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International Political Economy, the National Food Security of South Korea and the Governance of Global Agriculture in the Post-Doha Era 后多哈时代的国际政治经济、韩国国家粮食安全与全球农业治理
Q3 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2016-05-03 DOI: 10.1080/15339114.2016.1196142
W. Moon, D. Han, H. Shin
ABSTRACT The impasse of the Doha Round is caused fundamentally by the complexity of crafting trade rules that can encompass diverse agricultural problems across countries. The article presents the particular problem of Korean agriculture that is torn between ever-dwindling domestic production and the need to cultivate a socially desirable level of domestic production. In an effort to assess the current international relations in agriculture and identify the way out of the current gridlock, the article uses International Political Economy (IPE) theories and puts forward two propositions: (i) economic liberalism is not adequate for explaining today’s international relations in agriculture, and (ii) the realists’ perspective provides a pertinent way of understanding the controversies surrounding agricultural trade. Further, the article advances the hypothesis that the global food system is undergoing a process of bifurcating into two distinct spheres: production agriculture (governed by states) and downstream agribusiness sectors (governed by transnational corporations).
多哈回合谈判陷入僵局的根本原因是制定贸易规则的复杂性,这些规则可能涵盖各国不同的农业问题。这篇文章提出了韩国农业的特殊问题,即国内生产不断减少,需要培养一个社会满意的国内生产水平。本文运用国际政治经济学(IPE)理论,对当前的农业国际关系进行了评估,并提出了两个命题:(1)经济自由主义不足以解释当今的农业国际关系;(2)现实主义者的视角为理解围绕农业贸易的争议提供了一种中听的方式。此外,本文提出了一个假设,即全球粮食系统正在经历一个分裂成两个不同领域的过程:生产农业(由国家管理)和下游农业综合企业部门(由跨国公司管理)。
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引用次数: 3
Political Regime and Agricultural Policy: Evidence from 31 Developing Countries 政治制度与农业政策:来自31个发展中国家的证据
Q3 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2016-05-03 DOI: 10.1080/15339114.2016.1216869
Thanapan Laiprakobsup, Ake Tangsupvattana
ABSTRACT This paper examines the relationship between political regimes and agriculture in developing countries. It studies respective government’s revenue transfers to agricultural tradable commodity sectors in 31 developing countries in Africa, Asia, and Latin America. Fixed-effect and Driscoll–Kraay standard error models are employed to analyse the data, and marginal effect is used to explain the effect of political regime on the government’s agricultural policy. It finds that the more democratic the countries are, the more likely the governments are to reduce taxes on agricultural sectors. It also finds that high and volatile inflation and industrial subsidies are likely to lead to resource extraction from agriculture. It implies that while authoritarian governments are likely to discriminate against rural farmers by increasing the tax rate, their elected counterparts are likely to reduce agricultural taxes.
本文考察了发展中国家的政治制度与农业之间的关系。它研究了非洲、亚洲和拉丁美洲31个发展中国家各自政府向农业可贸易商品部门的收入转移。采用固定效应和Driscoll-Kraay标准误差模型对数据进行分析,并采用边际效应来解释政治制度对政府农业政策的影响。研究发现,越是民主的国家,政府就越有可能减少农业部门的税收。报告还发现,高且不稳定的通货膨胀和工业补贴很可能导致从农业中榨取资源。这意味着,虽然威权政府可能会通过提高税率来歧视农民,但他们当选的对手可能会降低农业税。
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引用次数: 1
Redeveloping the Global City: Institutional and Built Form Influences — Three Hong Kong Case Studies 重建国际城市:制度与建筑形式的影响-三个香港个案研究
Q3 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2016-05-03 DOI: 10.1080/15339114.2016.1213646
A. La Grange, F. Pretorius
ABSTRACT This study investigates the impact of institution and built form on trends to gentrification in Hong Kong, investigating both public and private and larger and smaller development projects. It identifies three models of gentrification, the “black hole” model, suggesting that very large, public sector projects may have little trickle-down effect; the “happy days” model, which provides needed residential and commercial space for the post-industrial economy, but appropriately sized sites are now very limited; and the “cooked frog” model, where in situ, piecemeal redevelopment may act to slow the pace of gentrification and thus help to retain socially mixed neighbourhoods for a time. However, while to some extent physically bounded, by following the predicted outcome of normal bid rent activities, it is also the most pernicious of the three models because it is self-sustaining and thus is likely to drive out original residents and traditional businesses over time. Each of these models points to an East Asian model of gentrification as well as raising important theoretical issues to contribute to the international gentrification debate.
