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‘Nazi Agent’ and Development Pioneer: Johann Albrecht von Monroy, National Socialist Europe and Unknown Origins of FAO's Forest Related Development Activities “纳粹代理人”和发展先驱:Johann Albrecht von Monroy,《欧洲国家社会主义与粮农组织森林相关发展活动的未知起源》
IF 0.2 Q2 HISTORY Pub Date : 2023-04-24 DOI: 10.1177/00220094231166602
M. Bemmann
By exploring the career of the German forester Johann Albrecht v. Monroy from the 1920s to the 1950s, this article seeks to further differentiate and expand the historiography on development. It reveals that experts like Monroy who were deeply involved in the National Socialist quest for hegemony in Europe took an active part in shaping the Food and Agriculture Organization's (FAO) forest-related development activities after the Second World War. The article provides two explanations why Monroy became a lauded development pioneer: Firstly, he was a widely acknowledged and well-connected member of a transatlantic expert community that he had helped to shape in the 1920s and 1930s. Secondly, he enormously benefitted from German expansionist policies. In the 1930s, Monroy became a senior official responsible for turning forestry and wood processing industries into a central branch of Germany's war economy. During the war, he was in charge to establish the most modern wood processing plant in Slovakia. Monroy based this project on a specific approach to development that he had elaborated since the mid-1930s and that adapted schemes shaped for colonial contexts to the very special international environment of German-controlled Europe. That Monroy could realize this project in Slovakia turned him into an expert wanted by the FAO due to an almost unrivalled experience.
本文通过对德国林业家约翰·阿尔布雷希特·蒙罗伊在20世纪20年代至50年代的职业生涯的探索,试图进一步区分和拓展发展史学。它揭示了像Monroy这样深入参与国家社会主义在欧洲寻求霸权的专家在第二次世界大战后积极参与制定粮食及农业组织(粮农组织)与森林有关的发展活动。这篇文章对蒙罗伊成为受人称赞的发展先驱的原因提供了两个解释:首先,他在20世纪二三十年代帮助形成了一个跨大西洋专家团体,他是一个得到广泛认可和人脉广泛的成员。其次,他从德国的扩张主义政策中获益匪浅。20世纪30年代,蒙罗伊成为一名高级官员,负责将林业和木材加工业转变为德国战时经济的中心分支。战争期间,他负责在斯洛伐克建立最现代化的木材加工厂。Monroy从20世纪30年代中期开始阐述了一种特殊的发展方法,并根据德国控制下的欧洲非常特殊的国际环境,对殖民背景下形成的方案进行了调整。蒙罗伊能在斯洛伐克实现这个项目,使他成为联合国粮农组织想要的专家,这几乎是无与伦比的经历。
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引用次数: 0
‘Plausible Enough’: The IRO and the Negotiation of Refugee Status After the Second World War “足够合理”:第二次世界大战后的IRO与难民地位谈判
IF 0.2 Q2 HISTORY Pub Date : 2023-04-17 DOI: 10.1177/00220094231167338
S. Huhn
National Socialism, the Second World War, Stalinism, the expansion of the Soviet Union, and other political crises in Europe led to millions of people fleeing or being abducted in the 1930s and 1940s. The ‘European refugee problem’ led to the establishment of several international organizations. With the founding of the International Refugee Organization (IRO) in 1946, the concept of refugees changed. For the first time, those that had previously been inevitably labelled refugees – whether as groups or individuals – now had to apply for this status. I argue that refugee status was not simply granted or denied by the IRO, but rather negotiated between IRO officers and applicants, often via a protracted, multistage process. These negotiations were based on the applicants’ portrayal of their own personal history and not (only) an objective history itself. However, the question is not only whether people told the ‘truth’ or not; rather, the applicants’ individual ‘negotiation skills’ and individual perceptions of the IRO officers also played a decisive role. Whilst most current research looks at the actions and strategies of ethnic, religious, national, or social groups, I expand this perspective with a focus on individual negotiations of being recognized as a refugee or Displaced Person by the IRO.
