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Južni Jadran 1918.
IF 0.2 Q2 HISTORY Pub Date : 2022-07-15 DOI: 10.22586/csp.v54i2.20521
Albina Drançolli Ramadani
Južni Jadran u povijesti je, uključujući i Prvi svjetski rat, imao veliku geostratešku važnost. Prije rata interese u Albaniji imale su Austro-Ugarska i Italija, no tijekom rata, a napose 1918., sve su sile pozorno pratile događanja uz njezinu obalu. U ovom će se članku na temelju novih relevantnih historiografskih i arhivskih izvora istražiti ključne pomorske operacije u južnom Jadranu tijekom 1918., godine koja označava razdoblje ofenziva dviju zaraćenih strana. Napose će se obraditi talijanska ofenziva izvedena uz potporu njezinih saveznika u Albaniji u srpnju 1918., kao i protuofenziva Austro-Ugarske, čiji se rezultati smatraju posljednjim uspjesima Centralnih sila tijekom rata. Iznijet će se i informacije o pomorskoj operaciji saveznika u Draču u listopadu 1918. kao posljednjem pomorskom sukobu na Jadranu u Prvom svjetskom ratu.
在包括第一次世界大战在内的历史上,南贾德兰具有重要的地缘战略意义。战前,阿尔巴尼亚的利益是奥乌和意大利,但在战争期间和1918年期间,所有部队都密切关注着海岸上的事件。在这篇文章中,根据新的相关历史和存档来源,将于1918年调查阿德里安南部的关键海上行动,这标志着双方的进攻期。Naposeće se obraditi talijanska ofenziva izvedena uz potporu njezinih saveznika u Albaniji u srpnju 1918。我是奥斯特罗·乌加尔斯克的支持者,我是中央的支持者。关于盟军在德拉克的海上行动的信息也将于1918年10月发布。作为第一次亚得里亚海战争中的最后一次海上冲突。
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引用次数: 0
Brodogradnja u Jugoslaviji (1945. – 1960.)
IF 0.2 Q2 HISTORY Pub Date : 2022-07-15 DOI: 10.22586/csp.v54i2.19858
Marko Miletić
U radu se na temelju arhivske građe pohranjene u Arhivu Jugoslavije i Vojnom arhivu u Beogradu i postojeće historiografske literature daje pregled razvoja brodograđevne industrije u Jugoslaviji. Naglasak je stavljen na planove obnove i izgradnje pomorskih brodogradilišta, kao i na rezultate njihova rada, tj. na proizvodnju brodova za potrebe jugoslavenske ratne i trgovačke mornarice. Pozornost smo posvetili i plasmanu proizvoda jugoslavenske brodogradnje na svjetsko tržište.
研究南斯拉夫档案馆和贝尔格莱德军事档案馆中保存的建筑师以及现有的历史文献,回顾了南斯拉夫航运业的发展。重点是海港的重建和建设计划,以及它们的工作成果,即生产满足南斯拉夫战争和贸易海军需要的船只。我们还关注世界市场上南斯拉夫船运产品的血浆。
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引用次数: 0
Dealing with ‘Returns’: African Decolonization and Repatriation to Italy, 1947–70 处理“回归”:1947 - 1970年非洲非殖民化和遣返意大利
IF 0.2 Q2 HISTORY Pub Date : 2022-07-01 DOI: 10.1177/00220094221087860
Alessandra Vigo
The repatriation of many citizens to Italy from the former colonies, and from other Italian communities in Africa, between the Second World War and the late 1960s, had a significant impact on the country. Compatriots coming back from Africa forced Italian institutions to deal with problems of reception and resettlement and made the consequences of African decolonization evident in the peninsula. Looking at three different cases of repatriation, the return of settlers from Italian ex-colonies (Libya, Eritrea, Ethiopia and Somalia), and the return of Italians from Tunisia and Egypt, this article aims to display the political strategies enacted by post-war Italy in order to cope with citizens returning from Africa. The comparative approach highlights the political reasons that guided the State's action during the long repatriation. Italian governments had different attitudes towards the returnees, depending on the purposes of domestic and foreign policy but also on their places of departure and the supposed more difficult assimilation of certain groups of repatriates. In this regard, the article argues that the definitive resettlement in the peninsula of the returnees from Tunisia and Egypt was especially discouraged by the institutions, which long tried to divert those flows of migration to other destinations.
