Pub Date : 2022-10-11DOI: 10.1177/00220094221127533
Jan Stöckmann
This article examines how the Marshall Plan stimulated a culture of economic growth in postwar Germany, specifically through an international exchange programme known as ‘productivity missions’. From 1948 until the late 1950s these missions facilitated thousands of encounters between American and European managers, workers and experts in order to spread American industrial and managerial practices and, as a consequence, to boost postwar economic recovery in the capitalist world. Run by the Economic Cooperation Administration and the Organization for European Economic Co-operation, the productivity campaign enjoyed the support of both national governments as well as business associations and trade unions. While there is ample historiography on the political intentions and the economic consequences of the Marshall Plan, we know less about the productivity missions as vehicles of cultural transformation. Based on first-hand reports and archival evidence from both sides of the Atlantic, this article explores the cultural dimensions of the productivity campaign. It argues that the missions were an important catalyst for the dominant role of productivity and economic growth in postwar German society.
{"title":"Spreading the Culture of Economic Growth: Productivity Missions and the Americanization of the German Economy","authors":"Jan Stöckmann","doi":"10.1177/00220094221127533","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1177/00220094221127533","url":null,"abstract":"This article examines how the Marshall Plan stimulated a culture of economic growth in postwar Germany, specifically through an international exchange programme known as ‘productivity missions’. From 1948 until the late 1950s these missions facilitated thousands of encounters between American and European managers, workers and experts in order to spread American industrial and managerial practices and, as a consequence, to boost postwar economic recovery in the capitalist world. Run by the Economic Cooperation Administration and the Organization for European Economic Co-operation, the productivity campaign enjoyed the support of both national governments as well as business associations and trade unions. While there is ample historiography on the political intentions and the economic consequences of the Marshall Plan, we know less about the productivity missions as vehicles of cultural transformation. Based on first-hand reports and archival evidence from both sides of the Atlantic, this article explores the cultural dimensions of the productivity campaign. It argues that the missions were an important catalyst for the dominant role of productivity and economic growth in postwar German society.","PeriodicalId":53857,"journal":{"name":"Casopis za Suvremenu Povijest","volume":"58 1","pages":"92 - 114"},"PeriodicalIF":0.2,"publicationDate":"2022-10-11","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"46584696","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-10-01DOI: 10.1177/00220094221107499
Yui Chim Lo
China's ruling Nationalist government saw the Second World War as an opportunity to shape the postwar world in China's favour. However, existing studies have often focused on China's plans on territorial arrangements in East Asia. This article examines how Nationalist China imagined and attempted to improve the postwar status of the Chinese diaspora in host countries. During the war, Nationalist China envisaged the removal of discriminatory treatment against the Chinese diaspora and planned to advocate racial equality. However, this equality was often intended to be parity with white people and Japanese rather than other Asians. Some Chinese officials even claimed that the Chinese diaspora in Southeast Asia should receive preferential treatment, which resonated with their perceptions that Chinese were superior to other Asians. As atrocities against Chinese migrants in Southeast Asia after the war mounted, China was forced to concentrate on saving their lives and assets. At the Asian Relations Conference, held in India in March–April 1947, Chinese delegates defended the Chinese diaspora against sceptical delegates of Southeast Asian nations. Although the conference delegates reached an agreement on treating foreign migrants in each country fairly, the Chinese diaspora still found itself in a precarious position.
