Pub Date : 2023-10-17DOI: 10.22586/csp.v55i1.23320
Nikica Barić
Tijekom Drugoga svjetskog rata veliki broj ljudi otišao je iz Nezavisne Države Hrvatske na rad u Njemački Reich. Dio njih otišao je u Njemačku dobrovoljno, a dio kao prisilna radna snaga. U sklopu te šire teme, ovaj prilog, uglavnom na temelju arhivskih izvora, opisuje kako je dio radne snage iz Nezavisne Države Hrvatske bio upućen na rad u njemačku zrakoplovnu industriju.
{"title":"Radna snaga iz Nezavisne Države Hrvatske za njemačku zrakoplovnu industriju","authors":"Nikica Barić","doi":"10.22586/csp.v55i1.23320","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.22586/csp.v55i1.23320","url":null,"abstract":"Tijekom Drugoga svjetskog rata veliki broj ljudi otišao je iz Nezavisne Države Hrvatske na rad u Njemački Reich. Dio njih otišao je u Njemačku dobrovoljno, a dio kao prisilna radna snaga. U sklopu te šire teme, ovaj prilog, uglavnom na temelju arhivskih izvora, opisuje kako je dio radne snage iz Nezavisne Države Hrvatske bio upućen na rad u njemačku zrakoplovnu industriju.","PeriodicalId":53857,"journal":{"name":"Casopis za Suvremenu Povijest","volume":"1 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-10-17","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"136038650","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-10-17DOI: 10.22586/csp.v55i1.23502
Dragutin Papović
U radu je analizirana ekonomska suradnja Socijalističke Republike Crne Gore i Savezne Republike Njemačke, odnosno njezinih saveznih pokrajina. Savezna Republika Njemačka bila je među najvažnijim ekonomskim partnerima Jugoslavije, odnosno jugoslavenskih republika krajem 70-ih godina XX. stoljeća. Tada je po vrijednosti trgovinske razmjene bila drugi vanjskotrgovinski partner Crne Gore. Cilj Crne Gore bio je povećanjem izvoza smanjiti trgovinski deficit, zatim privući njemačke investitore i proširiti suradnju na druge oblasti. Taj je cilj zahtijevao uspostavu izravnih političkih i ekonomskih odnosa. Sredinom 70-ih jugoslavenske republike uspostavile su neposredne odnose s njemačkim saveznim pokrajinama. Krajem 70-ih i početkom 80-ih uspostavljeni su odnosi Izvršnoga vijeća (vlade) Crne Gore s vladama pokrajina Hamburg, Baden-Württemberg i Bremen.
{"title":"The Establishment of Trade Relations between the Socialist Republic of Montenegro and the Federal States of the Federal Republic of Germany","authors":"Dragutin Papović","doi":"10.22586/csp.v55i1.23502","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.22586/csp.v55i1.23502","url":null,"abstract":"U radu je analizirana ekonomska suradnja Socijalističke Republike Crne Gore i Savezne Republike Njemačke, odnosno njezinih saveznih pokrajina. Savezna Republika Njemačka bila je među najvažnijim ekonomskim partnerima Jugoslavije, odnosno jugoslavenskih republika krajem 70-ih godina XX. stoljeća. Tada je po vrijednosti trgovinske razmjene bila drugi vanjskotrgovinski partner Crne Gore. Cilj Crne Gore bio je povećanjem izvoza smanjiti trgovinski deficit, zatim privući njemačke investitore i proširiti suradnju na druge oblasti. Taj je cilj zahtijevao uspostavu izravnih političkih i ekonomskih odnosa. Sredinom 70-ih jugoslavenske republike uspostavile su neposredne odnose s njemačkim saveznim pokrajinama. Krajem 70-ih i početkom 80-ih uspostavljeni su odnosi Izvršnoga vijeća (vlade) Crne Gore s vladama pokrajina Hamburg, Baden-Württemberg i Bremen.","PeriodicalId":53857,"journal":{"name":"Casopis za Suvremenu Povijest","volume":"83 2 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-10-17","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"136038649","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-10-17DOI: 10.22586/csp.v55i1.25365
Marica Karakaš Obradov
Hrvatski iseljenici tijekom Drugoga svjetskog rata bili su preko djelovanja nekoliko udruženja uključeni u prikupljanje pomoći za „stari kraj”, ali su ponajprije bili lojalni građani zemalja useljenja i djelovali u skladu s njihovim vojnim i političkim ciljevima. Ratne okolnosti same po sebi donosile su brojne probleme i iskušenja koja je trebalo prevladati, a dodatno se stanje usložnjavalo zbog političkih i svjetonazorskih razlika ne samo između jugoslavenskih iseljeničkih društava s različitim nacionalnim predznakom nego i između i unutar hrvatskih udruženja i pojedinaca. Takvo je stanje bilo i na sjevernoameričkom kontinentu, gdje je živjela brojčano velika i dobro organizirana hrvatska zajednica. U ovom ću se radu osvrnuti na osnivanje udruženja za slanje pomoći te odašiljanje prvih pošiljki pomoći izbjeglicama s hrvatskoga područja u južnoj Italiji i Egiptu 1944. i 1945. te u Hrvatsku/Jugoslaviju tijekom 1945. godine.
