Pub Date : 2022-07-15DOI: 10.22586/csp.v54i2.20521
Albina Drançolli Ramadani
Južni Jadran u povijesti je, uključujući i Prvi svjetski rat, imao veliku geostratešku važnost. Prije rata interese u Albaniji imale su Austro-Ugarska i Italija, no tijekom rata, a napose 1918., sve su sile pozorno pratile događanja uz njezinu obalu. U ovom će se članku na temelju novih relevantnih historiografskih i arhivskih izvora istražiti ključne pomorske operacije u južnom Jadranu tijekom 1918., godine koja označava razdoblje ofenziva dviju zaraćenih strana. Napose će se obraditi talijanska ofenziva izvedena uz potporu njezinih saveznika u Albaniji u srpnju 1918., kao i protuofenziva Austro-Ugarske, čiji se rezultati smatraju posljednjim uspjesima Centralnih sila tijekom rata. Iznijet će se i informacije o pomorskoj operaciji saveznika u Draču u listopadu 1918. kao posljednjem pomorskom sukobu na Jadranu u Prvom svjetskom ratu.
在包括第一次世界大战在内的历史上,南贾德兰具有重要的地缘战略意义。战前,阿尔巴尼亚的利益是奥乌和意大利,但在战争期间和1918年期间,所有部队都密切关注着海岸上的事件。在这篇文章中,根据新的相关历史和存档来源,将于1918年调查阿德里安南部的关键海上行动,这标志着双方的进攻期。Naposeće se obraditi talijanska ofenziva izvedena uz potporu njezinih saveznika u Albaniji u srpnju 1918。我是奥斯特罗·乌加尔斯克的支持者,我是中央的支持者。关于盟军在德拉克的海上行动的信息也将于1918年10月发布。作为第一次亚得里亚海战争中的最后一次海上冲突。
{"title":"Južni Jadran 1918.","authors":"Albina Drançolli Ramadani","doi":"10.22586/csp.v54i2.20521","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.22586/csp.v54i2.20521","url":null,"abstract":"Južni Jadran u povijesti je, uključujući i Prvi svjetski rat, imao veliku geostratešku važnost. Prije rata interese u Albaniji imale su Austro-Ugarska i Italija, no tijekom rata, a napose 1918., sve su sile pozorno pratile događanja uz njezinu obalu. U ovom će se članku na temelju novih relevantnih historiografskih i arhivskih izvora istražiti ključne pomorske operacije u južnom Jadranu tijekom 1918., godine koja označava razdoblje ofenziva dviju zaraćenih strana. Napose će se obraditi talijanska ofenziva izvedena uz potporu njezinih saveznika u Albaniji u srpnju 1918., kao i protuofenziva Austro-Ugarske, čiji se rezultati smatraju posljednjim uspjesima Centralnih sila tijekom rata. Iznijet će se i informacije o pomorskoj operaciji saveznika u Draču u listopadu 1918. kao posljednjem pomorskom sukobu na Jadranu u Prvom svjetskom ratu.","PeriodicalId":53857,"journal":{"name":"Casopis za Suvremenu Povijest","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.2,"publicationDate":"2022-07-15","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"44183659","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-07-15DOI: 10.22586/csp.v54i2.19858
Marko Miletić
U radu se na temelju arhivske građe pohranjene u Arhivu Jugoslavije i Vojnom arhivu u Beogradu i postojeće historiografske literature daje pregled razvoja brodograđevne industrije u Jugoslaviji. Naglasak je stavljen na planove obnove i izgradnje pomorskih brodogradilišta, kao i na rezultate njihova rada, tj. na proizvodnju brodova za potrebe jugoslavenske ratne i trgovačke mornarice. Pozornost smo posvetili i plasmanu proizvoda jugoslavenske brodogradnje na svjetsko tržište.