{"title":"Between Equality and Prejudice: Chinese Planning on the Postwar Status of the Chinese Diaspora, 1940–9","authors":"Yui Chim Lo","doi":"10.1177/00220094221107499","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1177/00220094221107499","url":null,"abstract":"China's ruling Nationalist government saw the Second World War as an opportunity to shape the postwar world in China's favour. However, existing studies have often focused on China's plans on territorial arrangements in East Asia. This article examines how Nationalist China imagined and attempted to improve the postwar status of the Chinese diaspora in host countries. During the war, Nationalist China envisaged the removal of discriminatory treatment against the Chinese diaspora and planned to advocate racial equality. However, this equality was often intended to be parity with white people and Japanese rather than other Asians. Some Chinese officials even claimed that the Chinese diaspora in Southeast Asia should receive preferential treatment, which resonated with their perceptions that Chinese were superior to other Asians. As atrocities against Chinese migrants in Southeast Asia after the war mounted, China was forced to concentrate on saving their lives and assets. At the Asian Relations Conference, held in India in March–April 1947, Chinese delegates defended the Chinese diaspora against sceptical delegates of Southeast Asian nations. Although the conference delegates reached an agreement on treating foreign migrants in each country fairly, the Chinese diaspora still found itself in a precarious position.","PeriodicalId":53857,"journal":{"name":"Casopis za Suvremenu Povijest","volume":"57 1","pages":"975 - 996"},"PeriodicalIF":0.2,"publicationDate":"2022-10-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"42682960","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-09-22DOI: 10.1177/00220094221121869
I. Gupta
Languages knit people together, but at All India Radio we witness the reverse trajectory. Radio's first 20 years, 1927–47, coinciding with the last 20 of British rule, saw the subcontinent's kaleidoscopic linguistic profile creating havoc. Three emotive stumbling blocks emerged, affecting radio: did a nation need a single language or was a multilingual state sustainable; could an alien language gain acceptance; and could there be consensus on a language imposed for institutional convenience. With heavy dependence on English, the dominant language of broadcast, station directors, had the authority to allocate rest of the time to prevailing languages, juggling diverse vernaculars. Complications surfaced at most stations, but most prominent at northern stations where language from being socio-cultural indicators became religious pointers, Hindi associated with Hindus and Urdu with Muslims. All India Radio adopted Hindustani, the confluence of both for practical reasons; instead of two languages, it was easier to cater in just one. This espousal led to heated disputes, with Hindi supporters alleging that radio's Hindustani leaned heavily towards Arabic, and the Urdu clique seeing a definite predisposition towards Sanskrit. The epicentre of controversy were the news programmes. The radio policy of British India was generally to be cautious and to avoid needless controversy.
{"title":"One Voice Many Languages, Colonial Radio in India","authors":"I. Gupta","doi":"10.1177/00220094221121869","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1177/00220094221121869","url":null,"abstract":"Languages knit people together, but at All India Radio we witness the reverse trajectory. Radio's first 20 years, 1927–47, coinciding with the last 20 of British rule, saw the subcontinent's kaleidoscopic linguistic profile creating havoc. Three emotive stumbling blocks emerged, affecting radio: did a nation need a single language or was a multilingual state sustainable; could an alien language gain acceptance; and could there be consensus on a language imposed for institutional convenience. With heavy dependence on English, the dominant language of broadcast, station directors, had the authority to allocate rest of the time to prevailing languages, juggling diverse vernaculars. Complications surfaced at most stations, but most prominent at northern stations where language from being socio-cultural indicators became religious pointers, Hindi associated with Hindus and Urdu with Muslims. All India Radio adopted Hindustani, the confluence of both for practical reasons; instead of two languages, it was easier to cater in just one. This espousal led to heated disputes, with Hindi supporters alleging that radio's Hindustani leaned heavily towards Arabic, and the Urdu clique seeing a definite predisposition towards Sanskrit. The epicentre of controversy were the news programmes. The radio policy of British India was generally to be cautious and to avoid needless controversy.","PeriodicalId":53857,"journal":{"name":"Casopis za Suvremenu Povijest","volume":"58 1","pages":"3 - 25"},"PeriodicalIF":0.2,"publicationDate":"2022-09-22","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"48640212","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-09-21DOI: 10.1177/00220094221126836
K. Moskowitz
Throughout the 1950s, colonial Kenya experimented with multiracial governance – maintaining separate racial identities and instituting group political representation – as a strategy for protecting white supremacy. Though independence negotiations in 1960 ended political multiracialism, in cultural arenas, white sports officials – and their conservative allies in the International Olympic Committee – continued drawing on multiracialist ideologies to justify their disproportionate influence as heads of Kenya's sports organizations and as coaches. Kenyan sport during the midcentury thus reveals the unevenness and incompleteness of decolonization, as well as the specific means by which white settlers attempted to maintain power in the independent era. These efforts can be seen as part of a broader, global right-wing backlash to African nationalism. Though white Kenyans attempted to clutch onto power within the world of sport, Kenya's independent state actors intervened, nationalizing the sports administration and sidelining white-dominated institutions. While recent scholarship has examined African decolonization as a contested process, much of this work has centered on the formal mechanisms of transition. This article shows that, after political transition, sport became a new battleground of decolonization.