在第二次世界大战和1960年代后期之间,许多公民从前殖民地和非洲其他意大利社区返回意大利,这对该国产生了重大影响。从非洲回来的同胞迫使意大利机构处理接待和重新安置的问题,并使非洲非殖民化的后果在半岛上显现出来。本文着眼于三个不同的遣返案例,即意大利前殖民地(利比亚、厄立特里亚、埃塞俄比亚和索马里)移民的返回,以及意大利人从突尼斯和埃及的返回,旨在展示战后意大利为应对从非洲返回的公民而制定的政治策略。比较方法突出了在漫长的遣返过程中指导国家行动的政治原因。意大利政府对回返者有不同的态度,这取决于国内和外交政策的目的,也取决于他们的出发地点和某些回返者群体被认为更难以同化的情况。在这方面,文章认为,从突尼斯和埃及返回者在半岛的最终重新安置特别受到各机构的阻挠,这些机构长期以来一直试图将这些移民流转移到其他目的地。
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引用次数: 0
Religion, Patriotism and War Experience in Digitized Wartime Letters in Finland, 1939–44 1939–44年芬兰战时数字化信件中的宗教、爱国主义和战争经验
IF 0.2 Q2 HISTORY Pub Date : 2022-07-01 DOI: 10.1177/00220094211066006
Ilari Taskinen, Risto Turunen, L. Uusitalo, V. Kivimäki
This article examines religious and patriotic languages in digitized letters written by ordinary Finnish people in the Second World War. We combine qualitative and quantitative methods to analyse how religious and patriotic languages were used throughout the war years. Our findings show that the frequency of religious and patriotic vocabulary fluctuated widely during the war. Religious words were most notably connected to the intensity of the warfare, peaking during the periods of heated combat and dropping in the period of stationary warfare. Patriotic words were likewise common during the early periods of combat, but their use waned in the later war years. The analysis of words occurring in close proximity to the religious and patriotic words suggests that this was due to the different functions of the two languages. Religious parlance was essentially a vehicle of private emotional coping, while patriotic style gave a collective meaning to the sacrifices of the war. Religion and patriotism diverged during the war because the collective meaning of the war vanished but the need for emotional comfort persisted until its end.
本文考察了第二次世界大战期间芬兰普通民众书写的数字化信件中的宗教和爱国语言。我们结合定性和定量的方法来分析宗教和爱国语言在整个战争年代的使用情况。我们的研究结果表明,在战争期间,宗教和爱国词汇的频率波动很大。宗教词汇最显著地与战争的激烈程度有关,在激烈的战争时期达到顶峰,在静止的战争时期下降。爱国词在战争初期也很常见,但在战争后期,它们的使用有所减少。对与宗教和爱国词语相近的词语的分析表明,这是由于两种语言的功能不同。宗教用语本质上是私人情感应对的工具,而爱国主义风格赋予了战争牺牲的集体意义。宗教和爱国主义在战争期间出现分歧,因为战争的集体意义消失了,但对情感安慰的需求一直持续到战争结束。
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引用次数: 2
Irish Republicanism, the Threat of Political Violence and the National/Border Security Nexus in Australia 爱尔兰共和主义,政治暴力的威胁和澳大利亚的国家/边境安全关系
IF 0.2 Q2 HISTORY Pub Date : 2022-06-28 DOI: 10.1177/00220094221107477
E. Smith, Anastasia Dukova
As the conflict in Northern Ireland heightened in the early 1970s, the Australian authorities became worried that political violence might spread amongst the Irish communities in Australia. Coming at a time when there was a concern about political extremism and violence linked to overseas conflicts, such as the Palestinian struggle in the Middle East and the anti-communist opposition to Yugoslavia, the Australian government and security services were also anxious about militant Irish Republicanism transgressing borders, particularly representatives of the Irish Republican Army entering the country. Unlike nearly all migrants and visitors from Europe and the Middle East, people coming from Northern Ireland and the Republic of Ireland could enter Australia without visa, and few criminal or security checks were conducted upon them. This article examines the ways in which the Australian authorities attempted to prevent militant Irish Republicans coming during the 1970s and how the favoured status of British (including Northern Irish) and Irish citizens was seen as an impediment to Australia's national security in the era of international terrorism.