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Pub Date : 2023-10-17DOI: 10.22586/csp.v55i1.24444
Anita Buhin
Samoupravni preobražaj kulture koji se temeljio na ustavnim i zakonskim promjenama prihvaćenim sredinom 70-ih godina XX. stoljeća značio je među ostalim i odbacivanje sintagme „kultura radnicima” kao ostatka prosvjetiteljsko-edukativne kulturne politike ranoga socijalizma. Novi kulturni smjer trebao je označiti povratak izvornim marksističkim idejama, iz kojih je kultura proizlazila kao sredstvo i način života te omogućavala radnikovo intelektualno ostvarenje u borbi protiv otuđenoga rada. Radne organizacije trebale su postati i kulturne organizacije u kojima je radnik trebao ostvariti sve svoje potrebe, koje su uključivale kreativno i umjetničko stvaralaštvo, konzumiranje vrhunske kulture i umjetnosti, ali i solidarnost, jednakost i dobre međusobne odnose. Na primjeru brodogradilišta Uljanik u Puli i tvornice turbina Jugoturbina u Karlovcu, kao dvaju industrijskih divova i centara društvenoga života u svojim općinama, analizira se primjena kulturne teorije jugoslavenskoga samoupravnog socijalizma i nove kulturne politike 70-ih i 80-ih godina.
Samoupravni przeobražaj kultury koji se basedo na ustavnim i zakonskim promjenama prihvaćenim sredinom 70-ih godina XX. stoljeća značio je među ostalim i odbacivanje sintagme "kultura radnicima" kao ostatka prosvjetiteljno-educativne kultur politika ranoga socijalizma.新的文化方向必须以回归最初的马克思主义思想为标志，因为文化是作为一种生活手段和方式出现的，它使农民在反抗压迫世界的斗争中能够进行知识创造。Radne organizacijos trebale su trebale su become i kulturno organizacji u koima je radnik trebao ostvariti sve své potrzeb, koje su uključivale creativno i umjetničko creativity, consumiranje vrhunske kultury i umjetnosti, ali i solidarnost, jednakost i dobre interđusobne vztahos.以肉类加工厂 Uljanik u Puli 和涡轮机制造厂 Jugoturbina u Karlovcu 为例，分析了南斯拉夫社会主义验证自助领取彩金的文化理论和二十世纪七八十年代的新文化政策。
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Pub Date : 2023-10-17DOI: 10.22586/csp.v55i1.25009
Bojan Simić
U radu se na osnovi izvora, literature i tiska analiziraju napori jugoslavenske diplomacije u cilju ekstradicije bivšega poglavnika Nezavisne Države Hrvatske Ante Pavelića tijekom pedesetih godina prošloga stoljeća i reakcije argentinskih državnih organa na te zahtjeve. Posebna pozornost obraća se na političku pozadinu tih reakcija i djelovanje jugoslavenskoga predstavništva u Buenos Airesu.