{"title":"From Multiracialism to Africanization? Race, Politics, and Sport in Decolonizing Kenya","authors":"K. Moskowitz","doi":"10.1177/00220094221126836","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1177/00220094221126836","url":null,"abstract":"Throughout the 1950s, colonial Kenya experimented with multiracial governance – maintaining separate racial identities and instituting group political representation – as a strategy for protecting white supremacy. Though independence negotiations in 1960 ended political multiracialism, in cultural arenas, white sports officials – and their conservative allies in the International Olympic Committee – continued drawing on multiracialist ideologies to justify their disproportionate influence as heads of Kenya's sports organizations and as coaches. Kenyan sport during the midcentury thus reveals the unevenness and incompleteness of decolonization, as well as the specific means by which white settlers attempted to maintain power in the independent era. These efforts can be seen as part of a broader, global right-wing backlash to African nationalism. Though white Kenyans attempted to clutch onto power within the world of sport, Kenya's independent state actors intervened, nationalizing the sports administration and sidelining white-dominated institutions. While recent scholarship has examined African decolonization as a contested process, much of this work has centered on the formal mechanisms of transition. This article shows that, after political transition, sport became a new battleground of decolonization.","PeriodicalId":53857,"journal":{"name":"Casopis za Suvremenu Povijest","volume":"58 1","pages":"115 - 135"},"PeriodicalIF":0.2,"publicationDate":"2022-09-21","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"48371844","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-09-19DOI: 10.1177/00220094221126838
Iain Stewart
This article examines the history of the French press that was based in London during the Second World War, focusing on its contribution to political debates of and about French exile, its relationship to the British government and its role in shaping inter-Allied relations. The article begins by outlining the development of British policy towards the foreign press based in London before examining three publications: the left-leaning daily France, the Gaullist weekly La Marseillaise and the monthly cultural and political periodical La France libre. By drawing on the contents of these papers alongside a variety of French, British and American archival material, the article shows that while the French press in London had a limited readership, it exercised significant influence among political elites either side of the Atlantic during the war and helped shape the terms of French debates over the meaning of Gaullism well into the post-Second World War period.
{"title":"The French Press in Wartime London, 1940–4: From the Politics of Exile to Inter-Allied Relations","authors":"Iain Stewart","doi":"10.1177/00220094221126838","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1177/00220094221126838","url":null,"abstract":"This article examines the history of the French press that was based in London during the Second World War, focusing on its contribution to political debates of and about French exile, its relationship to the British government and its role in shaping inter-Allied relations. The article begins by outlining the development of British policy towards the foreign press based in London before examining three publications: the left-leaning daily France, the Gaullist weekly La Marseillaise and the monthly cultural and political periodical La France libre. By drawing on the contents of these papers alongside a variety of French, British and American archival material, the article shows that while the French press in London had a limited readership, it exercised significant influence among political elites either side of the Atlantic during the war and helped shape the terms of French debates over the meaning of Gaullism well into the post-Second World War period.","PeriodicalId":53857,"journal":{"name":"Casopis za Suvremenu Povijest","volume":"58 1","pages":"50 - 70"},"PeriodicalIF":0.2,"publicationDate":"2022-09-19","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"45051225","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-09-06DOI: 10.1177/00220094221111989d
Emanuela Margione
saw key states increasingly seeking credit from the West, further eroding the iron curtain. Similarly, in Asia and the Middle East, old antagonisms were replaced by partnership, and former friends became enemies: the PRC allied with the US and ASEAN to contain Vietnam’s ambitions and Egypt made peace with Israel and turned on the USSR. The superpowers continued their Cold War, with Gorbachev attempting to recruit China and India in a new front against the US. However, by this time the regional Cold Wars had already ended, not least with Eastern Europe becoming economically dependent on theWest, leaving the USSR unable to sustain its contest with its rival superpower. So concludes this masterful account, vital reading for all students of the ColdWar.