20世纪30年代和40年代,国家社会主义、第二次世界大战、斯大林主义、苏联扩张以及欧洲的其他政治危机导致数百万人逃离或被绑架。“欧洲难民问题”导致成立了几个国际组织。随着1946年国际难民组织(IRO)的成立,难民的概念发生了变化。那些以前不可避免地被贴上难民标签的人——无论是团体还是个人——现在第一次不得不申请这一身份。我认为,难民身份并不是税务局简单地授予或拒绝的,而是税务局官员和申请人之间的谈判,通常是通过一个漫长的、多阶段的过程。这些谈判是基于申请人对自己个人历史的描述,而不仅仅是客观历史本身。然而,问题不仅在于人们是否说出了“真相”;相反,申请人的个人“谈判技巧”和税务局官员的个人看法也起到了决定性作用。虽然目前的大多数研究都着眼于种族、宗教、民族或社会团体的行动和战略,但我扩展了这一观点,重点关注被IRO承认为难民或流离失所者的个人谈判。
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引用次数: 0
Nudging the Ship in the Right Direction: United States Public Diplomacy and Development in 1960s Spain 把船推向正确的方向:20世纪60年代美国在西班牙的公共外交和发展
IF 0.2 Q2 HISTORY Pub Date : 2023-04-17 DOI: 10.1177/00220094231166603
Óscar J. Martín García
In the early 1960s, Franco's Spain began to experience a rapid process of economic growth, which was encouraged by US diplomacy as it would underpin the stability required by the US defence program in the country. However, American officials felt that such an accelerated economic development should be orderly since chaotic modernization might spark social turmoil that would compromise the US geo-strategic objectives in Spain. The article unravels the US public diplomacy programs to steer Spanish society along with a stable development path based on US-inspired capitalism and alliance with the Western bloc. It examines the cultural, educational, and informational means employed by the US government in a bid to channel the socio-economic upheaval occurring in Spain in a direction that was compatible with US security interests. We also argue that modernization theory provided the ideological and intellectual framework for US persuasion efforts to harness Spain's socio-economic ferment. Nevertheless, the ‘development model’ promoted by the dictatorship generated inequalities and conflicts that fuelled anti-American sentiment among sectors of Spanish society called to play a role in the future post-Franco transition.
20世纪60年代初,佛朗哥统治下的西班牙开始经历经济快速增长的过程,这受到了美国外交的鼓励,因为这将巩固美国在西班牙的国防计划所需的稳定。然而,美国官员认为,这种加速的经济发展应该是有序的,因为混乱的现代化可能引发社会动荡,从而损害美国在西班牙的地缘战略目标。本文揭示了美国的公共外交计划,旨在引导西班牙社会在美国主导的资本主义和与西方集团结盟的基础上走上稳定的发展道路。它考察了美国政府为引导西班牙发生的社会经济动荡,使其朝着符合美国安全利益的方向发展而采用的文化、教育和信息手段。我们还认为,现代化理论为美国说服西班牙驾驭社会经济动荡的努力提供了思想和思想框架。然而,独裁统治推动的“发展模式”产生了不平等和冲突,在西班牙社会各阶层中激起了反美情绪,这些情绪被要求在未来后佛朗哥时代的过渡中发挥作用。
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引用次数: 2
The Viceroyalty of General Queipo de Llano in Seville During the Spanish Civil War: A Dialectic of Violence and Destitution 西班牙内战期间塞维利亚奎波·德·拉诺将军的总督权:暴力与贫困的辩证关系
IF 0.2 Q2 HISTORY Pub Date : 2023-04-17 DOI: 10.1177/00220094231167332
R. Serém
This article reappraises General Queipo de Llano's authoritarian rule in Seville during the Spanish Civil War (1936–9). Queipo's murderous regime has long attracted scholarly attention, but very little research has been devoted to other aspects of his administration. Perhaps one exception to this rule is that several works have attempted to enhance Queipo's reputation, portraying the general not only as a military genius, but also as an economic visionary and architect of a proto-welfare state. Building on the concept of Queipo's ‘kleptocratic state’, the present article not only refutes this myth, but also demonstrates that economic policy was crucial to (and inseparable from) the process of physical repression in Seville. The new regime was thus founded on a brutal dialectic of violence and destitution. Prioritizing the liquidation of their perceived enemies, Spain's military rebels massacred thousands in the city after the coup of July 1936. The economic chaos wrought by the mass-killings soon compelled the insurgents to adopt a series of mitigating measures, but the murderous project was not abandoned. Indeed, as the article demonstrates, even ostensibly humanitarian measures must be regarded as part of a broader punitive, restrictive and ideological rebel ethos.