{"title":"Brodogradnja u Jugoslaviji (1945. – 1960.)","authors":"Marko Miletić","doi":"10.22586/csp.v54i2.19858","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.22586/csp.v54i2.19858","url":null,"abstract":"U radu se na temelju arhivske građe pohranjene u Arhivu Jugoslavije i Vojnom arhivu u Beogradu i postojeće historiografske literature daje pregled razvoja brodograđevne industrije u Jugoslaviji. Naglasak je stavljen na planove obnove i izgradnje pomorskih brodogradilišta, kao i na rezultate njihova rada, tj. na proizvodnju brodova za potrebe jugoslavenske ratne i trgovačke mornarice. Pozornost smo posvetili i plasmanu proizvoda jugoslavenske brodogradnje na svjetsko tržište.","PeriodicalId":53857,"journal":{"name":"Casopis za Suvremenu Povijest","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.2,"publicationDate":"2022-07-15","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"43615986","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-07-01DOI: 10.1177/00220094221087860
Alessandra Vigo
The repatriation of many citizens to Italy from the former colonies, and from other Italian communities in Africa, between the Second World War and the late 1960s, had a significant impact on the country. Compatriots coming back from Africa forced Italian institutions to deal with problems of reception and resettlement and made the consequences of African decolonization evident in the peninsula. Looking at three different cases of repatriation, the return of settlers from Italian ex-colonies (Libya, Eritrea, Ethiopia and Somalia), and the return of Italians from Tunisia and Egypt, this article aims to display the political strategies enacted by post-war Italy in order to cope with citizens returning from Africa. The comparative approach highlights the political reasons that guided the State's action during the long repatriation. Italian governments had different attitudes towards the returnees, depending on the purposes of domestic and foreign policy but also on their places of departure and the supposed more difficult assimilation of certain groups of repatriates. In this regard, the article argues that the definitive resettlement in the peninsula of the returnees from Tunisia and Egypt was especially discouraged by the institutions, which long tried to divert those flows of migration to other destinations.
{"title":"Dealing with ‘Returns’: African Decolonization and Repatriation to Italy, 1947–70","authors":"Alessandra Vigo","doi":"10.1177/00220094221087860","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1177/00220094221087860","url":null,"abstract":"The repatriation of many citizens to Italy from the former colonies, and from other Italian communities in Africa, between the Second World War and the late 1960s, had a significant impact on the country. Compatriots coming back from Africa forced Italian institutions to deal with problems of reception and resettlement and made the consequences of African decolonization evident in the peninsula. Looking at three different cases of repatriation, the return of settlers from Italian ex-colonies (Libya, Eritrea, Ethiopia and Somalia), and the return of Italians from Tunisia and Egypt, this article aims to display the political strategies enacted by post-war Italy in order to cope with citizens returning from Africa. The comparative approach highlights the political reasons that guided the State's action during the long repatriation. Italian governments had different attitudes towards the returnees, depending on the purposes of domestic and foreign policy but also on their places of departure and the supposed more difficult assimilation of certain groups of repatriates. In this regard, the article argues that the definitive resettlement in the peninsula of the returnees from Tunisia and Egypt was especially discouraged by the institutions, which long tried to divert those flows of migration to other destinations.","PeriodicalId":53857,"journal":{"name":"Casopis za Suvremenu Povijest","volume":"261 1","pages":"751 - 774"},"PeriodicalIF":0.2,"publicationDate":"2022-07-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"64875281","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-07-01DOI: 10.1177/00220094211066006
Ilari Taskinen, Risto Turunen, L. Uusitalo, V. Kivimäki
This article examines religious and patriotic languages in digitized letters written by ordinary Finnish people in the Second World War. We combine qualitative and quantitative methods to analyse how religious and patriotic languages were used throughout the war years. Our findings show that the frequency of religious and patriotic vocabulary fluctuated widely during the war. Religious words were most notably connected to the intensity of the warfare, peaking during the periods of heated combat and dropping in the period of stationary warfare. Patriotic words were likewise common during the early periods of combat, but their use waned in the later war years. The analysis of words occurring in close proximity to the religious and patriotic words suggests that this was due to the different functions of the two languages. Religious parlance was essentially a vehicle of private emotional coping, while patriotic style gave a collective meaning to the sacrifices of the war. Religion and patriotism diverged during the war because the collective meaning of the war vanished but the need for emotional comfort persisted until its end.
