Pub Date : 2021-02-18DOI: 10.46661/REVINTPENSAMPOLIT.4101
Gabriel Moreno González
espanolEl presente articulo aborda el recorrido del nacionalismo vasco durante la II Republica Espanola y su adecuacion al nuevo marco constitucional. En el se explora la centralidad que el PNV tuvo desde el inicio y los recelos que desperto su proyecto hegemonico en Euskadi desde las elites republicanas espanolas, que lo consideraban abiertamente contrario a los valores, principios y objetivos de la Constitucion de 1931. EnglishThis article analyzes the life of Basque nationalism during the Second Spanish Republic and its adequation to the new constitutional framework. The author explores the centrality of the Basque Nationalist Party from the very beginning and its rejection by republican Spanish elites, who considered the project contrary to the values, principles and objetives of the 1931 Constitution.
这篇文章讨论了巴斯克民族主义在第二西班牙共和国的发展及其对新的宪法框架的适应。本文探讨了PNV从一开始就具有的中心地位，以及西班牙共和精英对其在尤斯卡迪的霸权计划的怀疑，他们认为它公开反对1931年宪法的价值观、原则和目标。这篇文章分析了第二西班牙共和国巴斯克民族主义的生活及其对新宪法框架的适应。提交人explores The centrality of The Basque非常Nationalist Party from The beginning and its拒收by共和党[精英,世界卫生组织就所审议的项目,价值观念、原则和objetives《1931年宪法。
{"title":"El nacionalismo vasco en el marco constitucional de la II República Española (1931-1936)","authors":"Gabriel Moreno González","doi":"10.46661/REVINTPENSAMPOLIT.4101","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.46661/REVINTPENSAMPOLIT.4101","url":null,"abstract":"espanolEl presente articulo aborda el recorrido del nacionalismo vasco durante la II Republica Espanola y su adecuacion al nuevo marco constitucional. En el se explora la centralidad que el PNV tuvo desde el inicio y los recelos que desperto su proyecto hegemonico en Euskadi desde las elites republicanas espanolas, que lo consideraban abiertamente contrario a los valores, principios y objetivos de la Constitucion de 1931. EnglishThis article analyzes the life of Basque nationalism during the Second Spanish Republic and its adequation to the new constitutional framework. The author explores the centrality of the Basque Nationalist Party from the very beginning and its rejection by republican Spanish elites, who considered the project contrary to the values, principles and objetives of the 1931 Constitution.","PeriodicalId":53732,"journal":{"name":"Revista Internacional de Pensamiento Politico","volume":"13 1","pages":"363-381"},"PeriodicalIF":0.3,"publicationDate":"2021-02-18","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"45232396","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2021-02-18DOI: 10.46661/REVINTPENSAMPOLIT.4110
Juan Pablo Serra
Para todos aquellos que siguen con cierto interés la actualidad política en su vertiente más intelectual, un libro como este constituye, sin duda, un reclamo justificado, pues los tres términos amalgamados en su título aluden a fenómenos de los que se habla desde hace tiempo en la academia y en los medios.