本文重新评价了西班牙内战(1936 - 1939)期间奎波·德·拉诺将军在塞维利亚的独裁统治。长期以来,魁波的杀人政权一直吸引着学术界的关注,但很少有研究专门针对魁波的其他方面。也许这条规则的一个例外是,有几部作品试图提高魁波的声誉,将这位将军不仅描绘成一个军事天才,而且是一个经济远见者和一个原始福利国家的建筑师。本文以奎波“盗贼统治国家”的概念为基础,不仅驳斥了这个神话,而且还证明了经济政策对塞维利亚的物理镇压过程至关重要(并且不可分割)。因此,新政权是建立在暴力和贫困的残酷辩证关系之上的。1936年7月的政变后,西班牙的军事叛军优先清除了他们眼中的敌人,在该市屠杀了数千人。大规模屠杀造成的经济混乱很快迫使叛乱分子采取了一系列缓和措施,但杀戮计划并没有被放弃。事实上,正如这篇文章所表明的,即使是表面上的人道主义措施,也必须被视为更广泛的惩罚性、限制性和意识形态反叛精神的一部分。
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引用次数: 0
Book Review: Replacing the Dead: The Politics of Reproduction in the Postwar Soviet Union by Mie Nakachi 书评:《替换死者:战后苏联的再生产政治》,Mie Nakachi著
IF 0.2 Q2 HISTORY Pub Date : 2023-04-01 DOI: 10.1177/00220094231170548c
Siobhán Hearne
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引用次数: 0
Book Review: The Movement: The African American Struggle for Civil Rights by Thomas Holt 托马斯·霍尔特的书评:《运动:非裔美国人争取民权的斗争》
IF 0.2 Q2 HISTORY Pub Date : 2023-04-01 DOI: 10.1177/00220094231170548d
Robert Green
women exclusively responsible for household labour and childcare, and condemn single mothers to social stigma and financial hardship. Nakachi skilfully analyses a wide range of issues that are fundamentally important for understanding gender and sexuality in late Soviet society, but have been either subject to sweeping generalisation or underexplored in existing scholarship. The discourses on women’s rights and critiques of women’s double burden that emerged throughout the 1950s and 1960s in response to the 1944 Family Law cast a long shadow into the Brezhnev era and became important rallying cries for feminist groups during Gorbachev’s glasnost. The inadequacies of Soviet contraceptives have long been noted in historical scholarship, but Nakachi reveals how and why the Soviet government prevented the mass manufacture and application of the hormonal pill and intrauterine devices, much to the frustration of medical experts. Replacing the Dead also provides a fascinating insight into the centrality of Ukraine in the development of Soviet postwar pronatalist policy. Nikita Khrushchev – the architect of the 1944 Family Law – was head of the Ukrainian Soviet Socialist Republic, and therefore, readily exposed to the wartime decimation of the Ukrainian population during Nazi occupation and Soviet recapture. Khrushchev consulted with Ukrainian demographers, held a women’s conference in Kyiv to discuss a draft of the law, and made his All-Union policy recommendations and financial projections based on the specific social and economic conditions of Ukraine. Here Nakachi provides a welcome reminder of the importance of looking beyond Russia in Soviet history, but unfortunately, this close attention to the regional diversity of the USSR does not run throughout the entire book. In the introduction, Russian and Soviet are sometimes used synonymously, and the epilogue focuses exclusively on echoes of Soviet pronatalism in post-socialist Russia. References to the implementation of demographic policy in Soviet Central Asia are tantalisingly brief and Nakachi does not address how Soviet pronatalism played out in regions that were subject to invasion, annexation, and brutal Sovietisation during the war and immediately thereafter, such as Estonia, Latvia and Lithuania. These issues notwithstanding, Replacing the Dead is a crucially important work of social, cultural, and medical history that significantly advances our understanding of the postwar Soviet Union. Nakachi’s book is essential reading for anybody interested in gender and sexuality in the Soviet context and it invites reflection on the lingering impact of Soviet policies in the post-Soviet world.