本研究调查了香港制度和建筑形式对中产阶级化趋势的影响,调查了公共和私人以及大型和小型发展项目。报告指出了中产阶级化的三种模式:“黑洞”模式,表明非常大型的公共部门项目可能几乎没有涓滴效应;“快乐时光”模式,为后工业经济提供所需的住宅和商业空间,但适当规模的用地现在非常有限;而“煮熟的青蛙”模式,在原地,零碎的重建可能会减缓中产阶级化的步伐,从而有助于在一段时间内保留社会混合的社区。然而,虽然在一定程度上受到物理限制,但由于遵循正常投标租金活动的预测结果,它也是三种模式中最有害的,因为它是自我维持的,因此随着时间的推移,它可能会驱逐原有居民和传统企业。这些模式都指向了东亚的中产阶级化模式,并提出了重要的理论问题,为国际上的中产阶级化辩论做出了贡献。
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引用次数: 0
Managing Technological Development: A Study of Vietnam’s Telecommunication Goods Industry 管理技术发展:越南电信产品产业研究
Q3 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2016-05-03 DOI: 10.1080/15339114.2016.1227272
Guanie Lim
ABSTRACT This paper examines Vietnam's international trade competitiveness in the telecommunication goods industry. Comparing Vietnam's performance to those of its more advanced ASEAN-3 rivals (Indonesia, Malaysia, and Thailand), the paper argues that Vietnam has overcome its initial technological backwardness. Nevertheless, Vietnam's continued ability to climb the technological ladder depends on the efficacy of its industrial policy as well as the vitality of its overall science and technological base. To this end, Vietnam should implement a more robust industrial policy to fully realize its current advantage in the telecommunication goods industry. It should “push” its cohort of state-owned enterprises to climb the technological ladder by tying state support to their export performances. In addition, Vietnam needs to strengthen its overall science and technological base. It would do well by investing in research and development activities, and cultivating a larger share of tertiary graduates in engineering and other technological fields.
摘要本文考察了越南电信产品行业的国际贸易竞争力。将越南的表现与其更先进的东盟3国竞争对手(印度尼西亚、马来西亚和泰国)进行比较,本文认为越南已经克服了最初的技术落后。然而,越南在技术阶梯上的持续爬升能力取决于其产业政策的有效性以及其整体科学和技术基础的活力。为此,越南应实施更强有力的产业政策,以充分发挥其目前在电信产品行业的优势。中国应该通过将国家支持与出口业绩挂钩,“推动”其国有企业攀登技术阶梯。此外,越南需要加强其整体科学和技术基础。投资于研究和发展活动,培养更多的工程和其他技术领域的高等教育毕业生,将会做得很好。
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引用次数: 5
Xi Jinping’s “New Model of Major Power Relationships” for Sino-American Relations
Q3 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2016-05-03 DOI: 10.1080/15339114.2016.1203342
J. Cheng
ABSTRACT This article examines, through the theoretical framework of realism, China’s articulation and implementation of its new model of major power relationships (NMMPR), its rationale, objectives and the strategies involved. The study will concentrate on the model’s application to Sino-American relations, though it will also briefly survey its application to China’s relations with other major powers. The Chinese leadership’s assessment of the global power configuration and its trends of evolution will be considered. The articulation of the NMMPR also reflects new variables in Chinese foreign policy and Sino-US relations. They include Xi Jinping’s distinctive leadership style, the arrival of a less favourable international environment, the concern about potential deterioration in Sino-US relations, and the increasing inclination of China’s neighbours to adopt a hedging strategy, including the strengthening of security co-operation with the US.
本文通过现实主义的理论框架,考察了中国构建和实施新型大国关系的理论基础、目标和策略。本研究将集中于该模式在中美关系中的应用,同时也将简要探讨其在中国与其他大国关系中的应用。将考虑中国领导人对全球权力格局及其演变趋势的评估。NMMPR的表述也反映了中国外交政策和中美关系的新变数。
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引用次数: 8
Capital in the Twenty-First Century 《二十一世纪的资本
Q3 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2016-04-19 DOI: 10.1080/15339114.2016.1158659
J. Cheng
“Capital in the twenty-first century” by Thomas Piketty was initially published in French (as Le Capital au XXIe siècle) in August, 2013. The number of pages of this book is 696. The Belknap press of Harvard University press published the English version, translated by Arthur Goldhammer on 15th of April, 2014. Thomas Piketty, a well-known name in the field of Socio Political Economy, has addressed the issue of distribution of wealth in his monumental work “Capital in the twenty first century” using both qualitative and quantitative methods. He has focused on the evolution of wealth and income since the eighteenth century and readdressed some fundamental questions of economic sociology. Instead of relying on the hypothesis of others, which were more prejudiced without factual reality, he has used extensive database on the distribution of wealth covering more than twenty countries and over three centuries. He has aptly analyzed major theories of inequality of the past and has tried to overcome their limitation by establishing his work on the basis of above mentioned database. He has divided the book in four major divisions; Income and Capital, The dynamics of Capital/Income ratio, The structure of inequality and Regulating capital in the twentyfirst century.
