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Book Review: Project Europe: A History by Kiran Klaus Patel 书评:基兰·克劳斯·帕特尔的《欧洲计划:历史》
IF 0.2 Q2 HISTORY Pub Date : 2022-12-15 DOI: 10.1177/00220094221130400e
Katja Seidel
given safe seats in the first place. The book also offers, then, an account of how incredibly hard these women worked to serve their constituents and to maintain and advance their own careers. There are two chapters on each of the five women, the first generally covering their early life and career up to the point of being appointed to a cabinet post and the second on their cabinet ministerial work itself. There are good reasons for structuring the book in this way, allowing readers to learn about the individual cabinet ministers in context. However, a chapter or more that then stepped back and considered what these women’s careers might tell us collectively, or which considered the peculiarities and specificities of being Labour cabinet ministers, or which considered more deeply the mechanics of gender and the workings of gendered expectations and stereotypes, would have been welcome. Similarly, there are at times some generalizations about Labour government policy, including towards women and feminist issues that need further unpacking and nuancing. Still, the book is very welcome for the level of detail and new insights it provides. It will serve as an important text on the topic and its accessible style means that it will have appeal to academic readers, to students at all levels and to a wider readership.
首先得到安全的座位。因此,这本书还讲述了这些女性是如何难以置信地努力为选民服务,维护和推进自己的职业生涯的。关于这五位女性,各有两章,第一章一般介绍她们的早期生活和职业生涯,直到被任命为内阁职位,第二章介绍她们的内阁部长工作本身。有充分的理由以这种方式构建这本书,让读者能够在上下文中了解个别内阁部长。然而,如果有一章或更多的章节退一步,考虑这些女性的职业生涯可能会集体告诉我们什么,或者考虑作为工党内阁部长的特殊性和特点,或者更深入地考虑性别机制以及性别期望和刻板印象的运作,那将是受欢迎的。同样,有时也会对工党政府的政策进行一些概括,包括对妇女和女权主义问题的概括,这些问题需要进一步的分析和修正。尽管如此,这本书还是非常受欢迎的,因为它提供了大量的细节和新的见解。它将成为该主题的重要文本,其通俗易懂的风格意味着它将吸引学术读者、各级学生和更广泛的读者。
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引用次数: 0
Book Review: Between Containment and Rollback. The United States and the Cold War in Germany by Christian F. Ostermann 书评:在遏制与回滚之间。克里斯蒂安·f·奥斯特曼的《德国的美国与冷战》
IF 0.2 Q2 HISTORY Pub Date : 2022-12-15 DOI: 10.1177/00220094221130400c
Laura Fasanaro
how technocratic (or other) internationalism(s) works on the ground. Kristy Ironside’s chapter about American progressive writers and their struggle for royalties from the Soviet Union in the mid-to-late 1950s is a fascinating study of unreturned ‘internationalist love’ through the lens of the increasingly frustrated author Howard Fast. The last part both applies a global perspective to European imperial internationalism and provincializes Europe’s role in developmental internationalism in the postwar era. This reader is left wondering why, in a volume dedicated to internationalists in European history – the connections between internationalism and Europeanism – the international governmental and non-governmental organizations and the many European organizations are left almost completely unexplored. Grumbling about what could have been in the volume is, of course, unfair. Internationalists in European History offers a perspective on internationalism that is deeply under-appreciated: a focus on resistance, ambivalence, miscommunication, disconnects and destructive silences – both in the interwar and the Cold War era. The volume reminds us that ‘doing’ internationalism – particularly in the peripheries of Europe (see, for instance, Elidor Mëhili’s chapter on Radio Tirana) – was anything but smooth sailing. Indeed, the constant need to overcome technical, ideological, and geographical hurdles demanded a rare combination of conviction and improvisation from this volume’s protagonists. A focus on this – from below – is very welcome.
