Pub Date : 2022-01-02DOI: 10.1080/0458063X.2022.2026698
K. Nalwamba
The official Bemba hymnbook of the United Church of Zambia (UCZ) Inyimbo sha Bwina Klistu ( Inyimbo ) is a compilation of 234 hymns and prayers translated into the Bemba language that was first produced in 1964. 1 In this essay, I account for Inyimbo as an outcome of the agency of migrant mine workers whose life-changing experiences during their migration and settlement on the Copperbelt in the 1920s inspired the birth of a singing tradition that remains today. The African evangelists and European missionaries at Mindolo, Kitwe, translated the hymns that (in)formed the corpus of Inyimbo . 2 While retaining original western forms, the hymns reflect local cultural symbols and musicality in their use. Despite the “ canon ” of Inyimbo remaining the same for more than fifty-five years, oral liturgical innovation is evident.
{"title":"Singing in a Strange Land: Echoes of the Singing Tradition of Migrant Mineworkers of the Copperbelt in Zambia","authors":"K. Nalwamba","doi":"10.1080/0458063X.2022.2026698","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/0458063X.2022.2026698","url":null,"abstract":"The official Bemba hymnbook of the United Church of Zambia (UCZ) Inyimbo sha Bwina Klistu ( Inyimbo ) is a compilation of 234 hymns and prayers translated into the Bemba language that was first produced in 1964. 1 In this essay, I account for Inyimbo as an outcome of the agency of migrant mine workers whose life-changing experiences during their migration and settlement on the Copperbelt in the 1920s inspired the birth of a singing tradition that remains today. The African evangelists and European missionaries at Mindolo, Kitwe, translated the hymns that (in)formed the corpus of Inyimbo . 2 While retaining original western forms, the hymns reflect local cultural symbols and musicality in their use. Despite the “ canon ” of Inyimbo remaining the same for more than fifty-five years, oral liturgical innovation is evident.","PeriodicalId":53923,"journal":{"name":"Liturgy","volume":"37 1","pages":"73 - 80"},"PeriodicalIF":0.2,"publicationDate":"2022-01-02","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"49243686","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-01-02DOI: 10.1080/0458063X.2022.2026689
C. Huang
stories is not in “ the details ” but “ the plot. ” Also, “ the plot ” will vary in accordance to the context of the times, corresponding to the needs of the people. Furthermore, the plot of the story is able to shape the shared feelings of the people of the times, leading to the awareness of their communal identity and struggles. 11
{"title":"Ongoing Liturgical Contextualization: A Discussion of Liturgical Contextualization Illustrated through Duan Wu Festival (端午節) in Taiwan","authors":"C. Huang","doi":"10.1080/0458063X.2022.2026689","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/0458063X.2022.2026689","url":null,"abstract":"stories is not in “ the details ” but “ the plot. ” Also, “ the plot ” will vary in accordance to the context of the times, corresponding to the needs of the people. Furthermore, the plot of the story is able to shape the shared feelings of the people of the times, leading to the awareness of their communal identity and struggles. 11","PeriodicalId":53923,"journal":{"name":"Liturgy","volume":"37 1","pages":"47 - 54"},"PeriodicalIF":0.2,"publicationDate":"2022-01-02","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"41950379","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-01-02DOI: 10.1080/0458063X.2022.2026178
M. E. Cornou
music, the singing, and the traffic jam caused by the steady stream of vehicles and people approaching the site work together to build great expectancy among the enormous crowd. The informality of the meeting and the freedom to move, since most of the people were standing, help the hours to pass without anyone feeling too tired. 15
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Pub Date : 2022-01-02DOI: 10.1080/0458063X.2022.2026697
Mikie Roberts