《二十一世纪的资本》托马斯·皮凯蒂(Arthur Goldhammer译)。哈佛大学出版社:马萨诸塞州剑桥,577页,2014年。这本书给出了从1700年到2012年发达国家资本的历史记录(资本作为四大生产要素之一:土地、劳动力、资本和企业家精神)。它是《纽约时报》畅销书,获奖(英国学院奖;《金融时报》和麦肯锡商业年度图书奖,以及美国国家图书评论界奖),以及哈佛大学出版社有史以来最好的销售成绩。作者花了大量时间查阅欧洲和美国的政府记录和其他来源,为这本书收集数据,并声称他的数据库是迄今为止同类数据库中最完整的。历史上有两位作者进行了这类研究:(1)卡尔·马克思的《资本论》(1867)和西蒙·库兹涅茨(如《国民收入与资本形成》(1937)和《人口、资本与增长》(1973))在预测资本如何积累以及发达国家的人口如何分配收入和资本方面,两人都得出了截然相反的结论。对马克思来说,资本主义播下了自我毁灭的种子,因此资本的不平等(以及资本的回报)必然会增长到破坏性的程度。虽然库兹涅特的原始数据只涵盖了很短的一段时间,但他认为事情会很好,收入和资本不平等不会成为任何痛苦的来源。马克思的数据是道听途说的,而库兹涅特的数据则是对资本和收入积累驱动因素的短视看法。皮凯蒂说,马克思和库兹涅茨都没有适当的数量和类型的数据来正确地进行这种研究。这本书有四个部分。前三部分致力于阐述和讨论他的发现,而第四部分,题为“21世纪的资本监管”,则是规范性的。作者将资本分为四大类:农业用地、住房、其他国内资本(包括我们通常认为的资本,如工厂和机器)和净外国资本(从外国抽取的资本减去引进的资本)。一国资本的比较指标是用其资本/收入比率来衡量的:即其资本价值的国民收入年数。(例如,英国首都的价值约为51英镑?是2010年国民收入的两倍。)这本书主要关注法国、英国、德国、美国和加拿大这些发达国家,因为这些国家的数据丰富,尽管意大利、澳大利亚、瑞典(以及整个斯堪的纳维亚半岛)和日本也被研究过。研究的发展中国家包括印度、中国、南非、印度尼西亚、哥伦比亚和阿根廷。有几个发现,虽然次于作者的主要发现,但确实令人大开眼界:(1)在过去的312年里,1700年至1912年之间的通货膨胀几乎为零,19134年至1990年之间的通货膨胀明显,1990年至2012年之间的通货膨胀非常低(约2%);(2)从1770年到1900年左右,农业用地在国家总资本中所占的比例非常大,1950年后下降到非常小的比例;(3)从1700年到1865年,奴隶在美国(主要是在南部各州)是资本的很大一部分;5(4)美国和法国分别在1936年和1953年制定了国家最低工资法,而瑞典和德国从未制定过法律,尽管后者今天的劳动收入不平等程度较低;(5)发达国家的净外国资本在大约1930年(世界非殖民化之后)之后下降到微不足道的水平。这本书充满了有趣的材料,包括作者对房地产的一些煽动,很适合我。首先要记住的是,在四种生产要素(生产商品和服务的投入)的背景下,土地不包括对房地产的改善。…
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引用次数: 84
Globalization, Spending and Income Inequality in Asia Pacific 全球化、亚太地区的支出和收入不平等
Q3 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2016-01-02 DOI: 10.1080/15339114.2015.1115746
Mathew Y. H. Wong
ABSTRACT This paper provides an overview of the patterns of government spending and income distribution in the Asia-Pacific region under globalization. Previous studies have not placed much emphasis on the underlying policy mechanisms. Not only does this article take the change in public spending into account, it also allows for different factors and distributive outcomes to be associated with distinct types of spending (education, welfare and health). Health-related spending is found to reduce income inequality, while the reverse is true for welfare expenses. The results also suggest that globalization strongly exacerbates income inequality even after controlling for economic, demographic and political factors. The results carry significant implications for governments in the Asia-Pacific region.
