Pub Date : 2023-01-02DOI: 10.1080/19480881.2023.2261203
Mohammed Al-Hajri, Jonathan Fulton
ABSTRACTThis paper analyzes the options available to small states in the Indian Ocean region (IOR) in an era of great power competition, using the case of Oman’s engagement with the strategic triangle of the United States, India, and China. Motivated primarily by concerns at the domestic and regional levels, Omani decision makers perceive good relations with each of the three powers to be important in addressing their most pressing concerns and have therefore avoided balancing or bandwagoning behavior. Instead, Oman has followed an omni-enmeshment approach whereby it uses these extra-regional relationships as a means of supporting their preferences for regional order while at the same time addressing domestic pressures.KEYWORDS: OmanOmni-enmeshmentIndo-PacificStrategic triangle Disclosure statementNo potential conflict of interest was reported by the author(s).Notes1 The GCC consists of Bahrain, Kuwait, Oman, Qatar, Saudi Arabia, and the United Arab Emirates.Additional informationNotes on contributorsMohammed Al-HajriMohammed Al-Hajri is a PhD candidate at the Department of Politics, Birkbeck, University of London. His research interests include Arab-Asia studies, with a particular focus on Sino-GCC relations, the foreign policy of smaller Gulf states, International Political Economy, and port infrastructure politics. The PhD thesis discusses the dynamics of China-GCC relations and the impact of Belt and Road Initiative (BRI) on port infrastructure in the GCC region.Jonathan FultonJonathan Fulton is an associate professor of political science at Zayed University in Abu Dhabi, United Arab Emirates.
{"title":"Navigating asymmetry in the Indian Ocean region: Oman in the US-India-China strategic triangle","authors":"Mohammed Al-Hajri, Jonathan Fulton","doi":"10.1080/19480881.2023.2261203","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/19480881.2023.2261203","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACTThis paper analyzes the options available to small states in the Indian Ocean region (IOR) in an era of great power competition, using the case of Oman’s engagement with the strategic triangle of the United States, India, and China. Motivated primarily by concerns at the domestic and regional levels, Omani decision makers perceive good relations with each of the three powers to be important in addressing their most pressing concerns and have therefore avoided balancing or bandwagoning behavior. Instead, Oman has followed an omni-enmeshment approach whereby it uses these extra-regional relationships as a means of supporting their preferences for regional order while at the same time addressing domestic pressures.KEYWORDS: OmanOmni-enmeshmentIndo-PacificStrategic triangle Disclosure statementNo potential conflict of interest was reported by the author(s).Notes1 The GCC consists of Bahrain, Kuwait, Oman, Qatar, Saudi Arabia, and the United Arab Emirates.Additional informationNotes on contributorsMohammed Al-HajriMohammed Al-Hajri is a PhD candidate at the Department of Politics, Birkbeck, University of London. His research interests include Arab-Asia studies, with a particular focus on Sino-GCC relations, the foreign policy of smaller Gulf states, International Political Economy, and port infrastructure politics. The PhD thesis discusses the dynamics of China-GCC relations and the impact of Belt and Road Initiative (BRI) on port infrastructure in the GCC region.Jonathan FultonJonathan Fulton is an associate professor of political science at Zayed University in Abu Dhabi, United Arab Emirates.","PeriodicalId":53974,"journal":{"name":"Journal of the Indian Ocean Region","volume":"156 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-01-02","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"135799209","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-01-02DOI: 10.1080/19480881.2023.2262269
Farkhod Aminjonov, Li-Chen Sim
ABSTRACTThis paper examines the interdependence between the Gulf states and the Indo-Pacific in the context of the global energy transition away from a fossil-fuel based energy system. Instead of ending this energy interdependence, we argue that the energy transition presents opportunities for the Gulf states to address and manage energy governance issues with the Indo-Pacific. Applying a framework with four stylized choices comprising rule breaking, taking, promoting, and shaping, we find evidence that the Gulf states have evolved away from binary choices of rejecting or accepting the rules of global energy governance. Instead, some of them are becoming more adept at rule promoting and rule shaping, which, respectively, strengthen