Agency, according to Kath Woodward, is one of the five key components central to understanding how identity is formed. The other four main elements are structures, same, difference, and symbols/representation. Structures are the forces beyond our control that shape identity. Sameness underscores how one can use similarity as a marker to form identity. Difference acknowledges the characteristics that make us dissimilar from others as a pointer in identity formation. Symbols or representations highlight agreement on a specific tangible object that encapsulates the elements of the identity being espoused. Agency underscores just how much control one applies in determining one’s identity. Though these factors which Woodward itemizes intersect, making it difficult to demarcate the role of each in identity formation, I have decided to highlight agency in this paper and to propose that the 2017 publication of the Caribbean Moravian Praise Liturgy Book be seen as an expression of liturgical agency. This Liturgy Book accompanied the new hymnal, Caribbean Moravian Praise (henceforth known as the CMP), which was adopted as the official hymnal by the two Unity Provinces of the Moravian Church in the Caribbean: the Province of the Eastern West Indies and the Province of Jamaica and the Cayman Islands. In another published article, I highlighted the editorial process which informed the compilation of the hymnal, making the case that it reflects the goal to offer a worship resource that would ensure “balanced singing.” In this article, I draw attention to the Liturgy Book and its content, highlighting mainly the new litanies which were included in the volume. By examining the content of these new litanies, I contend that the liturgical vocabulary of the faithful, in the Caribbean Moravian context, has been expanded to their benefit. Agency, then, is expressed through the use of the English language within the framework of corporate worship. To be more precise, I am defining liturgical agency here as the coordinated and intentional exercise of the will of a group of people to create a common liturgical resource. In this process, the liturgical agency is most evident in that the content has been determined by their own criteria which are primarily, though not exclusively, informed by the local context. In the process of identity formation, agency, by its very definition, cannot simply be theorized. It must be actualized. Within the pages of the Liturgy Book, therefore, one finds agency manifested both in theory and in practice. The theory is captured in the language of the prayers in the new litanies while agency manifests in practice when the prayers are read and heard for worship.
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Pub Date : 2022-01-02DOI: 10.1080/0458063X.2022.2026696
Ester Pudjo Widiasih, Rasid Rachman
Hybridity is a distinctive feature in the Sunday worship of Indonesian churches. The churches have adopted the liturgies and theologies of eurocentric Christian traditions introduced by the missionaries: Roman Catholics, various Protestants, Anglicans, and the Orthodox. At the same time, churches draw on their own ethnicity’s cultural elements. Here is a description of Sunday worship in a Javanese Reformed congregation: The basic liturgical order follows the missionary’s liturgy with some adjustments. The entire liturgy is conducted in Bahasa Indonesia (the national language), but the Bible readings are in Javanese or other ethnic languages. A wide variety of congregational songs are sung in Bahasa Indonesia or Javanese. Some songs are locally composed using traditional ethnic musical elements, others are in Western metrical, strophic hymn style. This congregation also sings Praise and Worship songs. Not surprisingly, Western hymns translated into the vernacular remain an important part of the congregation’s repertoire. Adding to the mix, this congregation also sings the “Kyrie Eleison” from the Eastern Orthodox tradition and songs from the Taiz e community. In keeping with the missionary’s teaching, liturgical texts, such as the votum, the assurance of pardon, and the blessing, are mostly taken from the Bible. Newly composed prayers (written and extempor e) reflect the people’s daily experiences. This article explains how churches in Indonesia have shaped their liturgy in the postcolonial era through a hybrid approach or, in the Indonesian cooking metaphor, it can be called “Gadogado.” We base this article on our experiences as planners, leaders, teachers, and scholars of liturgy in Indonesia.
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Pub Date : 2022-01-02DOI: 10.1080/0458063x.2022.2026173
T. Johnson