随着北爱尔兰冲突在1970年代初加剧,澳大利亚当局开始担心政治暴力可能在澳大利亚的爱尔兰社区中蔓延。当时正值人们担心与海外冲突有关的政治极端主义和暴力,例如中东的巴勒斯坦斗争和南斯拉夫的反共反对派,澳大利亚政府和安全部门也担心激进的爱尔兰共和主义越界,特别是爱尔兰共和军的代表进入该国。与几乎所有来自欧洲和中东的移民和游客不同,来自北爱尔兰和爱尔兰共和国的人可以在没有签证的情况下进入澳大利亚,对他们进行的刑事或安全检查很少。本文考察了澳大利亚当局在20世纪70年代试图阻止激进的爱尔兰共和派到来的方式,以及在国际恐怖主义时代,英国(包括北爱尔兰)和爱尔兰公民的有利地位如何被视为澳大利亚国家安全的障碍。
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引用次数: 0
The Hijacking of El Al Flight 426: The Advent of Air Terrorism 劫持El Al 426航班:空中恐怖主义的来临
IF 0.2 Q2 HISTORY Pub Date : 2022-06-28 DOI: 10.1177/00220094221107501
D. Porat
On 23 July 1968, The Popular Front for the Liberation of Palestine hijacked El Al flight 426 en route from Italy to Israel and diverted it to Algeria. Scholars largely agree this act marked an important milestone in modern international terrorism and especially in the advent of air terrorism. Yet to date, no one has studied in depth the events as they unfolded in different world capitals, along with their implications for national and global security and politics. Based on previously untapped archival material, this article will focus on how the hijacking of El Al flight 426 modeled a new era of plane hijackings by, for example, setting a standard that hostages of a hijacked plane could be exchanged for prisoners. It will also demonstrate how some elements of this event did not repeat themselves in future hijackings, such as the demand made by the Algerians to hold onto the Israeli plane, arguing it was an instrument of war. In all, this article will exhibit how elements from the 23 July 1968 hijacking served to signify a shift in international air terrorism.
1968年7月23日,解放巴勒斯坦人民阵线劫持了从意大利飞往以色列的El Al 426航班,并将其改飞阿尔及利亚。学者们普遍认为,这一行为标志着现代国际恐怖主义,特别是空中恐怖主义的出现,具有重要的里程碑意义。然而,到目前为止,还没有人深入研究这些事件在世界各国首都发生的过程,以及它们对国家和全球安全与政治的影响。基于之前未开发的档案材料,本文将重点关注El Al 426航班劫机事件如何通过设定被劫持飞机的人质可以交换囚犯的标准来模拟新的劫机时代。它还将证明,这一事件的一些因素在未来的劫机事件中没有重演,比如阿尔及利亚人要求扣留以色列飞机,称其为战争工具。总之,这篇文章将展示1968年7月23日劫机事件中的元素如何标志着国际航空恐怖主义的转变。
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引用次数: 0
Liminal Liberalism? Ivan Kats, the Congress for Cultural Freedom, and the Obor Foundation in Cold War Indonesia 极限自由主义?Ivan Kats、文化自由大会和冷战时期的印尼Obor基金会
IF 0.2 Q2 HISTORY Pub Date : 2022-06-26 DOI: 10.1177/00220094221107476
G. Scott-Smith
The story of the Obor Foundation is important for several reasons. Firstly, it covers the contribution of an up-till-now largely overlooked Western philanthropic enterprise to promote a cohesive national cultural identity for Indonesia in the wake of the fall of Sukarno. Secondly, Obor was an attempt to move beyond previous Cold War efforts to spread liberal ideas globally, most notably by the Congress for Cultural Freedom. To overcome critiques of top-down Westernization and neocolonialism, Obor sought to establish local control over the publishing process in a reciprocal arrangement of shared responsibility. Thirdly, it was symbolic of the move of the Ford Foundation, which had invested a great deal in the modernisation (i.e. Westernization) of Indonesian education, towards introducing a greater level of autonomy in their operations from the late 1960s onwards, expressing a general confidence in (and sufficient monitoring of) Western-trained and/or -oriented local leadership.
Obor基金会的故事之所以重要,有几个原因。首先,它涵盖了一个迄今为止一直被忽视的西方慈善企业在苏加诺沦陷后为促进印尼具有凝聚力的民族文化认同所做的贡献。其次,奥博尔试图超越以往冷战时期的努力,在全球传播自由主义思想,最引人注目的是文化自由大会。为了克服对自上而下的西方化和新殖民主义的批评,奥博尔试图以分担责任的互惠安排建立对出版过程的地方控制。第三,这象征着福特基金会从20世纪60年代末起在印尼教育现代化(即西化)方面投入了大量资金,在运营中引入了更大程度的自主权,表达了对西方培训和/或面向西方的地方领导层的普遍信心(并对其进行了充分监督)。
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引用次数: 0
Pregnant Women, HIV, and Clinical Research to Prevent Perinatal Transmission in the 1990s 20世纪90年代孕妇、艾滋病毒和预防围产期传播的临床研究
IF 0.2 Q2 HISTORY Pub Date : 2022-06-26 DOI: 10.1177/00220094221107493
Sarah B. Rodriguez
In 1994, American and French AIDS research showed that the drug AZT reduced the risk of HIV transmission from a pregnant HIV-positive woman to her fetus (perinatal transmission). Hailed as a breakthrough, the AIDS Clinical Trial Group protocol 076 (ACTG 076) soon became the standard of care in the US But ACTG 076 was too expensive for low-income countries where perinatal transmission rates were high; to find a more affordable prevention, the US principally funded studies in several low-income countries. Controversy over whether the short course of AZT studies was ethical, given their different standards of care and use of a placebo, erupted in 1997. These studies remain well known within the global health biomedical literature as illustrating differences between sending and receiving countries. But while rarely invoked within this literature, these two sets of studies have similarities that challenge this hierarchal division: both involved pregnant women as objects of clinical research instead of subjects of clinical care, reflective of the all-too-common focus in global health on disease containment rather than on health care, and both illustrate the ways the focus within global health has been on a solitary biomedical intervention rather than on discrimination, inequality, and poverty within and among countries.