{"title":"Religion, Patriotism and War Experience in Digitized Wartime Letters in Finland, 1939–44","authors":"Ilari Taskinen, Risto Turunen, L. Uusitalo, V. Kivimäki","doi":"10.1177/00220094211066006","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1177/00220094211066006","url":null,"abstract":"This article examines religious and patriotic languages in digitized letters written by ordinary Finnish people in the Second World War. We combine qualitative and quantitative methods to analyse how religious and patriotic languages were used throughout the war years. Our findings show that the frequency of religious and patriotic vocabulary fluctuated widely during the war. Religious words were most notably connected to the intensity of the warfare, peaking during the periods of heated combat and dropping in the period of stationary warfare. Patriotic words were likewise common during the early periods of combat, but their use waned in the later war years. The analysis of words occurring in close proximity to the religious and patriotic words suggests that this was due to the different functions of the two languages. Religious parlance was essentially a vehicle of private emotional coping, while patriotic style gave a collective meaning to the sacrifices of the war. Religion and patriotism diverged during the war because the collective meaning of the war vanished but the need for emotional comfort persisted until its end.","PeriodicalId":53857,"journal":{"name":"Casopis za Suvremenu Povijest","volume":"57 1","pages":"577 - 596"},"PeriodicalIF":0.2,"publicationDate":"2022-07-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"47672370","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-06-28DOI: 10.1177/00220094221107477
E. Smith, Anastasia Dukova
As the conflict in Northern Ireland heightened in the early 1970s, the Australian authorities became worried that political violence might spread amongst the Irish communities in Australia. Coming at a time when there was a concern about political extremism and violence linked to overseas conflicts, such as the Palestinian struggle in the Middle East and the anti-communist opposition to Yugoslavia, the Australian government and security services were also anxious about militant Irish Republicanism transgressing borders, particularly representatives of the Irish Republican Army entering the country. Unlike nearly all migrants and visitors from Europe and the Middle East, people coming from Northern Ireland and the Republic of Ireland could enter Australia without visa, and few criminal or security checks were conducted upon them. This article examines the ways in which the Australian authorities attempted to prevent militant Irish Republicans coming during the 1970s and how the favoured status of British (including Northern Irish) and Irish citizens was seen as an impediment to Australia's national security in the era of international terrorism.
{"title":"Irish Republicanism, the Threat of Political Violence and the National/Border Security Nexus in Australia","authors":"E. Smith, Anastasia Dukova","doi":"10.1177/00220094221107477","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1177/00220094221107477","url":null,"abstract":"As the conflict in Northern Ireland heightened in the early 1970s, the Australian authorities became worried that political violence might spread amongst the Irish communities in Australia. Coming at a time when there was a concern about political extremism and violence linked to overseas conflicts, such as the Palestinian struggle in the Middle East and the anti-communist opposition to Yugoslavia, the Australian government and security services were also anxious about militant Irish Republicanism transgressing borders, particularly representatives of the Irish Republican Army entering the country. Unlike nearly all migrants and visitors from Europe and the Middle East, people coming from Northern Ireland and the Republic of Ireland could enter Australia without visa, and few criminal or security checks were conducted upon them. This article examines the ways in which the Australian authorities attempted to prevent militant Irish Republicans coming during the 1970s and how the favoured status of British (including Northern Irish) and Irish citizens was seen as an impediment to Australia's national security in the era of international terrorism.","PeriodicalId":53857,"journal":{"name":"Casopis za Suvremenu Povijest","volume":"57 1","pages":"1089 - 1112"},"PeriodicalIF":0.2,"publicationDate":"2022-06-28","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"45781727","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-06-28DOI: 10.1177/00220094221107501
D. Porat
On 23 July 1968, The Popular Front for the Liberation of Palestine hijacked El Al flight 426 en route from Italy to Israel and diverted it to Algeria. Scholars largely agree this act marked an important milestone in modern international terrorism and especially in the advent of air terrorism. Yet to date, no one has studied in depth the events as they unfolded in different world capitals, along with their implications for national and global security and politics. Based on previously untapped archival material, this article will focus on how the hijacking of El Al flight 426 modeled a new era of plane hijackings by, for example, setting a standard that hostages of a hijacked plane could be exchanged for prisoners. It will also demonstrate how some elements of this event did not repeat themselves in future hijackings, such as the demand made by the Algerians to hold onto the Israeli plane, arguing it was an instrument of war. In all, this article will exhibit how elements from the 23 July 1968 hijacking served to signify a shift in international air terrorism.