{"title":"José Miguel Ortí Bordás, Desafección, posdemocracia, antipolítica (Encuentro, Madrid, 2015)","authors":"Juan Pablo Serra","doi":"10.46661/REVINTPENSAMPOLIT.4110","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.46661/REVINTPENSAMPOLIT.4110","url":null,"abstract":"Para todos aquellos que siguen con cierto interés la actualidad política en su vertiente más intelectual, un libro como este constituye, sin duda, un reclamo justificado, pues los tres términos amalgamados en su título aluden a fenómenos de los que se habla desde hace tiempo en la academia y en los medios.","PeriodicalId":53732,"journal":{"name":"Revista Internacional de Pensamiento Politico","volume":"13 1","pages":"493-496"},"PeriodicalIF":0.3,"publicationDate":"2021-02-18","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"48570237","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2021-02-18DOI: 10.46661/REVINTPENSAMPOLIT.4085
Adnane Abdelali
francaisEntre territorialisme brut et assimilationniste et personnalisme inacheve et evasif, le traitement du statut personnel en Droit international prive est appele a emprunter une troisieme voie mariant tolerance,liberalisme et clarte. Y puisant ainsi ses fondements theoriques principaux, le Droit musulman s’etait toujours acharne a entretenir un multiculturalisme sincere. Les affaires familiales demeurant un terrain des plus propices a la mise en œuvre d’une telle entreprise, une demarche personnaliste, laxiste et liberale a l’infini, reconnaissant sans reserve les particularites culturelles des minorites et repoussant le recours aux techniques d’exclusion et de negation de l’autre, avait vu le jour depuis les premiers moments de l’histoire de ce Droit. Depuis lors, un accueil ultraliberal des institutions familiales etrangeres s’inscrivait dans le prolongement d’une tradition millenaire soutenue, et ayant fortement resiste au fil des siecles aux tentations territorialistes d’un Droit international ne cessant de developper un egocentrisme outrancier. Ses fondements legaux sont d’une clarte, d’une precision et d’une simplicite frappante, qu’il serait impossible de les outrepasser sans violer l’esprit meme du dogme juridique central charpentant une telle tradition. EnglishBetween raw and assimilationist territorialism on the one hand, and unfinished and evasive personalism on the other, the handling of personal status in private international law should pursue a third way combining tolerance, liberalism and clarity. Drawing from these main theoretical foundations, Muslim law has always striven to maintain a sincere multiculturalism. Family affairs being one of the most conducive areas to the implementation of such an endeavor, an infinitely personalist, lenient and liberal approach, fully recognizing the cultural specificities of minorities and rejecting the recourse to techniques of exclusion and negation of the other, was born since the very beginnings of this law. Since then, an ultraliberal welcoming of foreign family institutions has been an extension of a sustained millennial tradition that have withstood over centuries the territorialist temptations of an international law which has never ceased to develop an extreme egocentrism. Its legal foundations are strikingly clear, precise, and simple that it would be impossible to override them without violating the very spirit of the central legal dogma supporting such a tradition.
{"title":"Droit international privé et statuts personnels des non musulmans en terre d’islam: liberté a l’infini, zero ordre public","authors":"Adnane Abdelali","doi":"10.46661/REVINTPENSAMPOLIT.4085","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.46661/REVINTPENSAMPOLIT.4085","url":null,"abstract":"francaisEntre territorialisme brut et assimilationniste et personnalisme inacheve et evasif, le traitement du statut personnel en Droit international prive est appele a emprunter une troisieme voie mariant tolerance,liberalisme et clarte. Y puisant ainsi ses fondements theoriques principaux, le Droit musulman s’etait toujours acharne a entretenir un multiculturalisme sincere. Les affaires familiales demeurant un terrain des plus propices a la mise en œuvre d’une telle entreprise, une demarche personnaliste, laxiste et liberale a l’infini, reconnaissant sans reserve les particularites culturelles des minorites et repoussant le recours aux techniques d’exclusion et de negation de l’autre, avait vu le jour depuis les premiers moments de l’histoire de ce Droit. Depuis lors, un accueil ultraliberal des institutions familiales etrangeres s’inscrivait dans le prolongement d’une tradition millenaire soutenue, et ayant fortement resiste au fil des siecles aux tentations territorialistes d’un Droit international ne cessant de developper un egocentrisme outrancier. Ses fondements legaux sont d’une clarte, d’une precision et d’une simplicite frappante, qu’il serait impossible de les outrepasser sans violer l’esprit meme du dogme juridique central charpentant une telle tradition. EnglishBetween raw and assimilationist territorialism on the one hand, and unfinished and evasive personalism on the other, the handling of personal status in private international law should pursue a third way combining tolerance, liberalism and clarity. Drawing from these main theoretical foundations, Muslim law has always striven to maintain a sincere multiculturalism. Family affairs being one of the most conducive areas to the implementation of such an endeavor, an infinitely personalist, lenient and liberal approach, fully recognizing the cultural specificities of minorities and rejecting the recourse to techniques of exclusion and negation of the other, was born since the very beginnings of this law. Since then, an ultraliberal welcoming of foreign family institutions has been an extension of a sustained millennial tradition that have withstood over centuries the territorialist temptations of an international law which has never ceased to develop an extreme egocentrism. Its legal foundations are strikingly clear, precise, and simple that it would be impossible to override them without violating the very spirit of the central legal dogma supporting such a tradition.","PeriodicalId":53732,"journal":{"name":"Revista Internacional de Pensamiento Politico","volume":"13 1","pages":"39-66"},"PeriodicalIF":0.3,"publicationDate":"2021-02-18","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"48357435","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2021-02-18DOI: 10.46661/REVINTPENSAMPOLIT.4099