摘要本文综述了全球化背景下亚太地区政府支出与收入分配的格局。以前的研究并没有把重点放在潜在的政策机制上。这篇文章不仅考虑到公共支出的变化,还考虑到不同的因素和分配结果与不同类型的支出(教育、福利和卫生)有关。研究发现,与健康相关的支出减少了收入不平等,而福利支出则相反。研究结果还表明,即使在控制了经济、人口和政治因素后,全球化也严重加剧了收入不平等。研究结果对亚太地区的政府具有重要意义。
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引用次数: 17
Beneath the Finance–Growth Nexus: The Case of Japan’s Post-World War II Commercial Banking 金融与增长关系之下:二战后日本商业银行的案例
Q3 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2016-01-02 DOI: 10.1080/15339114.2016.1153977
Kei-ichiro Inaba
ABSTRACT For most of the post-World War II period, Japan’s finance–growth nexus did not benefit greatly from the information-producing and monitoring activities of commercial banks. This contradicts the famous Main Bank thesis. Regulations on direct finance and competitive restrictions on banking effectively liberated the banks from having to develop their informational activities. These institutional factors also enabled the banks to extract regulatory and informational rents from client companies. Bank regulators were motivated to stick to the status quo without reforming such commercial banks. On an aggregate basis over the period 1965–96, corporate profitability negatively correlated with bank loan dependency, and liquidity constraints impacted on corporate finance.
在二战后的大部分时间里,日本的金融增长关系并没有从商业银行的信息生产和监测活动中得到很大的好处。这与著名的主银行理论相矛盾。关于直接融资的规定和对银行业的竞争性限制有效地将银行从必须发展其信息活动中解放出来。这些制度因素也使银行能够从客户公司提取监管和信息租金。银行监管机构的动机是维持现状,不对此类商业银行进行改革。在1965 - 1996年的总体基础上,企业盈利能力与银行贷款依赖负相关,流动性约束影响企业融资。
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引用次数: 1
Water resource management in Central Asia: a Japanese attempt to promote water resource efficiency 中亚的水资源管理:日本提高水资源效率的尝试
Q3 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2016-01-02 DOI: 10.1080/15339114.2015.1115745
Timur Dadabaev
ABSTRACT This paper examines one instance of a capacity-building attempt by Japan to reduce water demand and increase the efficiency of scarce water resource use in Central Asia. Focusing on Japanese involvement in Uzbekistan, this paper demonstrates how Japan attempted to define priority areas, assistance principles and approaches to address this issue. Through its involvement, Japan attempted to place a great degree of trust and confidence in this region. The outcomes of these efforts to create water demand reduction and management schemes have been only partially successful. The Japanese “Integrated Water Resources Management” (IWRM) proposal met with limited success because of its various logistical and conceptual weaknesses. However, the demand for a water reduction agenda and the efficient consumption of water were well received by all participants and stakeholders.
本文考察了日本在中亚减少用水需求和提高稀缺水资源利用效率的能力建设尝试的一个实例。本文以日本在乌兹别克斯坦的参与为重点,展示了日本如何试图确定优先领域、援助原则和解决这一问题的方法。通过它的参与,日本试图在这个区域建立很大程度的信任和信心。这些制定减少用水需求和管理计划的努力只取得了部分成功。日本的“水资源综合管理”(IWRM)提案由于其各种后勤和概念上的弱点而获得有限的成功。然而,对节水议程和高效用水的要求得到了所有参与者和利益相关者的好评。
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引用次数: 2
Security Challenges Faced by the Modi Administration in the Indo-Pacific Region 莫迪政府在印太地区面临的安全挑战
Q3 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2016-01-02 DOI: 10.1080/15339114.2016.1151800
Kunal Mukherjee
ABSTRACT The paper looks at the security challenges faced by the Modi administration in the Indo-Pacific region. There is a special focus on Indo-Pak relations and Sino-Indian relations. Whilst India has had problematic relations with both China and Pakistan in the recent past, relations between India and China are likely to improve because of the exponential growth in trade between the two countries. Good economic relations between the two rising Asiatic giants, particularly in the post-2000 phase, is likely to diffuse some tension over border issues. However, this is not the case with neighbouring Pakistan. In Pakistan, whilst civilian leaders may view India favourably, the more powerful Pakistani military and the ISI do not, and hence problematic relations with India are likely to continue. In the final analysis, whilst realism helps us to understand Indo-Pak relations, both realism and liberalism gives us an insight into Sino-Indian relations.
本文探讨了莫迪政府在印太地区面临的安全挑战。特别关注印巴关系和中印关系。虽然印度最近与中国和巴基斯坦的关系都有问题,但由于两国之间的贸易呈指数级增长,印度和中国之间的关系可能会改善。这两个正在崛起的亚洲巨人之间良好的经济关系,特别是在2000年后的阶段,可能会缓解边界问题上的一些紧张局势。然而,邻国巴基斯坦的情况并非如此。在巴基斯坦,虽然文职领导人可能看好印度,但更强大的巴基斯坦军方和三军情报局却不这样认为,因此与印度的问题关系可能会继续下去。归根到底,现实主义有助于我们理解印巴关系,而现实主义和自由主义则有助于我们洞悉中印关系。
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引用次数: 2
期刊
Journal of Comparative Asian Development
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