1994年,美国和法国的艾滋病研究表明,药物AZT降低了HIV阳性孕妇将HIV传播给胎儿的风险(围产期传播)。艾滋病临床试验组方案076 (ACTG 076)被誉为一项突破,很快成为美国的护理标准。但对于围产期传播率高的低收入国家来说,ACTG 076过于昂贵;为了找到负担得起的预防方法,美国主要资助了几个低收入国家的研究。1997年爆发了关于短期AZT研究是否符合伦理的争论,因为它们的护理标准和安慰剂的使用不同。这些研究在全球卫生生物医学文献中仍然广为人知,说明了原籍国和接受国之间的差异。虽然这两组研究很少在文献中被引用,但它们有相似之处,挑战了这种等级划分:两者都将孕妇作为临床研究的对象,而不是临床护理的对象,反映了全球卫生对疾病控制而不是卫生保健的普遍关注,两者都说明了全球卫生的重点是单一的生物医学干预,而不是国家内部和国家之间的歧视、不平等和贫困。
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引用次数: 0
The Visual Politics of Fear: Anti-Communist Imagery in Postwar Greece 恐惧的视觉政治:战后希腊的反共形象
IF 0.2 Q2 HISTORY Pub Date : 2022-06-21 DOI: 10.1177/00220094221090838
Alexander Kazamias
From the mid-1940s to the fall of the Colonels’ Dictatorship in 1974, Greek society was defined by an official anti-communist discourse that divided it into ‘nationally-minded’ Ethnikofron citizens and left-wing ‘enemies of the nation’. The article shows how this power discourse deployed visual media to construct an emotional regime of fear around communism during and after the Greek Civil War. It uncovers a large volume of propaganda imagery, including posters, illustrations, book covers, photographs, newsreels and feature films, which was used alongside texts and corporeal practices to vilify the Greek left. The article argues that the visual language of Ethnikofrosyni patterned itself on older scripts of negative othering embedded in Greek popular culture, such as lycanthropy, teratology, witchcraft, Islamophobia and Orientalism to discredit communism without engaging with its twentieth-century ideas and policies. Communists were therefore portrayed as monsters, beasts, barbarians, Muslims, Turks, Jews and unfeminine women to arouse primordial fears that threatened the deepest symbols of Greek national identity. The article stresses the centrality and relative autonomy of images in the discourse of Ethnikofrosyni and uses comparisons to unveil the processes of circulation and domestication operating across different national strands of anti-communism in the Cold War.
从20世纪40年代中期到1974年上校独裁政权倒台,希腊社会被一种官方的反共话语所定义,这种话语将其划分为“具有民族意识的”民族公民和左翼的“国家敌人”。本文展示了在希腊内战期间和之后,这种权力话语如何利用视觉媒体来构建一种围绕共产主义的恐惧情感制度。它揭示了大量的宣传图像,包括海报、插图、书籍封面、照片、新闻片和故事片,这些图像与文本和肉体实践一起被用来诋毁希腊左翼。这篇文章认为,Ethnikofrosyni的视觉语言模仿了希腊流行文化中嵌入的消极他人的旧剧本,比如变狼论、畸形论、巫术、伊斯兰恐惧症和东方主义,以诋毁共产主义,而不涉及其20世纪的思想和政策。因此,共产党人被描绘成怪物、野兽、野蛮人、穆斯林、土耳其人、犹太人和不女人的女人,以唤起对威胁希腊民族身份最深层象征的原始恐惧。本文强调了民族主义话语中图像的中心地位和相对自主性,并通过比较揭示了冷战时期不同国家反共势力之间的流通和驯化过程。
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引用次数: 0
Book Review: From Byron to bin Laden: A History of Foreign War Volunteers by Nir Arielli 书评:《从拜伦到本拉登:外国志愿军的历史》,作者:尼尔·阿雷利
IF 0.2 Q2 HISTORY Pub Date : 2022-06-15 DOI: 10.1177/00220094221083479a
Fraser Raeburn
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引用次数: 0
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