Paloma Martínez Matías
espanolCon el objetivo de mostrar la relevancia y actualidad de la obra teorica de Rosa Luxemburg, el articulo analiza tres de sus tematicas fundamentales. En primer lugar, su critica a la deriva reformista de la socialdemocracia contra su original intencion revolucionaria, confirmada en su validez por la evolucion del capitalismo. En conexion con ello, su tesis de que la posibilidad de la realizacion de la democracia se encuentra estrictamente vinculada al proyecto revolucionario. Y, por ultimo, su reivindicacion de que la existencia de dicho proyecto depende de que el proletariado adquiera un conocimiento teorico sobre el funcionamiento del capitalismo que debe serle transmitido por el partido revolucionario. EnglishWith the objective of highlighting the relevance and topicality of the theoretical work of Rosa Luxemburg, this article analyzes three of her fundamental themes. Firstly, her criticism of the reformist drift of social democracy against its original revolutionary intention, confirmed in its validity by the evolution of capitalism. In connection with this, her thesis concerning the possibility of the realization of democracy is strictly linked to the revolutionary project. Finally, her assertion that the existence of such a project depends on the proletariat acquiring a theoretical knowledge about the inner workings of capitalism that must be transmitted to them by the revolutionary party
{"title":"Rosa Luxemburg: reformismo, democracia y conciencia revolucionaria","authors":"Paloma Martínez Matías","doi":"10.46661/REVINTPENSAMPOLIT.4099","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.46661/REVINTPENSAMPOLIT.4099","url":null,"abstract":"espanolCon el objetivo de mostrar la relevancia y actualidad de la obra teorica de Rosa Luxemburg, el articulo analiza tres de sus tematicas fundamentales. En primer lugar, su critica a la deriva reformista de la socialdemocracia contra su original intencion revolucionaria, confirmada en su validez por la evolucion del capitalismo. En conexion con ello, su tesis de que la posibilidad de la realizacion de la democracia se encuentra estrictamente vinculada al proyecto revolucionario. Y, por ultimo, su reivindicacion de que la existencia de dicho proyecto depende de que el proletariado adquiera un conocimiento teorico sobre el funcionamiento del capitalismo que debe serle transmitido por el partido revolucionario. EnglishWith the objective of highlighting the relevance and topicality of the theoretical work of Rosa Luxemburg, this article analyzes three of her fundamental themes. Firstly, her criticism of the reformist drift of social democracy against its original revolutionary intention, confirmed in its validity by the evolution of capitalism. In connection with this, her thesis concerning the possibility of the realization of democracy is strictly linked to the revolutionary project. Finally, her assertion that the existence of such a project depends on the proletariat acquiring a theoretical knowledge about the inner workings of capitalism that must be transmitted to them by the revolutionary party","PeriodicalId":53732,"journal":{"name":"Revista Internacional de Pensamiento Politico","volume":"13 1","pages":"323-346"},"PeriodicalIF":0.3,"publicationDate":"2021-02-18","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"47582504","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2021-02-18DOI: 10.46661/REVINTPENSAMPOLIT.4096
R. Jurado
espanolMaquiavelo no sentia simpatia ni agrado por Venecia. A pesar de que solo Venecia y Florencia, su patria, eran los dos grandes estados italianos que a principios del siglo XVI habian conservado gobiernos republicanos, lo que hipoteticamente debia hermanarlas, entre ambas republicas habia mas competencia que cooperacion, lo cual se reflejaba fielmente en el pensamiento y opiniones de Maquiavelo. Ademas, Venecia constituia un modelo de republica aristocratica que contrastaba con el modelo de republica democratica de la antigua Roma que tanto admiraba Maquiavelo, lo cual acentuaba su desagrado. Mas aun, el gobierno republicano de Florencia de 1494-1512 al que sirvio Maquiavelo, trato de reformarse a imagen y semejanza de las instituciones politicas venecianas, en lo cual no tuvo mucho exito. De este modo, el ejemplo de Venecia suscito una serie de reflexiones y opiniones de Maquiavelo sobre el gobierno republicano que son dignas de analisis y que constituyen la materia de este escrito EnglishMachiavelli felt no sympathy or liking for Venice. Although only Venice and Florence, their homeland, were the two great Italian states that had retained republican governments at the beginning of the 16th century, which hypothetically had to be twinned, between both republics there was more competition than cooperation, which was faithfully reflected in the thought and opinions of Machiavelli. In addition, Venice was a model of an aristocratic republic that contrasted with the model of democratic republic of ancient Rome that so pleased Machiavelli, which accentuated his displeasure. Moreover, the republican government of Florence of 1494- 1512 that Machiavelli served, tried to reform itself in the image and likeness of Venetian political institutions, in which he was not very successful. In this way, the example of Venice aroused a series of reflections and opinions of Machiavelli on republican government that are worthy of analysis and that constitute the subject of this writing.