技术官僚(或其他)国际主义在当地的运作方式。Kristy Ironside的这一章讲述了20世纪50年代中后期美国进步作家及其从苏联争取版税的斗争,通过越来越沮丧的作家Howard Fast的镜头,对未回报的“国际主义爱情”进行了引人入胜的研究。最后一部分既将全球视角应用于欧洲帝国国际主义,又将欧洲在战后发展国际主义中的作用本土化。这位读者想知道,在一本专门介绍欧洲历史上国际主义者的书中——国际主义和欧洲主义之间的联系——为什么国际政府和非政府组织以及许多欧洲组织几乎完全没有被探索。当然,对书中可能出现的内容怨声载道是不公平的。《欧洲历史》中的国际主义者对国际主义提供了一个被低估的视角:关注两次世界大战和冷战时期的抵抗、矛盾心理、沟通失误、脱节和破坏性沉默。这本书提醒我们,“做”国际主义——尤其是在欧洲周边地区(例如,参见Elidor Mëhili关于地拉那电台的章节)——绝非一帆风顺。事实上,不断需要克服技术、意识形态和地理障碍,这本书的主人公需要将信念和即兴创作罕见地结合起来。从下面开始关注这一点是非常受欢迎的。
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引用次数: 0
Book Review: Migrant City: A New History of London by Panikos Panayi 帕尼科斯·帕纳伊书评:《移民城市:伦敦新史》
IF 0.2 Q2 HISTORY Pub Date : 2022-12-15 DOI: 10.1177/00220094221130400a
Charlotte Faucher
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引用次数: 0
Book Review: Embers of Empire in Brexit Britain by Stuart Ward and Astrid Rasch (eds) 书评:《脱欧后英国的帝国余烬》斯图尔特·沃德和阿斯特丽德·拉什主编
IF 0.2 Q2 HISTORY Pub Date : 2022-12-15 DOI: 10.1177/00220094221130400i
D. Killingray
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引用次数: 0
Book Review: Labour Women in Power: Cabinet Ministers in the Twentieth Century by Paula Bartley 书评:《执政的劳工女性:20世纪的内阁大臣》,作者保拉·巴特利
IF 0.2 Q2 HISTORY Pub Date : 2022-12-15 DOI: 10.1177/00220094221130400d
H. Glew
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引用次数: 0
The Re-emergence of Fascism and Its Impact on European Democracies in the Immediate Postwar Period 战后时期法西斯主义的重新崛起及其对欧洲民主政体的影响
IF 0.2 Q2 HISTORY Pub Date : 2022-12-05 DOI: 10.1177/00220094221141665
Andrea Martini
After the end of Second World War, fascist movements re-emerged in many areas of Europe. This forced governments to consider counter-measures from the early days of the Cold War, when communism was seen as the main threat. Nevertheless, even studies produced in recent decades aimed at exploring the immediate postwar history of Europe using a more accurate and comprehensive approach than in the past have failed to pay sufficient attention to this issue. In response, this article aims to place new emphasis on the re-emergence of fascism by comparing the behaviour of the Labour governments of postwar Britain with the attitude of the various Italian executives of the first legislature, characterized by Christian Democracy majorities. Through this comparison, the article will demonstrate how this re-emergence represented a comprehensive challenge to the process of defining a new democratic culture, since it raised questions about the right way to tackle extreme political movements while also preserving essential pillars of democracy, such as freedom of expression and assembly. The comparison also explores how governments attempted to confront this issue with solutions that also had the potential of undermining the communist threat, in a moment when governments believed that democracy was in need of protection.
第二次世界大战结束后,法西斯运动在欧洲许多地区重新出现。这迫使各国政府考虑从冷战初期开始的应对措施,当时共产主义被视为主要威胁。尽管如此,即使是近几十年来进行的旨在用比过去更准确、更全面的方法探索战后欧洲直接历史的研究,也未能对这一问题给予足够的关注。作为回应,本文旨在通过将战后英国工党政府的行为与以基督教民主多数为特征的第一届立法机构的意大利高管的态度进行比较,重新强调法西斯主义的重新出现。通过这种比较,这篇文章将展示这种重新出现是如何对定义新民主文化的进程提出全面挑战的,因为它提出了解决极端政治运动的正确方式的问题,同时也保留了民主的基本支柱,如言论和集会自由。该比较还探讨了在政府认为民主需要保护的时刻,政府如何试图用同样有可能破坏共产主义威胁的解决方案来应对这一问题。
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引用次数: 1
The Representation of the British Government in Zimbabwean Nationalist Propaganda, 1965–80 1965 - 1980年,英国政府在津巴布韦民族主义宣传中的代表
IF 0.2 Q2 HISTORY Pub Date : 2022-11-15 DOI: 10.1177/00220094221136799
Hugh Pattenden
This article explores the ways in which the two main African nationalist opposition groups in Rhodesia portrayed Britain in their media output. It uses a variety of sources, including newspapers, magazines, radio, and television programmes to recreate the key messages of the Zimbabwe African National Union and Zimbabwe African People's Union during the Unilateral Declaration of Independence period (1965–80). It argues that both groups recognised the importance of using propaganda for political purposes and developed an image of Britain as they believed it should be seen by the World. It further suggests, however, that this depiction of Britain was not always consistently applied, and that wider pressures can be seen at play. At times they claimed that the British were on the side of the rebellious settlers, and not to be trusted. Yet on other occasions they keenly asserted that, as the colonial power, the British Government had responsibility for Rhodesia and should be the focus of negotiations. In looking at these issues, this exploration of the propaganda war seeks to expand the historiography of Britain, Rhodesia, and the Zimbabwean nationalist movement.