{"title":"Book Review: Environment and Urbanization in Modern Italy by Federico Paolini","authors":"Emanuela Margione","doi":"10.1177/00220094221111989d","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1177/00220094221111989d","url":null,"abstract":"saw key states increasingly seeking credit from the West, further eroding the iron curtain. Similarly, in Asia and the Middle East, old antagonisms were replaced by partnership, and former friends became enemies: the PRC allied with the US and ASEAN to contain Vietnam’s ambitions and Egypt made peace with Israel and turned on the USSR. The superpowers continued their Cold War, with Gorbachev attempting to recruit China and India in a new front against the US. However, by this time the regional Cold Wars had already ended, not least with Eastern Europe becoming economically dependent on theWest, leaving the USSR unable to sustain its contest with its rival superpower. So concludes this masterful account, vital reading for all students of the ColdWar.","PeriodicalId":53857,"journal":{"name":"Casopis za Suvremenu Povijest","volume":"57 1","pages":"1120 - 1121"},"PeriodicalIF":0.2,"publicationDate":"2022-09-06","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"46059661","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-09-06DOI: 10.1177/00220094221111989b
James N. Tallon
geography’ in which the Italian imperial nation-state would rule on a vast range of ethnically diverse, and yet still culturally homogeneous, subjects, from the Greeks to the Turks, from North Africans to the Jews (p. 4). Through such a discursive process, Italian elites were able to redefine domestic issues regarding nationhood, such as whether the South could be considered as an integral part of the nation, as well as navigate their provincial status of ‘least of great Powers’ vis-à-vis the most advanced European countries (p. 6). However, after the Ethiopian War and the onset of the alliance with Nazi Germany, the concern of the Fascist regime with racial and colonial policies greatly intensified, now spurred by the necessity of constructing racial hierarchies to ensure the whiteness of Italians, distancing it from the segregated black subjects of East Africa. This ultimately marked the transformation of Mediterraneità into a more peculiarly ‘fascist’ notion of Romanità (Romanness), namely a biologically-racist form of imperial discourse that rejected any form of ethnic or cultural commonality with the Eastern and Southern Mediterranean region and imagined, instead, the Italian Empire as a Grossraum organized on racial hierarchies (p. 70). McGuire’s work relies on a wide range of sources, integrating extensive, international archival research undertaken in the USA, France, Italy, Tunisia and Greece, with oral testimonies, a close analysis of colonial literature and movies, but also of urban planning, local architecture, touristic enterprises and everyday life stories. Such an interdisciplinary approach enormously expands the colonial archive, integrating administrative and bureaucratic sources with the most various material artefacts, productions and sites (p. 30). Overall, the book provides a very compelling account of the remaking of the Italian identity through the Mediterraneanist discourse and fills a void in the literature about both Italian and Greek histories by shedding new light on the impact of the colonial domination of the Fascist regime in the Dodecanese islands.