{"title":"Yugoslav Diplomacy and the Question of Ante Pavelićʼs Extradition from Argentina","authors":"Bojan Simić","doi":"10.22586/csp.v55i1.25009","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.22586/csp.v55i1.25009","url":null,"abstract":"U radu se na osnovi izvora, literature i tiska analiziraju napori jugoslavenske diplomacije u cilju ekstradicije bivšega poglavnika Nezavisne Države Hrvatske Ante Pavelića tijekom pedesetih godina prošloga stoljeća i reakcije argentinskih državnih organa na te zahtjeve. Posebna pozornost obraća se na političku pozadinu tih reakcija i djelovanje jugoslavenskoga predstavništva u Buenos Airesu.","PeriodicalId":53857,"journal":{"name":"Casopis za Suvremenu Povijest","volume":"53 29 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-10-17","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"136038652","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-10-17DOI: 10.22586/csp.v55i1.23610
Igor Ivašković
Autor analizira stavove slovenskih katoličko-narodnjačkih i liberalnih časopisa glede državnopravnih pitanja u razdoblju od Sarajevskoga atentata 1914. do zagrebačkoga sastanka u ožujku 1918. Katoličko-narodnjačka Slovenska pučka stranka početkom rata zauzela je snažan protusrpski stav. Dok je na vanjskopolitičkom planu dio stranke zazivao vojno kažnjavanje Srbije, na unutarnjem stranka unisono zastupa ideju hrvatsko-slovenske državne jedinice unutar Habsburške Monarhije. Slovenski su liberali na drugoj strani, unatoč osudi čina atentata, osuđivali protusrpske demonstracije te pritom naglašavali odgovornost austrougarske politike za eskalaciju rata. Uslijed širih makrogeopolitičkih događaja, prije svega povećanja vjerojatnosti Antantine pobjede, koja je povećavala strah pred implementacijom Londonskoga ugovora, te činjenice da su velikonjemački austrijski krugovi iskoristili rat protiv Srbije za širu protu(jugo)slavensku kampanju u kojoj se svaka emancipacijska težnja Slovenaca i Hrvata prikazivala kao protudržavni element, slovenski katolički narodnjaci mijenjaju strategiju. Nakon uviđanja da ni iskazivanje najsnažnijih proaustrijskih emocija te ulaganje iznimno velikih napora u predočavanje razlike između slovensko-hrvatske trijalističke vizije i velikosrpskoga koncepta neće uroditi plodom, slovenski su katolički narodnjaci krenuli putem okrupnjavanja vlastitoga političkog legitimiteta preko zauzimanja vodećih pozicija u zastupničkim tijelima austrougarskih Južnih Slavena. Budući da je za to bila potrebna i suradnja sa slovenskim liberalima te austrougarskim Srbima, taj je obrat implicirao i prihvaćanje širega južnoslavenskoga koncepta.
作者分析了从 1914 年萨拉热窝暗杀事件到 1918 年奥茹日萨格勒布议会期间斯洛文尼亚天主教民族主义报纸和自由主义报纸在国家法律问题上的立场。 在这一年中，天主教民族主义的斯洛文尼亚政变党采取了坚决反苏的立场。虽然在政治计划上，该党的议程是对塞尔维亚作战，但在政治计划上，该党一致代表了克罗地亚-斯洛文尼亚国家与哈布斯堡君主制统一的主张。另一方面，斯洛文尼亚的自由派面对暗杀事件，谴责反塞尔维亚的示威游行，同时声称奥匈帝国的政客对战争升级负有责任。这是一系列宏观地缘政治事态发展的结果，尤其是协约国叛乱愈演愈烈，增加了人们对实施伦敦异议的恐惧、奥地利大克里姆林宫利用反对塞尔维亚的集会发起了一场更广泛的反塞尔维亚运动，将斯洛文尼亚人和克罗地亚人的所有解放倾向都描绘成反国家因素，斯洛文尼亚天主教民族主义者正在改变他们的战略。斯洛文尼亚天主教民族主义者认为，无论怎样表达亲奥地利的情绪，无论怎样解释斯洛文尼亚-克罗地亚部落主义观点与大塞尔维亚概念之间的区别，都不会有结果，因此他们开始通过在奥匈帝国南斯拉夫人代表机构中担任领导职务来巩固自己的政治合法性。Budući da je to bola potrebno i suradnja sa slovenskim liberalima te austrougarskim Srbima, taj je obrat implicirao i prihvaćanje široga južnoslavenskogo koncepta.
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Pub Date : 2023-08-30DOI: 10.1177/00220094231195773
Jesús Manuel Bermejo Roldán
How did Portugal confirm its national interests while integrated into an institution that promoted visions of an international community? This article addresses the central question of this peripheral country's response to two proposals put forward by the Organisation for Intellectual Cooperation in the 1930s inter-war period: the revision of textbooks and the use of broadcasting for peace. After a brief analysis of the institutional aspects and Portugal's integration into the system of intellectual cooperation, the article examines how Portugal addressed two issues of national relevance in a transnational context. Based on extensive archival research, this article starts from the premise of whether Portugal's nationalist stance prevented it from adhering to two resolutions that sought moral disarmament. More broadly, this article aims to contribute to the renewed interest in revisiting the history of the League of Nations by focusing on projects devised by the technical organs of intellectual cooperation.
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Pub Date : 2023-08-30DOI: 10.1177/00220094231195768
Samuel J. Hirst, Aydın Khajei, D. Kaptan
In 1975, the mayor of Ankara requested Soviet assistance to build a public transportation system and affordable housing in the Turkish capital. This article uses Vedat Dalokay's appeal as a window into international development politics during a transformative decade. The 1970s saw growing leftism in Turkey, and Dalokay hoped that progressive urban planning would solidify voting trends among rural-to-urban migrants. He sought to introduce a new ideological element into Soviet–Turkish exchange, but politicians and academics in Moscow dismissed Dalokay's class-oriented projects. Instead, they increased their investments in the steel mills and electricity plants that were hallmarks of Soviet economic exchanges with the Third World. Whereas Dalokay's aspirations emerged from a Turkish intellectual climate that was being reshaped by dependency theory and by disillusionment in the possibilities for growth within boundaries defined by the political borders of nation-states, Soviet economists and bureaucrats remained wedded to the idea of development defined in terms of the territorial economy. The Ankara municipality eventually turned to Western Europe, but the Turkish government continued to negotiate gas pipelines and nuclear power plants with the Soviet and post-Soviet Russian governments. This article explores the ideological assumptions that have shaped economic exchange across the Black Sea.