and contest but not undo the energy transition status quo.KEYWORDS: Energy transition governanceGulf statesIndo-Pacificrule shaper Disclosure statementNo potential conflict of interest was reported by the author(s).Notes1 There is a long-standing debate on the exact nature of the relationship between energy consumption and wealth although correlation is not disputed. For a review, see Tiba and Omri (Citation2017). Notwithstanding the above, there is a large body of research supporting the hypothesis that causation runs from income to energy consumption including in Asia (BP, Citation2019, p. 20; Kraft & Kraft, Citation1978; Raymond, Roselyne, & Ripple, Citation2021).2 The term ‘unabated’ fossil fuels refers to oil, gas, and coal that is consumed in a business-as-usual way without any reduction or capture of their climate-warming carbon and methane emissions.3 Circularity is an economic model that aims to keep resources in use for as long as possible based on the idea that resources should be reused, repaired, and/or recycled.4 In a rare instance of green hydrogen in Asia, ACWA Power concluded an MoU in 2022 with Thai energy company PTT and the Electricity Generating Authority for an investment of $7bn in green hydrogen projects in Thailand.5 Although China’s and India’s heavy coal consumption would also render them a focus of attention, their renewables industry is somewhat less welcoming than Indonesia’s to foreign power developers.6 These refer to the use of natural land or water-based ecosystems to absorb and store carbon dioxide from the atmosphere in order to offset carbon emissions from human activities such as the production, transport, and consumption of hydrocarbons. It is beyond the scope of the article to discuss the challenges of nature-based credits and offsets but see Cahill (Citation2022) and The Economist (Citation2022).Additional informationNotes on contributorsFarkhod AminjonovFarkhod Aminjonov is an Assistant Professor at the National Defense College, Abu Dhabi, UAE. Energy security, pipeline politics, sustainability transition, and governance, with a particular focus on Eurasia and the Gulf, lie at the center of his research interests. He has extensive experience engaging in individual and collabora
{"title":"The Gulf states and the energy transition in the Indo-Pacific","authors":"Farkhod Aminjonov, Li-Chen Sim","doi":"10.1080/19480881.2023.2262269","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/19480881.2023.2262269","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACTThis paper examines the interdependence between the Gulf states and the Indo-Pacific in the context of the global energy transition away from a fossil-fuel based energy system. Instead of ending this energy interdependence, we argue that the energy transition presents opportunities for the Gulf states to address and manage energy governance issues with the Indo-Pacific. Applying a framework with four stylized choices comprising rule breaking, taking, promoting, and shaping, we find evidence that the Gulf states have evolved away from binary choices of rejecting or accepting the rules of global energy governance. Instead, some of them are becoming more adept at rule promoting and rule shaping, which, respectively, strengthen and contest but not undo the energy transition status quo.KEYWORDS: Energy transition governanceGulf statesIndo-Pacificrule shaper Disclosure statementNo potential conflict of interest was reported by the author(s).Notes1 There is a long-standing debate on the exact nature of the relationship between energy consumption and wealth although correlation is not disputed. For a review, see Tiba and Omri (Citation2017). Notwithstanding the above, there is a large body of research supporting the hypothesis that causation runs from income to energy consumption including in Asia (BP, Citation2019, p. 20; Kraft & Kraft, Citation1978; Raymond, Roselyne, & Ripple, Citation2021).2 The term ‘unabated’ fossil fuels refers to oil, gas, and coal that is consumed in a business-as-usual way without any reduction or capture of their climate-warming carbon and methane emissions.3 Circularity is an economic model that aims to keep resources in use for as long as possible based on the idea that resources should be reused, repaired, and/or recycled.4 In a rare instance of green hydrogen in Asia, ACWA Power concluded an MoU in 2022 with Thai energy company PTT and the Electricity Generating Authority for an investment of $7bn in green hydrogen projects in Thailand.5 Although China’s and India’s heavy coal consumption would also render them a focus of attention, their renewables industry is somewhat less welcoming than