I learned early in my education how cultural practices convey the truths or values of the culture in which those practices take place. It was during my undergraduate studies that I was exposed to the study and analysis of rituals surrounding death and how they, sometimes subtly, sometimes blatantly, present and promote the values and beliefs of those practicing them. An example of this approach was Jessica Mitford’s The American Way of Death. It was in Mitford’s work that I first encountered the practice of being buried in one’s car. Such a practice directly demonstrates the importance of that car (or even cars in general) to the deceased. Indirectly it demonstrates the financial status of the deceased and/or the family to be able to afford such an ostentatious display of wealth in already expensive funerary rites. This practice raised the question: do funeral rites demonstrate social and economic stratification? This theory was put to an empirical test through a study of Graceland Cemetery in Chicago, Illinois, in an upper-level sociology course I took later. Graceland Cemetery was established in 1860 by a prominent Chicago lawyer, in what was then the town of Lake View—now in the neighborhood just north of Wrigley Field on Chicago’s northside. The cemetery’s board was quickly filled with dignitaries from all aspects of Chicago’s life, including architects. Designed as an homage to Victorian gardens, it likewise attracted significant customers. So, on the one hand, the evidence of such a “high end” cemetery gives some initial evidence to one’s burial indicating your social status. Yet the more interesting story is actually within the walls of Graceland. Graceland attracted some of the most important figures in all of Chicago’s history. Our class project asked the question of whether there were well-defined “neighborhoods” and if so, how were they defined? What we discovered was that there were distinct neighborhoods for Graceland’s “residents” and even stratification within the neighborhoods. For example, the most “desirable” neighborhood is located at the far north end of Graceland. Here one finds etched in stone names like McCormick, Palmer, Field, Getty, Goodman, and Burnham—significant names in Chicago and beyond. Many of these burial sites are large plots of land with large “improvements” inhabiting them. For example, the tomb created for Carrie Eliza Getty by her husband was created by the renowned architect, Louis Sullivan. Not only is it large, but it is also considered to be one of Sullivan’s finest works. Not to be outdone, Daniel Burnham, the designer of the post-fire Chicago city plan, is buried on an island in the middle of a large pond. However, there are less ostentatious graves, such as that of architect Ludwig Mies van der Rohe, who resided in that neighborhood, and had a very elegant, though understated, marker. Likewise, some, like brew master Peter Schoenhofen, who resides outside this more desirable neighborhood, are buried
在我早期的教育中，我了解到文化习俗是如何传达这些习俗发生的文化的真理或价值观的。正是在我的本科学习期间，我接触到有关死亡仪式的研究和分析，以及它们如何(有时微妙，有时公然)呈现和促进那些践行这些仪式的人的价值观和信仰。这种方法的一个例子是杰西卡·米特福德的《美国人的死亡方式》。正是在米特福德的工作中，我第一次遇到了被埋在车里的做法。这种做法直接表明了那辆车(甚至是一般的汽车)对死者的重要性。它间接表明了死者和/或家庭的经济状况，能够负担得起在本已昂贵的葬礼上如此炫耀财富。这种做法提出了一个问题:葬礼是否表明了社会和经济的分层?在我后来上的一门高级社会学课程中，我通过对伊利诺伊州芝加哥的雅园公墓的研究对这一理论进行了实证检验。雅园公墓于1860年由一位著名的芝加哥律师建立，位于当时的湖景镇——现在位于芝加哥北部瑞格利球场以北的街区。墓地的董事会很快就挤满了来自芝加哥生活各个方面的要人，包括建筑师。作为对维多利亚花园的致敬，它同样吸引了大量的客户。所以，一方面，这种“高端”墓地的证据为一个人的埋葬提供了一些初步的证据，表明了你的社会地位。然而，更有趣的故事实际上发生在雅园的围墙内。雅园吸引了芝加哥历史上一些最重要的人物。我们的课堂作业提出了这样一个问题:是否存在定义明确的“社区”，如果存在，它们是如何定义的?我们发现，雅园的“居民”有不同的社区，甚至社区内部也有分层。例如，最“令人向往”的社区位于雅园的最北端。在这里，你会发现石碑上刻着麦考密克、帕尔默、菲尔德、盖蒂、古德曼和伯纳姆等名字，这些名字在芝加哥和其他地方都很重要。许多这样的墓地都是大片的土地，居住着大量的“改善”。例如，卡丽·伊丽莎·盖蒂的丈夫为她设计的坟墓就是由著名建筑师路易斯·沙利文设计的。它不仅很大，而且被认为是沙利文最好的作品之一。丹尼尔·伯纳姆(Daniel Burnham)也不甘落后，他是火灾后芝加哥城市规划的设计师，他被埋葬在一个大池塘中央的一个岛上。然而，也有一些不那么浮华的坟墓，比如建筑师路德维希·密斯·凡·德罗(Ludwig Mies van der Rohe)的坟墓，他就住在那个社区，有一个非常优雅但低调的墓碑。同样，有些人，比如啤酒大师彼得·舍恩霍芬(Peter Schoenhofen)，住在这个更理想的社区之外，被埋葬在一座宏伟的金字塔里。如果你愿意的话，在更便宜的社区住更大的房子。它
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Pub Date : 2022-01-02DOI: 10.1080/0458063X.2022.2026177
Karen Campbell