专门负责家务劳动和照顾孩子的妇女,并谴责单身母亲遭受社会耻辱和经济困难。Nakachi巧妙地分析了一系列对理解苏联晚期社会的性别和性行为至关重要的问题,但这些问题要么被全面概括,要么在现有的学术中未得到充分探索。20世纪50年代和60年代,针对1944年的《家庭法》,出现了关于妇女权利的论述和对妇女双重负担的批评,这给勃列日涅夫时代蒙上了一层长长的阴影,并在戈尔巴乔夫的对外开放期间成为女权主义团体的重要号召。长期以来,历史学者一直注意到苏联避孕药的不足之处,但Nakachi揭示了苏联政府如何以及为什么阻止激素避孕药和宫内节育器的大规模生产和应用,这让医学专家非常沮丧。《替换死者》也为乌克兰在苏联战后产前政策发展中的中心地位提供了一个引人入胜的见解。尼基塔·赫鲁晓夫(Nikita Khrushchev)是1944年《家庭法》的制定者,是乌克兰苏维埃社会主义共和国的领导人,因此,在纳粹占领和苏联夺回期间,他很容易受到战时乌克兰人口大减的影响。赫鲁晓夫咨询了乌克兰人口学家,在基辅举行了一次妇女会议,讨论了该法律草案,并根据乌克兰的具体社会和经济条件提出了全联盟政策建议和财务预测。在这里,Nakachi提供了一个值得欢迎的提醒,提醒我们在苏联历史上超越俄罗斯的重要性,但不幸的是,这种对苏联地区多样性的密切关注并没有贯穿全书。在引言中,俄语和苏联语有时被用作同义词,而结语则专门关注后社会主义时代俄罗斯对苏联语的呼应。提到苏联中亚人口政策的实施非常简短,Nakachi没有谈到苏联的前出生主义是如何在战争期间和之后遭受入侵、吞并和残酷的苏联化的地区上演的,比如爱沙尼亚、拉脱维亚和立陶宛。尽管存在这些问题,《替换死者》是一部至关重要的社会、文化和医学史著作,极大地促进了我们对战后苏联的理解。Nakachi的书对于任何对苏联背景下的性别和性感兴趣的人来说都是必不可少的读物,它让人反思苏联政策在后苏联世界中挥之不去的影响。
{"title":"Book Review: The Movement: The African American Struggle for Civil Rights by Thomas Holt","authors":"Robert Green","doi":"10.1177/00220094231170548d","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1177/00220094231170548d","url":null,"abstract":"women exclusively responsible for household labour and childcare, and condemn single mothers to social stigma and financial hardship. Nakachi skilfully analyses a wide range of issues that are fundamentally important for understanding gender and sexuality in late Soviet society, but have been either subject to sweeping generalisation or underexplored in existing scholarship. The discourses on women’s rights and critiques of women’s double burden that emerged throughout the 1950s and 1960s in response to the 1944 Family Law cast a long shadow into the Brezhnev era and became important rallying cries for feminist groups during Gorbachev’s glasnost. The inadequacies of Soviet contraceptives have long been noted in historical scholarship, but Nakachi reveals how and why the Soviet government prevented the mass manufacture and application of the hormonal pill and intrauterine devices, much to the frustration of medical experts. Replacing the Dead also provides a fascinating insight into the centrality of Ukraine in the development of Soviet postwar pronatalist policy. Nikita Khrushchev – the architect of the 1944 Family Law – was head of the Ukrainian Soviet Socialist Republic, and therefore, readily exposed to the wartime decimation of the Ukrainian population during Nazi occupation and Soviet recapture. Khrushchev consulted with Ukrainian demographers, held a women’s conference in Kyiv to discuss a draft of the law, and made his All-Union policy recommendations and financial projections based on the specific social and economic conditions of Ukraine. Here Nakachi provides a welcome reminder of the importance of looking beyond Russia in Soviet history, but unfortunately, this close attention to the regional diversity of the USSR does not run throughout the entire book. In the introduction, Russian and Soviet are sometimes used synonymously, and the epilogue focuses exclusively on echoes of Soviet pronatalism in post-socialist Russia. References to the implementation of demographic policy in Soviet Central Asia are tantalisingly brief and Nakachi does