1968年7月23日,解放巴勒斯坦人民阵线劫持了从意大利飞往以色列的El Al 426航班,并将其改飞阿尔及利亚。学者们普遍认为,这一行为标志着现代国际恐怖主义,特别是空中恐怖主义的出现,具有重要的里程碑意义。然而,到目前为止,还没有人深入研究这些事件在世界各国首都发生的过程,以及它们对国家和全球安全与政治的影响。基于之前未开发的档案材料,本文将重点关注El Al 426航班劫机事件如何通过设定被劫持飞机的人质可以交换囚犯的标准来模拟新的劫机时代。它还将证明,这一事件的一些因素在未来的劫机事件中没有重演,比如阿尔及利亚人要求扣留以色列飞机,称其为战争工具。总之,这篇文章将展示1968年7月23日劫机事件中的元素如何标志着国际航空恐怖主义的转变。
{"title":"The Hijacking of El Al Flight 426: The Advent of Air Terrorism","authors":"D. Porat","doi":"10.1177/00220094221107501","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1177/00220094221107501","url":null,"abstract":"On 23 July 1968, The Popular Front for the Liberation of Palestine hijacked El Al flight 426 en route from Italy to Israel and diverted it to Algeria. Scholars largely agree this act marked an important milestone in modern international terrorism and especially in the advent of air terrorism. Yet to date, no one has studied in depth the events as they unfolded in different world capitals, along with their implications for national and global security and politics. Based on previously untapped archival material, this article will focus on how the hijacking of El Al flight 426 modeled a new era of plane hijackings by, for example, setting a standard that hostages of a hijacked plane could be exchanged for prisoners. It will also demonstrate how some elements of this event did not repeat themselves in future hijackings, such as the demand made by the Algerians to hold onto the Israeli plane, arguing it was an instrument of war. In all, this article will exhibit how elements from the 23 July 1968 hijacking served to signify a shift in international air terrorism.","PeriodicalId":53857,"journal":{"name":"Casopis za Suvremenu Povijest","volume":"57 1","pages":"1072 - 1088"},"PeriodicalIF":0.2,"publicationDate":"2022-06-28","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"48546403","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-06-26DOI: 10.1177/00220094221107476
G. Scott-Smith
The story of the Obor Foundation is important for several reasons. Firstly, it covers the contribution of an up-till-now largely overlooked Western philanthropic enterprise to promote a cohesive national cultural identity for Indonesia in the wake of the fall of Sukarno. Secondly, Obor was an attempt to move beyond previous Cold War efforts to spread liberal ideas globally, most notably by the Congress for Cultural Freedom. To overcome critiques of top-down Westernization and neocolonialism, Obor sought to establish local control over the publishing process in a reciprocal arrangement of shared responsibility. Thirdly, it was symbolic of the move of the Ford Foundation, which had invested a great deal in the modernisation (i.e. Westernization) of Indonesian education, towards introducing a greater level of autonomy in their operations from the late 1960s onwards, expressing a general confidence in (and sufficient monitoring of) Western-trained and/or -oriented local leadership.
{"title":"Liminal Liberalism? Ivan Kats, the Congress for Cultural Freedom, and the Obor Foundation in Cold War Indonesia","authors":"G. Scott-Smith","doi":"10.1177/00220094221107476","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1177/00220094221107476","url":null,"abstract":"The story of the Obor Foundation is important for several reasons. Firstly, it covers the contribution of an up-till-now largely overlooked Western philanthropic enterprise to promote a cohesive national cultural identity for Indonesia in the wake of the fall of Sukarno. Secondly, Obor was an attempt to move beyond previous Cold War efforts to spread liberal ideas globally, most notably by the Congress for Cultural Freedom. To overcome critiques of top-down Westernization and neocolonialism, Obor sought to establish local control over the publishing process in a reciprocal arrangement of shared responsibility. Thirdly, it was symbolic of the move of the Ford Foundation, which had invested a great deal in the modernisation (i.e. Westernization) of Indonesian education, towards introducing a greater level of autonomy in their operations from the late 1960s onwards, expressing a general confidence in (and sufficient monitoring of) Western-trained and/or -oriented local leadership.","PeriodicalId":53857,"journal":{"name":"Casopis za Suvremenu Povijest","volume":"57 1","pages":"1051 - 1071"},"PeriodicalIF":0.2,"publicationDate":"2022-06-26","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"48700807","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-06-26DOI: 10.1177/00220094221107493
Sarah B. Rodriguez
In 1994, American and French AIDS research showed that the drug AZT reduced the risk of HIV transmission from a pregnant HIV-positive woman to her fetus (perinatal transmission). Hailed as a breakthrough, the AIDS Clinical Trial Group protocol 076 (ACTG 076) soon became the standard of care in the US But ACTG 076 was too expensive for low-income countries where perinatal transmission rates were high; to find a more affordable prevention, the US principally funded studies in several low-income countries. Controversy over whether the short course of AZT studies was ethical, given their different standards of care and use of a placebo, erupted in 1997. These studies remain well known within the global health biomedical literature as illustrating differences between sending and receiving countries. But while rarely invoked within this literature, these two sets of studies have similarities that challenge this hierarchal division: both involved pregnant women as objects of clinical research instead of subjects of clinical care, reflective of the all-too-common focus in global health on disease containment rather than on health care, and both illustrate the ways the focus within global health has been on a solitary biomedical intervention rather than on discrimination, inequality, and poverty within and among countries.