{"title":"Maquiavelo y la perfidia de Venecia","authors":"R. Jurado","doi":"10.46661/REVINTPENSAMPOLIT.4096","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.46661/REVINTPENSAMPOLIT.4096","url":null,"abstract":"espanolMaquiavelo no sentia simpatia ni agrado por Venecia. A pesar de que solo Venecia y Florencia, su patria, eran los dos grandes estados italianos que a principios del siglo XVI habian conservado gobiernos republicanos, lo que hipoteticamente debia hermanarlas, entre ambas republicas habia mas competencia que cooperacion, lo cual se reflejaba fielmente en el pensamiento y opiniones de Maquiavelo. Ademas, Venecia constituia un modelo de republica aristocratica que contrastaba con el modelo de republica democratica de la antigua Roma que tanto admiraba Maquiavelo, lo cual acentuaba su desagrado. Mas aun, el gobierno republicano de Florencia de 1494-1512 al que sirvio Maquiavelo, trato de reformarse a imagen y semejanza de las instituciones politicas venecianas, en lo cual no tuvo mucho exito. De este modo, el ejemplo de Venecia suscito una serie de reflexiones y opiniones de Maquiavelo sobre el gobierno republicano que son dignas de analisis y que constituyen la materia de este escrito EnglishMachiavelli felt no sympathy or liking for Venice. Although only Venice and Florence, their homeland, were the two great Italian states that had retained republican governments at the beginning of the 16th century, which hypothetically had to be twinned, between both republics there was more competition than cooperation, which was faithfully reflected in the thought and opinions of Machiavelli. In addition, Venice was a model of an aristocratic republic that contrasted with the model of democratic republic of ancient Rome that so pleased Machiavelli, which accentuated his displeasure. Moreover, the republican government of Florence of 1494- 1512 that Machiavelli served, tried to reform itself in the image and likeness of Venetian political institutions, in which he was not very successful. In this way, the example of Venice aroused a series of reflections and opinions of Machiavelli on republican government that are worthy of analysis and that constitute the subject of this writing.","PeriodicalId":53732,"journal":{"name":"Revista Internacional de Pensamiento Politico","volume":"13 1","pages":"257-278"},"PeriodicalIF":0.3,"publicationDate":"2021-02-18","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"45671909","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2021-02-18DOI: 10.46661/REVINTPENSAMPOLIT.4108
M. Baroni
La biotecnología, junto a la nanotecnología, la biología sintética, la inteligencia artificial o los big data, forma parte de las denominadas tecnologías disruptivas, debido, entre otros factores, a los perturbadores interrogantes que generan sus progresos. Parafraseando a Ricoeur, podríamos agruparlas bajo la expresión tecnologías de la sospecha, por su capacidad para modificar estructuralmente el futuro de la civilización humana, incluidos nuestros valores, vertebración social y relación con el ecosistema, del que formamos parte.