not address how Soviet pronatalism played out in regions that were subject to invasion, annexation, and brutal Sovietisation during the war and immediately thereafter, such as Estonia, Latvia and Lithuania. These issues notwithstanding, Replacing the Dead is a crucially important work of social, cultural, and medical history that significantly advances our understanding of the postwar Soviet Union. Nakachi’s book is essential reading for anybody interested in gender and sexuality in the Soviet context and it invites reflection on the lingering impact of Soviet policies in the post-Soviet world.","PeriodicalId":53857,"journal":{"name":"Casopis za Suvremenu Povijest","volume":"58 1","pages":"371 - 373"},"PeriodicalIF":0.2,"publicationDate":"2023-04-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"43267269","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
引用次数: 0
Mussolini and Italian Fascism 墨索里尼和意大利法西斯主义
IF 0.2 Q2 HISTORY Pub Date : 2023-04-01 DOI: 10.1177/00220094221144221
Jacopo Pili
The rising tide of populist politics in the 2010s and early 2020s has brought the word ‘fascism’ back to the centre of international political and cultural debate. Historians such as Ruth Ben Ghiat and Federico Finchelstein have addressed the connections and similarities between today’s ‘strongmen’ and the autocrats ruling much of Europe between 1922 and 1945. On the subject of Italian fascism, in addition to the political climate, the centenary of the 1922 March on Rome has stimulated further debate on the subject. Whether it was indeed a totalitarian regime remains the fundamental, underlying question. In 2018, Guido Melis published La macchina imperfetta. Immagine e realtà dello stato fascista (Bologna: Il Mulino, 2018) arguing that the effect of fascistization on the Italian state was limited, for Italian institutions during the ventennio showed continuity with the most authoritarian elements of liberal Italy’s tradition, and servile conformism was far more widespread than sincere adherence to the fascist ideological project, especially in bureaucracy. Like earlier works such as Paul Corner’s analysis of consensus in fascist Italy, Melis’ book can be seen as an answer to the recent Italian historiography on fascism’s focus on fascist ideology, particularly its totalitarian discourse. Giulia Albanese underlined that emphasizing ideology might lead to overlooking how these translated into practice and that Melis’ study on Italian institutions suggests that, after all, there was no fascist totalitarianism. The integration of ‘theory’ and ‘practice’ in Mussolini’s totalitarian efforts is the focus of Rethinking the History of Italian Fascism (London: Routledge, 2022), edited by Albanese and containing contributions from many of the main Italian historians of fascism. In this case, the fascist experience emerges as a watershed moment with liberal Italy in fields such as the use of political violence, consensus creation via welfare measures or flexible propaganda, mass mobilization-based colonial policy, the redefinition of citizenship and even in certain areas of scientific research. Rethinking Fascism also suggests