{"title":"Book Review: War in the Mountains: Peasant Society and Counterinsurgency in Algeria, 1918–1958 by Neil Macmaster","authors":"James N. Tallon","doi":"10.1177/00220094221111989b","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1177/00220094221111989b","url":null,"abstract":"geography’ in which the Italian imperial nation-state would rule on a vast range of ethnically diverse, and yet still culturally homogeneous, subjects, from the Greeks to the Turks, from North Africans to the Jews (p. 4). Through such a discursive process, Italian elites were able to redefine domestic issues regarding nationhood, such as whether the South could be considered as an integral part of the nation, as well as navigate their provincial status of ‘least of great Powers’ vis-à-vis the most advanced European countries (p. 6). However, after the Ethiopian War and the onset of the alliance with Nazi Germany, the concern of the Fascist regime with racial and colonial policies greatly intensified, now spurred by the necessity of constructing racial hierarchies to ensure the whiteness of Italians, distancing it from the segregated black subjects of East Africa. This ultimately marked the transformation of Mediterraneità into a more peculiarly ‘fascist’ notion of Romanità (Romanness), namely a biologically-racist form of imperial discourse that rejected any form of ethnic or cultural commonality with the Eastern and Southern Mediterranean region and imagined, instead, the Italian Empire as a Grossraum organized on racial hierarchies (p. 70). McGuire’s work relies on a wide range of sources, integrating extensive, international archival research undertaken in the USA, France, Italy, Tunisia and Greece, with oral testimonies, a close analysis of colonial literature and movies, but also of urban planning, local architecture, touristic enterprises and everyday life stories. Such an interdisciplinary approach enormously expands the colonial archive, integrating administrative and bureaucratic sources with the most various material artefacts, productions and sites (p. 30). Overall, the book provides a very compelling account of the remaking of the Italian identity through the Mediterraneanist discourse and fills a void in the literature about both Italian and Greek histories by shedding new light on the impact of the colonial domination of the Fascist regime in the Dodecanese islands.","PeriodicalId":53857,"journal":{"name":"Casopis za Suvremenu Povijest","volume":"57 1","pages":"1116 - 1118"},"PeriodicalIF":0.2,"publicationDate":"2022-09-06","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"41463140","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-09-06DOI: 10.1177/00220094221111989i
A. Bateman
escape this milieu; he had to work within it. His embrace of human rights, what Søndergaard calls Reagan’s ‘turnaround’ (chapter 2), set his administration up for a series of confrontations with Congress on a shared moral playing field. Human rights, of course, were defined according to ideological position. The Democrats opposed rightist regimes in Latin America; Republicans condemned Communist ones in the East. However, both used the language of human rights to agitate for their respective positions. Intriguingly, both sides, as Søndergaard notes, were essentially silent on China. The PRC had, over the preceding three decades, caused more human misery than all the bad governments American leader set themselves against in the same period, but received no censure. Given China’s contemporary relevance in debates about human rights, this might have been given more attention by the author. In consistently clear prose, devoid of unnecessary jargon and theorizing, Søndergaard lays out his case studies. In each, Reagan’s conservative vision of human rights – construed as essentially civil and political rights – met the more expansive emphasis of Democrats – who saw human rights as fundamentally economic and social. Reagan Republicans had begun the 1980s convinced the Democrat position was weak handwringing, an excuse for endless governmental tinkering; they left it with a vision of human rights that had enormously expanded the scope of US power, and which arguably led directly to the demise of the USSR, 1989–91. The book will make a lasting contribution to our understanding of the foreign policy continuity across the final decades of the Cold War. Carter and Reagan inhabited a national and international terrain that was more similar than different, and each deployed a set of moral tenets to aid their navigation of it. Søndergaard has written a sequel to Barbara Keys’ Reclaiming American Virtue: The Human Rights Revolution of the 1970s (2014). Like her, he has obliged us to rethink easy caricatures of US power. Søndergaard reminds us that American politics is sometimes compromised but often advantaged by its endemic contestation over moral questions.