{"title":"Pregnant Women, HIV, and Clinical Research to Prevent Perinatal Transmission in the 1990s","authors":"Sarah B. Rodriguez","doi":"10.1177/00220094221107493","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1177/00220094221107493","url":null,"abstract":"In 1994, American and French AIDS research showed that the drug AZT reduced the risk of HIV transmission from a pregnant HIV-positive woman to her fetus (perinatal transmission). Hailed as a breakthrough, the AIDS Clinical Trial Group protocol 076 (ACTG 076) soon became the standard of care in the US But ACTG 076 was too expensive for low-income countries where perinatal transmission rates were high; to find a more affordable prevention, the US principally funded studies in several low-income countries. Controversy over whether the short course of AZT studies was ethical, given their different standards of care and use of a placebo, erupted in 1997. These studies remain well known within the global health biomedical literature as illustrating differences between sending and receiving countries. But while rarely invoked within this literature, these two sets of studies have similarities that challenge this hierarchal division: both involved pregnant women as objects of clinical research instead of subjects of clinical care, reflective of the all-too-common focus in global health on disease containment rather than on health care, and both illustrate the ways the focus within global health has been on a solitary biomedical intervention rather than on discrimination, inequality, and poverty within and among countries.","PeriodicalId":53857,"journal":{"name":"Casopis za Suvremenu Povijest","volume":"57 1","pages":"878 - 894"},"PeriodicalIF":0.2,"publicationDate":"2022-06-26","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"47549513","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-06-21DOI: 10.1177/00220094221090838
Alexander Kazamias
From the mid-1940s to the fall of the Colonels’ Dictatorship in 1974, Greek society was defined by an official anti-communist discourse that divided it into ‘nationally-minded’ Ethnikofron citizens and left-wing ‘enemies of the nation’. The article shows how this power discourse deployed visual media to construct an emotional regime of fear around communism during and after the Greek Civil War. It uncovers a large volume of propaganda imagery, including posters, illustrations, book covers, photographs, newsreels and feature films, which was used alongside texts and corporeal practices to vilify the Greek left. The article argues that the visual language of Ethnikofrosyni patterned itself on older scripts of negative othering embedded in Greek popular culture, such as lycanthropy, teratology, witchcraft, Islamophobia and Orientalism to discredit communism without engaging with its twentieth-century ideas and policies. Communists were therefore portrayed as monsters, beasts, barbarians, Muslims, Turks, Jews and unfeminine women to arouse primordial fears that threatened the deepest symbols of Greek national identity. The article stresses the centrality and relative autonomy of images in the discourse of Ethnikofrosyni and uses comparisons to unveil the processes of circulation and domestication operating across different national strands of anti-communism in the Cold War.
{"title":"The Visual Politics of Fear: Anti-Communist Imagery in Postwar Greece","authors":"Alexander Kazamias","doi":"10.1177/00220094221090838","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1177/00220094221090838","url":null,"abstract":"From the mid-1940s to the fall of the Colonels’ Dictatorship in 1974, Greek society was defined by an official anti-communist discourse that divided it into ‘nationally-minded’ Ethnikofron citizens and left-wing ‘enemies of the nation’. The article shows how this power discourse deployed visual media to construct an emotional regime of fear around communism during and after the Greek Civil War. It uncovers a large volume of propaganda imagery, including posters, illustrations, book covers, photographs, newsreels and feature films, which was used alongside texts and corporeal practices to vilify the Greek left. The article argues that the visual language of Ethnikofrosyni patterned itself on older scripts of negative othering embedded in Greek popular culture, such as lycanthropy, teratology, witchcraft, Islamophobia and Orientalism to discredit communism without engaging with its twentieth-century ideas and policies. Communists were therefore portrayed as monsters, beasts, barbarians, Muslims, Turks, Jews and unfeminine women to arouse primordial fears that threatened the deepest symbols of Greek national identity. The article stresses the centrality and relative autonomy of images in the discourse of Ethnikofrosyni and uses comparisons to unveil the processes of circulation and domestication operating across different national strands of anti-communism in the Cold War.","PeriodicalId":53857,"journal":{"name":"Casopis za Suvremenu Povijest","volume":"57 1","pages":"997 - 1028"},"PeriodicalIF":0.2,"publicationDate":"2022-06-21","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"45266294","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-06-15DOI: 10.1177/00220094221083479a
Fraser Raeburn
{"title":"Book Review: From Byron to bin Laden: A History of Foreign War Volunteers by Nir Arielli","authors":"Fraser Raeburn","doi":"10.1177/00220094221083479a","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1177/00220094221083479a","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":53857,"journal":{"name":"Casopis za Suvremenu Povijest","volume":"57 1","pages":"825 - 827"},"PeriodicalIF":0.2,"publicationDate":"2022-06-15","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"41442957","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}