There can be no doubt that the 2020 global pandemic excavated many rudimentary principles. It highlighted humanity’s global interconnectedness and interdependence both biologically, scientifically, and economically. Yet, it also exposed the cruel underbelly of global systems that protected dominant voices at the expense of the vulnerable. In theory, the communities best placed to handle the pandemic with agility were diaspora communities that already operated within glocal yet also borderless, multicultural, transnational, and multidirectional territories. The church as the body of Christ should have the capacity to do the same. Yet without self-critical vigilance, congregations that function within the name of multiculturalism can also fall prey to a dynamic where dominant voices temper and constrain minority voices. How then can a worshiping community, romanced by the notion of hybridity, sustain true, equitable multicultural worship in a way that is not valorized or endorsed by hierarchy in such times as these? This paper describes two urban multicultural worshiping communities from a postcolonial perspective. One is Church of the Servant, Grand Rapids, Michigan, in the Christian Reformed Church of North America. The second is Galway United Methodist and Presbyterian Church in Ireland. These congregations are both reformed, liturgical, urban, and have similar sympathies toward asylum seekers, refugees, and migrant workers. This description will consider worship transitions negotiated in response to the social restrictions enforced through the pandemic and how they celebrated the subaltern wisdom, creativity, and even resistance to dominant supposed “norms” in the worship space. A helpful tool for analyzing the drift toward multicultural worship is Ian Collinge’s “Moving from monocultural to multicultural worship” which identifies five positions toward multiculturalism: inherited, independent, inclusive, integrated, and innovative fusion. In inherited, there is unity without diversity. Independent groups have diversity without unity––the church is separated into ethno-linguistic congregations. Inclusive music is where there is unity with invited diversity: different groups are invited to sing songs in their own style. Integrated music is unity with blended diversity where cultures attempt to learn each other’s songs. The final position is of innovative fusion where church musicians learn new music together, exercising a blended approach to culturally conscious worship. This paper will attempt to locate each congregation on Collinge’s spectrum before and then during the pandemic to identify shifts that have taken place. Sites of contrapuntality will also be identified according to Edward Said’s use of the term which uncovers juxtapositions that reveal colonial implications.
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Pub Date : 2022-01-02DOI: 10.1080/0458063X.2022.2026175
L. Ruth
By the early 1990s Willow Creek Community Church near Chicago, Illinois, was perhaps the most prominent church in the United States. It was the hot ecclesiastical news of the day. Articles about the church appeared in publications across a range of readerships: Woman’s Day, US Catholic, the New York Times, Fortune, the Wall Street Journal, Time magazine, and Christianity Today. Sociologists of religion, too, were writing their dissertations on this rapidly growing church. Even the bulwark of serious scholarship on liturgical matters, the North American Academy of Liturgy, took a field trip to one of this congregation’s services in the 1990s when the Academy had its annual meeting in Chicago. In addition, increasing numbers of church leadership teams took their own pilgrimages to Illinois to see, appropriate, and imitate in hope of replicating Willow Creek’s success. What was it about Willow Creek that garnered the attention? It was the church’s seeker services on Saturday and Sunday. In order to provide an accessible, enjoyable experience for its suburban target audience, which the church called “Unchurched Harry and Mary,” Willow Creek had turned the church world upside down as it sought to remove every boring barrier that might have led these suburbanites to avoid other churches. The result was a thorough revisioning of Sunday morning. Relevant messages? Professional-grade popular music? Quality dramas? Outstanding hospitality (which reached even to thinking through the dynamics of parking)? Relaxed atmosphere? Attractive, business-style campus? Willow Creek had thought through all of these issues as it planned and led its multiple seeker services every weekend. This seeker-driven approach taught by Willow Creek offered a model for revolutionizing thousands of congregations. What was not nearly as prominent, capturing