that the Italian fascist experience should not be studied in a vacuum. Albanese’s chapter in particular focuses on the diffusion of Italian fascist ideas to other European countries. Indeed, the last decade has seen a steady expansion of transnational approaches to the history of fascism. Although transnational history transcends Italian fascism, Mussolini’s attempt to fascistize Europe or indeed the rest of the world is one of its main focuses. One important example is Fascism without Review Article
21世纪10年代和21世纪20年代初兴起的民粹主义政治浪潮,将“法西斯主义”一词带回了国际政治和文化辩论的中心。Ruth Ben ghat和Federico Finchelstein等历史学家探讨了当今的“强人”与1922年至1945年间统治欧洲大部分地区的独裁者之间的联系和相似之处。在意大利法西斯主义的问题上,除了政治气候之外,1922年向罗马进军的百年纪念也激发了对这个问题的进一步讨论。它是否确实是一个极权主义政权仍然是一个根本的、潜在的问题。2018年,Guido Melis出版了La machina imperfetta。想象一下,“法西斯主义对意大利国家的影响是有限的”(博洛尼亚:Il Mulino, 2018)认为,法西斯主义对意大利国家的影响是有限的,因为在战争期间,意大利的制度表现出与意大利自由主义传统中最专制的元素的连续性,而奴性的顺从主义远比真诚地坚持法西斯意识形态项目更为普遍,尤其是在官僚机构中。就像保罗·科纳(Paul Corner)对法西斯意大利共识的分析等早期作品一样,梅利斯的书可以被视为对最近意大利历史编纂对法西斯主义意识形态,特别是其极权主义话语的关注的回答。Giulia Albanese强调,强调意识形态可能会导致忽视这些如何转化为实践,Melis对意大利制度的研究表明,毕竟没有法西斯极权主义。墨索里尼极权主义努力中的“理论”和“实践”的整合是《重新思考意大利法西斯主义历史》(伦敦:劳特利奇出版社,2022年)一书的重点,该书由阿尔巴尼斯编辑,包含了许多意大利主要法西斯主义历史学家的贡献。在这种情况下,法西斯主义的经验成为自由意大利的分水岭,在诸如使用政治暴力、通过福利措施或灵活的宣传创造共识、以群众动员为基础的殖民政策、重新定义公民身份,甚至在某些科学研究领域。对法西斯主义的反思也表明,不应该在真空中研究意大利法西斯主义的经验。艾博年的章节特别关注意大利法西斯思想向其他欧洲国家的传播。的确,在过去十年中,研究法西斯主义历史的跨国方法稳步扩大。虽然跨国历史超越了意大利法西斯主义,但墨索里尼试图将欧洲或世界其他地区法西斯化是其主要焦点之一。一个重要的例子是没有评论文章的法西斯主义
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引用次数: 0
Book Review: The Last Ghetto: An Everyday History of Theresienstadt by Anna Hájková 书评:最后的贫民窟:特莱西恩施塔特的日常历史,作者:安娜Hájková
IF 0.2 Q2 HISTORY Pub Date : 2023-04-01 DOI: 10.1177/00220094231170548b
Amy Simon
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引用次数: 0
Book Review: Reaganland: America’s Right Turn 1976–1980 by Rick Perlstein 书评:瑞克·珀尔斯坦著:《里根的土地:美国的右转1976-1980》
IF 0.2 Q2 HISTORY Pub Date : 2023-04-01 DOI: 10.1177/00220094231170548e
Vincent Stine
revived movements in the North andWest were a departure from, rather than an extension of, the southern Movement of the previous decade’ (p. 94). Again, this is not an attempt to dismiss the burgeoning historiography of the Civil Rights Movement outside the American South. Instead, it is Holt’s way of reminding readers that the ‘classic’ narrative, while certainly needing an update to include more stories about the centrality of Black women to the movement, is still the best method by which to make sense of the time period. The Movement is a valuable resource for thinking through the Civil Rights era and its impact on American history.
北方和西部复兴的运动是对前十年南方运动的背离,而不是延伸”(第94页)。再次强调,这并不是试图否定美国南方以外民权运动的蓬勃发展的史学。相反,霍尔特用自己的方式提醒读者,虽然“经典”叙事当然需要更新,以包含更多关于黑人女性在运动中的中心地位的故事,但它仍然是理解那个时代的最佳方法。该运动是思考民权时代及其对美国历史影响的宝贵资源。
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引用次数: 0
Book Review: Africa and the Shaping of International Human Rights by Derrick Nault Derrick Nault书评:非洲与国际人权的形成
IF 0.2 Q2 HISTORY Pub Date : 2023-04-01 DOI: 10.1177/00220094231170548
Bonny Ibhawoh
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引用次数: 0
期刊
Casopis za Suvremenu Povijest
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