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Pub Date : 2023-07-30DOI: 10.1177/00220094231182444
N. Carter
Physical reminders of Fascist rule in Italy can be found in virtually every Italian town and city. To date, though, studies of how Italians have dealt with this ‘difficult heritage’ have focused overwhelmingly on Rome, where Fascism's copious remains are treated and admired as aesthetic objects, unmoored from their political–historical origins. Implied, assumed or articulated in these studies is the idea of Rome as an exemplar of the nation: that what is true of the capital is true of the country. In fact, the idea that Rome's approach to its Fascist heritage is representative of Italy's has yet to be properly tested. This article argues for the need to go ‘beyond Rome’ in order to gain a deeper, richer, and more nuanced understanding of the ways in which Italians have negotiated the difficult heritage of Fascism. Focusing on the provincial Lombard city of Brescia, the article reveals the complex interplay between time, place, use, memory, aesthetics, and politics in shaping how bresciani have negotiated three surviving ‘faces’ of Fascism: Marcello Piacentini's monumental piazza della Vittoria; Arturo Dazzi's colossal statue ‘L’Era Fascista’, popularly known as the ‘Bigio’; and Oscar Prati's monument-ossuary to the fallen of the Great War.
{"title":"Beyond Rome: Brescia and the Difficult Heritage of Italian Fascism","authors":"N. Carter","doi":"10.1177/00220094231182444","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1177/00220094231182444","url":null,"abstract":"Physical reminders of Fascist rule in Italy can be found in virtually every Italian town and city. To date, though, studies of how Italians have dealt with this ‘difficult heritage’ have focused overwhelmingly on Rome, where Fascism's copious remains are treated and admired as aesthetic objects, unmoored from their political–historical origins. Implied, assumed or articulated in these studies is the idea of Rome as an exemplar of the nation: that what is true of the capital is true of the country. In fact, the idea that Rome's approach to its Fascist heritage is representative of Italy's has yet to be properly tested. This article argues for the need to go ‘beyond Rome’ in order to gain a deeper, richer, and more nuanced understanding of the ways in which Italians have negotiated the difficult heritage of Fascism. Focusing on the provincial Lombard city of Brescia, the article reveals the complex interplay between time, place, use, memory, aesthetics, and politics in shaping how bresciani have negotiated three surviving ‘faces’ of Fascism: Marcello Piacentini's monumental piazza della Vittoria; Arturo Dazzi's colossal statue ‘L’Era Fascista’, popularly known as the ‘Bigio’; and Oscar Prati's monument-ossuary to the fallen of the Great War.","PeriodicalId":53857,"journal":{"name":"Casopis za Suvremenu Povijest","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.2,"publicationDate":"2023-07-30","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"46692976","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-07-18DOI: 10.1177/00220094231186104
Diego Martínez López
The experience of Spaniards deported to Nazi camps has traditionally occupied a secondary position in historiography. Available evidence, however, indicates that the Spanish case evinced a uniqueness that has not yet been fully studied. This article proposes a transversal analysis by means of which to study the significance of the Spanish group deported to the Austrian camp of Mauthausen, measuring the degree to which they were integrated within the concentration camp hierarchy, the number of privileged positions occupied within the camp and their evolution over time. Similarly, the article explores the exceptional case of the Ebensee satellite camp, where the group of Spanish prisoners suffered an unusually low death rate.
{"title":"Power and Survival in KL Mauthausen: The Spanish Case","authors":"Diego Martínez López","doi":"10.1177/00220094231186104","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1177/00220094231186104","url":null,"abstract":"The experience of Spaniards deported to Nazi camps has traditionally occupied a secondary position in historiography. Available evidence, however, indicates that the Spanish case evinced a uniqueness that has not yet been fully studied. This article proposes a transversal analysis by means of which to study the significance of the Spanish group deported to the Austrian camp of Mauthausen, measuring the degree to which they were integrated within the concentration camp hierarchy, the number of privileged positions occupied within the camp and their evolution over time. Similarly, the article explores the exceptional case of the Ebensee satellite camp, where the group of Spanish prisoners suffered an unusually low death rate.","PeriodicalId":53857,"journal":{"name":"Casopis za Suvremenu Povijest","volume":"58 1","pages":"658 - 675"},"PeriodicalIF":0.2,"publicationDate":"2023-07-18","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"44868258","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
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