnic pride. Analysis of data collected from 693 Chinese Korean minority high school and university students tests three hypotheses from the conflict theoretical perspective: (1) Korean minority students’ bilingual proficiency positively impacts on their ethnic pride, (2) their multi-dimensional knowledge impacts on their ethnic pride positively but differently, (3) from high school to university, their ethnic pride is strengthened as they are further exposed to the bilingual education programme. The analysis indicates that bilingual proficiency and minority knowledge positively contribute to students’ ethnic pride, but their diaspora knowledge and educational level have negative impacts on their ethnic pride. The Korean minority's pragmatic pursuit of upward mobility and the increasing conflicts it causes over time could contextually explain why their ethnic pride fails to sustain itself at higher levels of education.","PeriodicalId":53585,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Comparative Asian Development","volume":"24 1","pages":"447 - 465"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2015-09-02","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"89837252","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2015-09-02DOI: 10.1080/15339114.2015.1099827
Paul Chaney
Abstract This study presents critical discourse analysis of gender mainstreaming in India and Nepal. Mainstreaming is a United Nations policy objective subscribed to by 180+ states. It aims to embed gender equality concerns in every stage of the policy process. Complementarity theory emphasizes how politicians attempt to cope with complexity by engaging civil society in policy formulation, thus not only strengthening input legitimacy but also policy efficacy through the pursuit of shared cognitive maps for action. Political elites in both countries have espoused such engagement. However, the findings show that instead of securing the anticipated complementarity effects, the current practice is aligned to an instrumentalist, ‘expert-bureaucratic' policy intervention. This is because of the pronounced power asymmetry between the government and civil society. This manifests itself in marked contrasts in policy framing and issue prioritization. The overall effect is state-driven policy delivery. This undermines the capacity of the civil sphere to challenge the traditionally male-dominated power structures and hampers progress towards the normative vision of gender equality set out in the UN policy.
{"title":"The ‘Complementarity Conjecture' — Does Civil Society Engagement Strengthen Input Legitimacy and Shape Policy Delivery? The Case of Gender Mainstreaming in India and Nepal 2005–15","authors":"Paul Chaney","doi":"10.1080/15339114.2015.1099827","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/15339114.2015.1099827","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract This study presents critical discourse analysis of gender mainstreaming in India and Nepal. Mainstreaming is a United Nations policy objective subscribed to by 180+ states. It aims to embed gender equality concerns in every stage of the policy process. Complementarity theory emphasizes how politicians attempt to cope with complexity by engaging civil society in policy formulation, thus not only strengthening input legitimacy but also policy efficacy through the pursuit of shared cognitive maps for action. Political elites in both countries have espoused such engagement. However, the findings show that instead of securing the anticipated complementarity effects, the current practice is aligned to an instrumentalist, ‘expert-bureaucratic' policy intervention. This is because of the pronounced power asymmetry between the government and civil society. This manifests itself in marked contrasts in policy framing and issue prioritization. The overall effect is state-driven policy delivery. This undermines the capacity of the civil sphere to challenge the traditionally male-dominated power structures and hampers progress towards the normative vision of gender equality set out in the UN policy.","PeriodicalId":53585,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Comparative Asian Development","volume":"11 1","pages":"377 - 413"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2015-09-02","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"74912571","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
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