{"title":"María Casado (coord.), De la solidaridad al mercado, el cuerpo humano y el comercio biotecnológico (Editorial Fontamara SA. México, 2016)","authors":"M. Baroni","doi":"10.46661/REVINTPENSAMPOLIT.4108","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.46661/REVINTPENSAMPOLIT.4108","url":null,"abstract":"La biotecnología, junto a la nanotecnología, la biología sintética, la inteligencia artificial o los big data, forma parte de las denominadas tecnologías disruptivas, debido, entre otros factores, a los perturbadores interrogantes que generan sus progresos. Parafraseando a Ricoeur, podríamos agruparlas bajo la expresión tecnologías de la sospecha, por su capacidad para modificar estructuralmente el futuro de la civilización humana, incluidos nuestros valores, vertebración social y relación con el ecosistema, del que formamos parte.","PeriodicalId":53732,"journal":{"name":"Revista Internacional de Pensamiento Politico","volume":"13 1","pages":"487-488"},"PeriodicalIF":0.3,"publicationDate":"2021-02-18","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"44997849","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2021-02-18DOI: 10.46661/REVINTPENSAMPOLIT.4092
A. Pascual
espanolComo homenaje a las aportaciones intelectuales, morales y politicas de las obras de Zygmunt Bauman, en este articulo (dedicado a su memoria) se realiza una sintesis dialectica de varios de los conceptos mas fundamentales que desarrollo a lo largo de su prolifica carrera (la adioforizacion, la racionalidad liquida, el amor liquido, la marginacion de los pobres, la minusvaloracion de los que son diferentes subsumidos en categorias de subhumanos y la urgencia de la toma de conciencia para actuar eticamente). En la exposicion critica se dejan emerger capas de analisis procedentes de otros pensadores (como Kant, Freud, Platon, Lacan, Levinas y Marx) con el fin de proporcionar un mayor esplendor, flexibilidad y amplitud al pensamiento trascendente y potencialmente utopico de Bauman. EnglishAs a tribute to the intellectual, moral and political contributions of the works of Zygmunt Bauman, this article (in memoriam) presents a dialectical synthesis of the core concepts that he developed throughout his prolific career (adiaphorization, liquid rationality, liquid love, the marginalization of the poor, the undervaluation of those who are different subsumed into subhuman categories and the urgency of the awareness to act ethically). In the critical exposition, layers of analysis from other thinkers (such as Kant, Freud, Plato, Lacan, Levinas and Marx) are allowed to emerge in order to provide Bauman’s transcendent and potentially utopian thinking with greater splendor, amplitude and flexibility.
{"title":"Zygmunt Bauman: entendimiento de un universo infinito","authors":"A. Pascual","doi":"10.46661/REVINTPENSAMPOLIT.4092","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.46661/REVINTPENSAMPOLIT.4092","url":null,"abstract":"espanolComo homenaje a las aportaciones intelectuales, morales y politicas de las obras de Zygmunt Bauman, en este articulo (dedicado a su memoria) se realiza una sintesis dialectica de varios de los conceptos mas fundamentales que desarrollo a lo largo de su prolifica carrera (la adioforizacion, la racionalidad liquida, el amor liquido, la marginacion de los pobres, la minusvaloracion de los que son diferentes subsumidos en categorias de subhumanos y la urgencia de la toma de conciencia para actuar eticamente). En la exposicion critica se dejan emerger capas de analisis procedentes de otros pensadores (como Kant, Freud, Platon, Lacan, Levinas y Marx) con el fin de proporcionar un mayor esplendor, flexibilidad y amplitud al pensamiento trascendente y potencialmente utopico de Bauman. EnglishAs a tribute to the intellectual, moral and political contributions of the works of Zygmunt Bauman, this article (in memoriam) presents a dialectical synthesis of the core concepts that he developed throughout his prolific career (adiaphorization, liquid rationality, liquid love, the marginalization of the poor, the undervaluation of those who are different subsumed into subhuman categories and the urgency of the awareness to act ethically). In the critical exposition, layers of analysis from other thinkers (such as Kant, Freud, Plato, Lacan, Levinas and Marx) are allowed to emerge in order to provide Bauman’s transcendent and potentially utopian thinking with greater splendor, amplitude and flexibility.","PeriodicalId":53732,"journal":{"name":"Revista Internacional de Pensamiento Politico","volume":"13 1","pages":"163-192"},"PeriodicalIF":0.3,"publicationDate":"2021-02-18","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"45318840","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2021-02-18DOI: 10.46661/REVINTPENSAMPOLIT.4107
Eduardo Manuel Molina Campano
espanolEl texto es un ensayo reflexivo, a modo de autocritica, sobre la Revolucion Bolivariana y el socialismo como proyecto historico de transicion post capitalista asi como de las consecuencias simbolicas que el fracaso de dicho proceso tiene para la izquierda alternativa mundial que apoyo en algun momento al gobierno de Venezuela. EnglishThe text is a reflexive essay, by way of self-criticism, about the Bolivarian Revolution and socialism as a historical project of post capitalist transition as well as the symbolic consequences that the failure of this process has for the alternative global left that at some time supported the Government of Venezuela.