neither the headlines of the press nor the attention of the eager-to-imitate pilgrims who sojourned to Illinois, was that Willow Creek was undergoing its own liturgical migration. But this move was not happening on the weekends. It was in the congregation’s midweek worship services. These midweek services were the ones planned and held for the active Christian believers in the congregation. (At the time, Willow Creek carefully avoided calling its weekend services for seekers “worship.” They were for evangelism and outreach, not the worship of God. Its worship services—the “New Community” services—occurred mid-week.) Initially these midweek services were a bit of an afterthought since the driving vision for the congregation’s start in the late 1970s was evangelistic outreach. These mid-week services were along the line of a Bible Study with a few contemporary songs topically selected and placed in a nice order. But that status changed after the summer of 1982 when the congregation’s lead pastor, Bill Hybels, returned from a summer break having attended a small, charismatic Black church in
到20世纪90年代初，伊利诺伊州芝加哥附近的Willow Creek社区教堂可能是美国最著名的教堂。这是当天最热门的教会新闻。关于教会的文章出现在各种读者的出版物上：妇女节、美国天主教、《纽约时报》、《财富》、《华尔街日报》、《时代》杂志和《今日基督教》。宗教社会学家也在写关于这个迅速发展的教会的论文。20世纪90年代，当北美礼仪学院在芝加哥举行年会时，即使是在礼仪事务上获得严肃学术的堡垒，北美礼仪学院也对该会众的一项服务进行了实地考察。此外，越来越多的教会领导团队亲自前往伊利诺伊州朝圣，观看、模仿和模仿Willow Creek的成功。柳溪是什么引起了人们的注意？这是教堂周六和周日的探索者礼拜。为了为其郊区目标受众（教堂称之为“Unchurched Harry and Mary”）提供一种无障碍、愉快的体验，Willow Creek试图消除可能导致这些郊区居民避开其他教堂的每一个无聊障碍，这让教堂世界天翻地覆。结果是对周日上午进行了彻底的修改。相关信息？专业级流行音乐？优质剧集？出色的热情好客（甚至可以通过停车的动态进行思考）？轻松的氛围？有吸引力的商业风格的校园？Willow Creek按照计划仔细考虑了所有这些问题，并在每个周末领导其多个探索者服务。Willow Creek教授的这种寻求者驱动的方法为数千个会众的革命提供了一个模式。没有那么突出的是，Willow Creek正在经历自己的礼拜迁移，既没有成为媒体的头条新闻，也没有引起渴望模仿旅居伊利诺伊州的朝圣者的注意。但这一举动并没有发生在周末。这是在会众周中的礼拜仪式上。这些周中的仪式是为会众中活跃的基督教信徒计划和举行的。（当时，Willow Creek谨慎地避免将其为寻求者提供的周末服务称为“礼拜”。这些服务是为了传福音和外联，而不是对上帝的崇拜。其礼拜服务——“新社区”服务——发生在周中。)起初，这些周中的服务有点事后才想到的，因为20世纪70年代末会众开始的主要愿景是福音宣传。这些周中的服务就像圣经研究一样，有几首当代歌曲被主题性地挑选出来，摆放得很整齐。但1982年夏天，当会众的首席牧师比尔·海贝尔斯（Bill Hybels）从暑假回来后，这种地位发生了变化
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Pub Date : 2021-10-02DOI: 10.1080/0458063X.2021.2001288
D. Turnbloom
In his Summa Theologiae, St. Thomas Aquinas describes Sacraments as signs that lead us to believe in the sources of our salvation. The many signs we embody in our liturgical celebrations serve the purpose of deepening our experiential knowledge of God’s love for us. In this essay, I will examine one of the Christian tradition’s most important sacramental signs: bread. More specifically, I will focus on the sacramental significance of broken bread (i.e., klasma). Although an exhaustive study of the way in which broken bread has served Christianity throughout its history is certainly beyond the scope of a single essay, in the present work, I will seek to understand how this particular sacramental sign can be a source for contemporary ecclesiology. By examining the nature of broken bread, insofar as it is used eucharistically as a sign of Christ’s Church, we can come to a deeper understanding of the relationship between the Church and the world for which it exists and from which it exists. The bread that we break during eucharistic celebrations is, to use St. Augustine’s language, a visible word through which God tells us who we are and who we are called to be. The nature of broken bread, especially as it is portrayed in the Gospel accounts of the miraculous feeding of the multitudes, can teach us something about the nature of the Church. By focusing my attention on these Gospel accounts, I will be constructing (1) an ecclesiology of an eaten Church and (2) from that ecclesiology, a theology of ministry. Ultimately, I am concerned with emphasizing the missionary nature of the Church and its presence in a pluralistic world.
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Pub Date : 2021-10-02DOI: 10.1080/0458063X.2021.1990663
Brandy Daniels
“Oh god, I’m so sorry,” I exclaim, all of my muscles and senses relaxing back to their state of mild hypervigilance. “I’m pretty new to town, so I’m still getting used to all of this,” I explain, gesturing all around me.” My internal monologue is working to calm me down and berate me at the same time—wtf, body? It’s not like the cops are going to calmly tap you on the shoulder. The feds sure as hell won’t. I take a breath. “What’s up?”
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