本文探讨了罗得西亚的两个主要非洲民族主义反对派团体在其媒体输出中描绘英国的方式。它利用各种来源,包括报纸、杂志、广播和电视节目,再现津巴布韦非洲民族联盟和津巴布韦非洲人民联盟在单方面宣布独立期间(1965-80年)的主要信息。它认为,两派都认识到利用宣传达到政治目的的重要性,并形成了他们认为应该被世界看到的英国形象。然而,它进一步表明,这种对英国的描述并不总是一贯适用,而且可以看到更广泛的压力在起作用。有时,他们声称英国人站在反叛的定居者一边,不值得信任。然而,在其他场合,他们强烈地断言,作为殖民大国,英国政府对罗得西亚负有责任,并应成为谈判的焦点。在观察这些问题时,对宣传战的探索试图扩展英国、罗得西亚和津巴布韦民族主义运动的史学。
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引用次数: 0
Erratum to Introduction: Biomedicine in Contemporary History 导论:当代历史上的生物医学的勘误
IF 0.2 Q2 HISTORY Pub Date : 2022-11-14 DOI: 10.1177/00220094221133738
A. Jansen
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引用次数: 0
Anti-Inflationary Commitment in the Post-Bretton Woods Era: Italy's Road to Stability-Oriented Monetary Policies, 1975–81 后布雷顿森林时代的反通胀承诺:意大利走向稳定型货币政策之路,1975-81
IF 0.2 Q2 HISTORY Pub Date : 2022-11-13 DOI: 10.1177/00220094221136809
R. Ventresca
This article focuses on the historical reasons, and the main political implications of Italy's anti-inflationary commitment between the mid-1970s and the early-1980s. This study examines the broader climate of opinion within which Italy's economic and monetary authorities – that is, the Bank of Italy – changed or adapted their main attitudes regarding the existence of high inflation rates throughout the 1970s and early 1980s in accordance with an emergent international (i.e. the European Monetary System) anti-inflationary consensus. This article first explores the main political and social steps of Italy's prioritization of anti-inflationary goals as they were envisaged by the central bank and its governmental interlocutors. Second, it retraces the run-up to the ‘divorce’ between the Bank of Italy and the Treasury in July 1981. Here the ‘divorce’ is conceptualized as a counter-reaction of specific strands of Italy's ruling class (namely those who revolved around the central bank) against the volatility of public finance performances and what was deemed as the seeming elusiveness of Italy's governmental parties regarding the need to restore the country's financial stability. Finally, this article reflects on the historical meaning of Italy's anti-inflationary commitment as part of the global emergence of stability-oriented monetary policies.
本文着重论述了意大利在20世纪70年代中期至80年代初反通胀承诺的历史原因和主要政治含义。本研究考察了意大利经济和货币当局(即意大利银行)在整个20世纪70年代和80年代初根据新兴的国际(即欧洲货币体系)反通胀共识改变或调整其对高通胀率存在的主要态度的更广泛的舆论氛围。本文首先探讨了意大利央行及其政府对话者所设想的反通胀目标优先化的主要政治和社会步骤。其次,它追溯了1981年7月意大利银行和财政部“离婚”的前夕。在这里,“离婚”被概念化为意大利统治阶级的特定阶层(即那些围绕中央银行的人)对公共财政表现的波动以及意大利政府政党对恢复国家金融稳定的必要性似乎难以捉摸的反作用。最后,本文反思了意大利反通胀承诺作为全球稳定型货币政策出现的一部分的历史意义。
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引用次数: 0
Blowing Against the Winds of Change: Settlers Facing Decolonization in Eritrea, 1941–52 逆风而行:1941 - 1952年,厄立特里亚的非殖民化定居者
IF 0.2 Q2 HISTORY Pub Date : 2022-11-10 DOI: 10.1177/00220094221136817
Emanuele Ertola
The literature on decolonization in settler contexts is characterized by an almost exclusive focus on the Anglo-French world, and by a marked emphasis on violence as the predominant feature of the settlers’ reaction to change. This article aims to challenge this assumption. Eritrea – like the other former Italian colonies – is certainly a peculiar case of early, top-down decolonization; but the actors on the field were anything but passive spectators. In the 10 years in which the international community decided the fate of Eritrea, there were a lively political confrontation and an armed struggle with anti-colonial nuances, while the settlers organized themselves politically to defend their interests. The complex variety of strategies with which they reacted to the end of colonial power constitutes an example of the non-binary relationship between former colonizers and former colonized; it enriches our knowledge of how whites reacted to decolonization in Africa; and it helps to complicate the monolithic idea of settlers as an undifferentiated transnational category.
关于定居者背景下非殖民化的文献的特点是几乎完全关注英法世界,并明显强调暴力是定居者对变革反应的主要特征。本文旨在挑战这一假设。厄立特里亚——就像其他前意大利殖民地一样——无疑是早期自上而下的非殖民化的特例;但场上的演员们绝不是被动的观众。在国际社会决定厄立特里亚命运的10年里,发生了激烈的政治对抗和带有反殖民细微差别的武装斗争,而定居者则在政治上组织起来捍卫自己的利益。他们对殖民权力的终结所采取的复杂多样的战略构成了前殖民者和前被殖民者之间非二元关系的一个例子;它丰富了我们对白人如何应对非洲非殖民化的了解;这有助于使定居者作为一个无差别跨国类别的单一观念复杂化。
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引用次数: 0
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Casopis za Suvremenu Povijest
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