espanolEl高度的自我,是一篇一触即发的案文,玻利瓦尔革命和社会主义作为资本主义的历史转变后的项目就是simbolicas后果这一进程的失败对全球左边选择某个时刻对委内瑞拉政府的支持。EnglishThe text是reflexive essay、by way of self-criticism about the Bolivarian革命和社会主义历史后capitalist transition project of as well as the symbolic后果that the课以of this process has been for the替代全球left that at some time《委内瑞拉政府支持的。
{"title":"Venezuela: ¿la derrota simbólica definitiva del socialismo? Un \"mea culpa\".","authors":"Eduardo Manuel Molina Campano","doi":"10.46661/REVINTPENSAMPOLIT.4107","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.46661/REVINTPENSAMPOLIT.4107","url":null,"abstract":"espanolEl texto es un ensayo reflexivo, a modo de autocritica, sobre la Revolucion Bolivariana y el socialismo como proyecto historico de transicion post capitalista asi como de las consecuencias simbolicas que el fracaso de dicho proceso tiene para la izquierda alternativa mundial que apoyo en algun momento al gobierno de Venezuela. EnglishThe text is a reflexive essay, by way of self-criticism, about the Bolivarian Revolution and socialism as a historical project of post capitalist transition as well as the symbolic consequences that the failure of this process has for the alternative global left that at some time supported the Government of Venezuela.","PeriodicalId":53732,"journal":{"name":"Revista Internacional de Pensamiento Politico","volume":"13 1","pages":"475-483"},"PeriodicalIF":0.3,"publicationDate":"2021-02-18","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"45064332","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2021-02-17DOI: 10.46661/REVINTPENSAMPOLIT.4106
María del Águila Lara Palacios
espanolLas personas inmigrantes, de paises de procedencia del Oriente Medio y de paises africanos, que intentan acceder a suelo europeo en busca de un mejor futuro se ven envueltas en redes tratantes de seres humanos para realizar su viaje ante la imposibilidad de conseguir un visado. Estas personas al intentar entrar a Melilla desde Marruecos viven una situacion de desproteccion total, vulnerandose todos los Derechos Humanos Universales. Este articulo analiza a que medidas registradas en la normativa existente se pueden acoger estas personas para poder cruzar la frontera defendiendo su integridad fisica. EnglishImmigrants, from the Middle East and African countries, who try to arrive European land looking for a better future are usually involved in trafficking of human beings during their trip, given the impossibility to obtain a visa. While trying to arrive to Melilla from Morocco live a situation of total vulnerability, all Universal Human Rights being violated. This article analyzes the measures registered in the existing regulations for these people which could be taken to cross the border ensuring their physical integrity.
{"title":"Análisis de los acuerdos entre España y Marruecos - La garantía de la circulación de las personas inmigrantes en la frontera sur de la Ciudad Autónoma de Melilla.","authors":"María del Águila Lara Palacios","doi":"10.46661/REVINTPENSAMPOLIT.4106","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.46661/REVINTPENSAMPOLIT.4106","url":null,"abstract":"espanolLas personas inmigrantes, de paises de procedencia del Oriente Medio y de paises africanos, que intentan acceder a suelo europeo en busca de un mejor futuro se ven envueltas en redes tratantes de seres humanos para realizar su viaje ante la imposibilidad de conseguir un visado. Estas personas al intentar entrar a Melilla desde Marruecos viven una situacion de desproteccion total, vulnerandose todos los Derechos Humanos Universales. Este articulo analiza a que medidas registradas en la normativa existente se pueden acoger estas personas para poder cruzar la frontera defendiendo su integridad fisica. EnglishImmigrants, from the Middle East and African countries, who try to arrive European land looking for a better future are usually involved in trafficking of human beings during their trip, given the impossibility to obtain a visa. While trying to arrive to Melilla from Morocco live a situation of total vulnerability, all Universal Human Rights being violated. This article analyzes the measures registered in the existing regulations for these people which could be taken to cross the border ensuring their physical integrity.","PeriodicalId":53732,"journal":{"name":"Revista Internacional de Pensamiento Politico","volume":"13 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.3,"publicationDate":"2021-02-17","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"42390034","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2021-02-03DOI: 10.46661/REVINTPENSAMPOLIT.4097