{"title":"Book Review: The INF Treaty of 1987: A Reappraisal by Philipp Gassert, Tim Geiger and Hermann Wentker (eds)","authors":"A. Bateman","doi":"10.1177/00220094221111989i","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1177/00220094221111989i","url":null,"abstract":"escape this milieu; he had to work within it. His embrace of human rights, what Søndergaard calls Reagan’s ‘turnaround’ (chapter 2), set his administration up for a series of confrontations with Congress on a shared moral playing field. Human rights, of course, were defined according to ideological position. The Democrats opposed rightist regimes in Latin America; Republicans condemned Communist ones in the East. However, both used the language of human rights to agitate for their respective positions. Intriguingly, both sides, as Søndergaard notes, were essentially silent on China. The PRC had, over the preceding three decades, caused more human misery than all the bad governments American leader set themselves against in the same period, but received no censure. Given China’s contemporary relevance in debates about human rights, this might have been given more attention by the author. In consistently clear prose, devoid of unnecessary jargon and theorizing, Søndergaard lays out his case studies. In each, Reagan’s conservative vision of human rights – construed as essentially civil and political rights – met the more expansive emphasis of Democrats – who saw human rights as fundamentally economic and social. Reagan Republicans had begun the 1980s convinced the Democrat position was weak handwringing, an excuse for endless governmental tinkering; they left it with a vision of human rights that had enormously expanded the scope of US power, and which arguably led directly to the demise of the USSR, 1989–91. The book will make a lasting contribution to our understanding of the foreign policy continuity across the final decades of the Cold War. Carter and Reagan inhabited a national and international terrain that was more similar than different, and each deployed a set of moral tenets to aid their navigation of it. Søndergaard has written a sequel to Barbara Keys’ Reclaiming American Virtue: The Human Rights Revolution of the 1970s (2014). Like her, he has obliged us to rethink easy caricatures of US power. Søndergaard reminds us that American politics is sometimes compromised but often advantaged by its endemic contestation over moral questions.","PeriodicalId":53857,"journal":{"name":"Casopis za Suvremenu Povijest","volume":"57 1","pages":"1129 - 1132"},"PeriodicalIF":0.2,"publicationDate":"2022-09-06","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"46932643","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-09-06DOI: 10.1177/00220094221111989
Bonnie Emmett
{"title":"Book Review: Mass Housing: Modern Architecture and State Power – A Global History by Miles Glendinning","authors":"Bonnie Emmett","doi":"10.1177/00220094221111989","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1177/00220094221111989","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":53857,"journal":{"name":"Casopis za Suvremenu Povijest","volume":"57 1","pages":"1113 - 1114"},"PeriodicalIF":0.2,"publicationDate":"2022-09-06","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"41801111","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-09-06DOI: 10.1177/00220094221111989f
S. Potter
two women, depicted as representative of the supposed irrationality and immaturity of radical though non-violent women in the New Left movement. The notion of feminine irrationality followed other advocates of radical change, particularly second-wave feminist movements that started in 1970. Many feminists asserted that the sexism of the New Left drove them from ‘Left to lib’ (p. 162). While this was the motivation cited by many individuals – as it was in second-wave feminism throughout the world – Schieder asks readers to deconstruct this idea. We should shift our historiographical view lest we erase the role of women in the New Left. Women were oppressed by the glorification of masculinity but were not exclusively victims. Schieder’s book reclaims their voices and their role in a critical era of Japanese history.
{"title":"Book Review: The Break-up of Greater Britain by Christian D. Pedersen and Stuart Ward (eds)","authors":"S. Potter","doi":"10.1177/00220094221111989f","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1177/00220094221111989f","url":null,"abstract":"two women, depicted as representative of the supposed irrationality and immaturity of radical though non-violent women in the New Left movement. The notion of feminine irrationality followed other advocates of radical change, particularly second-wave feminist movements that started in 1970. Many feminists asserted that the sexism of the New Left drove them from ‘Left to lib’ (p. 162). While this was the motivation cited by many individuals – as it was in second-wave feminism throughout the world – Schieder asks readers to deconstruct this idea. We should shift our historiographical view lest we erase the role of women in the New Left. Women were oppressed by the glorification of masculinity but were not exclusively victims. Schieder’s book reclaims their voices and their role in a critical era of Japanese history.","PeriodicalId":53857,"journal":{"name":"Casopis za Suvremenu Povijest","volume":"57 1","pages":"1124 - 1125"},"PeriodicalIF":0.2,"publicationDate":"2022-09-06","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"41963046","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
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