Elisa Goyenechea
espanolEl trabajo examina la interpretacion de Hannah Arendt del pensamiento politico de Thomas Jefferson. En primer lugar, presentamos los principales argumentos que lo ubican en el marco de las ideas del liberalismo. Al respecto, en sus escritos del periodo pre revolucionario Jefferson alude a la antigua constitucion sajona y a los derechos naturales de John Locke. En segundo lugar, exponemos la posicion de Hannah Arendt respecto de la Revolucion americana como replica del republicanismo clasico, en desmedro de la tesis prevaleciente hasta 1960, que la ubica bajo la egida del liberalismo clasico. En este contexto, mostramos que la autora interpreta a T. Jefferson como representante del republicanismo, destacando, en particular, su tesis sobre el sistema de consejos. EnglishThe paper examines Hannah Arendt’s interpretation of Thomas Jefferson’s political thought. First, we put forward the main arguments that place him within the framework of political liberalism. In this regard, his writings of the pre-revolutionary period allude to the ancient Saxon constitution and to the natural rights of John Locke. Second, we expose Hannah Arendt’s assessment of the American Revolution as a replica of classical republicanism, to the detriment of the thesis prevailing until 1960, which places it within the context of classical liberalism. We assert that she interprets T. Jefferson as representative of republicanism, highlighting in particular his thesis on the council system.
这本书考察了汉娜·阿伦特对托马斯·杰斐逊政治思想的解释。首先，我们提出了将其置于自由主义思想框架内的主要论点。在这方面，杰斐逊在革命前的著作中提到了旧撒克逊宪法和约翰·洛克的自然权利。首先，我们分析了汉娜·阿伦特对美国革命的立场，认为这是对古典共和主义的复制，与1960年之前盛行的理论相反，后者将美国革命置于古典自由主义的指导之下。在这篇文章中，我们分析了杰斐逊作为共和主义的代表，特别是他关于议会制度的论文。= =地理= =根据美国人口普查，该镇的土地面积为。= =地理= =根据美国人口普查，这个县的面积为。有鉴于此,其the end of the pre-revolutionary allude至the ancient Saxon自然constitution and to the rights of John Locke。第二，我们阐述了汉娜·阿伦特对美国革命的评价，认为它是古典共和主义的复制品，而对1960年以前盛行的论文的危害，把它放在古典自由主义的背景下。她interprets t杰斐逊as We assert代表republicanism,突出尤其是其thesis on the council system。
{"title":"Thomas Jefferson: Entre el liberalismo y el republicanismo. La posición de Hannah Arendt","authors":"Elisa Goyenechea","doi":"10.46661/REVINTPENSAMPOLIT.4097","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.46661/REVINTPENSAMPOLIT.4097","url":null,"abstract":"espanolEl trabajo examina la interpretacion de Hannah Arendt del pensamiento politico de Thomas Jefferson. En primer lugar, presentamos los principales argumentos que lo ubican en el marco de las ideas del liberalismo. Al respecto, en sus escritos del periodo pre revolucionario Jefferson alude a la antigua constitucion sajona y a los derechos naturales de John Locke. En segundo lugar, exponemos la posicion de Hannah Arendt respecto de la Revolucion americana como replica del republicanismo clasico, en desmedro de la tesis prevaleciente hasta 1960, que la ubica bajo la egida del liberalismo clasico. En este contexto, mostramos que la autora interpreta a T. Jefferson como representante del republicanismo, destacando, en particular, su tesis sobre el sistema de consejos. EnglishThe paper examines Hannah Arendt’s interpretation of Thomas Jefferson’s political thought. First, we put forward the main arguments that place him within the framework of political liberalism. In this regard, his writings of the pre-revolutionary period allude to the ancient Saxon constitution and to the natural rights of John Locke. Second, we expose Hannah Arendt’s assessment of the American Revolution as a replica of classical republicanism, to the detriment of the thesis prevailing until 1960, which places it within the context of classical liberalism. We assert that she interprets T. Jefferson as representative of republicanism, highlighting in particular his thesis on the council system.","PeriodicalId":53732,"journal":{"name":"Revista Internacional de Pensamiento Politico","volume":"13 1","pages":"279-305"},"PeriodicalIF":0.3,"publicationDate":"2021-02-03","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"47205279","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
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