Indonesia’s to foreign power developers.6 These refer to the use of natural land or water-based ecosystems to absorb and store carbon dioxide from the atmosphere in order to offset carbon emissions from human activities such as the production, transport, and consumption of hydrocarbons. It is beyond the scope of the article to discuss the challenges of nature-based credits and offsets but see Cahill (Citation2022) and The Economist (Citation2022).Additional informationNotes on contributorsFarkhod AminjonovFarkhod Aminjonov is an Assistant Professor at the National Defense College, Abu Dhabi, UAE. Energy security, pipeline politics, sustainability transition, and governance, with a particular focus on Eurasia and the Gulf, lie at the center of his research interests. He has extensive experience engaging in individual and collabora","PeriodicalId":53974,"journal":{"name":"Journal of the Indian Ocean Region","volume":"7 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-01-02","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"135798738","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-01-02DOI: 10.1080/19480881.2023.2261207
Joshua Snider
ABSTRACTThis paper examines the inter-regional links between the Arabian Gulf region and the Malay-Indonesian world. It argues that a common sectarian identity has underscored the basis for inter-regional engagement in the era of modern states. Furthermore, within this context, powerful, ideologically conservative, and well-resourced Gulf states, notably Saudi Arabia, have exercised influence and been lead actors in providing humanitarian assistance and funding for religious education. While this continues to be the case, changes in the strategic environment in both regions have resulted in diversification of engagement. These changes include expanding trade relations and increased cooperation on issues associated with responses to violent extremism. There has also been a diversity of engagement between the states. Where Saudi Arabia used to dominate/lead inter-regional engagement, over the past decade, other Gulf states, notably Qatar and UAE, have become leaders in investment and non-sectarian development assistance.KEYWORDS: ArabisationGulf-Southeast Asia relationsGulf-Malaysia relationspolitical Islam in Southeast Asia Disclosure statementNo potential conflict of interest was reported by the author(s).Notes1 Under Islamic law, certain crimes, notably apostasy, revolt against the ruler, theft, highway robbery, adultery, slander, and drinking alcohol are characterised as ‘hudud crimes’ and in some national jurisdictions these crimes carry penalties that include the amputation of hands and feet, flogging, and death. See Hudud Crimes (From Islamic Criminal Justice System, P 195-201, 1982, M Cherif Bassiouni, ed. – See NCJ-87479).Additional informationNotes on contributorsJoshua SniderDr. Joshua Snider currently serves as an Assistant Professor of International Security studies at UAE National Defense College in Abu Dhabi. His research focusses on non-traditional security, state responses to religious extremism the governance of counter-radicalization programs and sectarian nationalisms in the Indo-Pacific. Over the last 10 years, he has taught at various universities in Southeast Asia and Australia, including at the University of Nottingham’s Malaysia campus in Kuala Lumpur.
摘要本文考察了阿拉伯海湾地区与马来-印尼世界的区域间联系。它认为，共同的宗派认同强调了现代国家时代地区间交往的基础。此外，在这种背景下，强大的、意识形态保守的、资源丰富的海湾国家，特别是沙特阿拉伯，在提供人道主义援助和为宗教教育提供资金方面发挥了影响，并发挥了带头作用。虽然情况仍然如此，但这两个区域战略环境的变化导致了参与的多样化。这些变化包括扩大贸易关系和在应对暴力极端主义相关问题上加强合作。两国之间的接触也多种多样。过去10年，沙特阿拉伯曾主导/领导地区间合作，而其他海湾国家，尤其是卡塔尔和阿联酋，已成为投资和非宗派发展援助方面的领导者。关键词:阿拉伯化;海湾-东南亚关系;海湾-马来西亚关系;东南亚的政治伊斯兰披露声明作者未报告潜在的利益冲突。注1根据伊斯兰教法，某些罪行，特别是叛教、反抗统治者、盗窃、公路抢劫、通奸、诽谤和饮酒被定性为“伊斯兰罪”，在一些国家司法管辖区，这些罪行的惩罚包括截肢、鞭刑和死刑。参见Hudud Crimes (From Islamic Criminal Justice System, P 195- 201,1982, M Cherif Bassiouni主编- See NCJ-87479)。其他信息贡献者说明joshua snyder博士。约书亚·斯奈德目前在阿布扎比的阿联酋国防学院担任国际安全研究助理教授。他的研究主要集中在非传统安全、国家对宗教极端主义的反应、反激进化项目的治理以及印太地区的宗派民族主义。在过去的10年里，他曾在东南亚和澳大利亚的多所大学任教，包括诺丁汉大学位于吉隆坡的马来西亚校区。
{"title":"‘Arabisation’ death of a concept?: Gulf states, the Malay-Indonesian world, and the quest for post-sectarian engagement","authors":"Joshua Snider","doi":"10.1080/19480881.2023.2261207","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/19480881.2023.2261207","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACTThis paper examines the inter-regional links between the Arabian Gulf region and the Malay-Indonesian world. It argues that a common sectarian identity has underscored the basis for inter-regional engagement in the era of modern states. Furthermore, within this context, powerful, ideologically conservative, and well-resourced Gulf states, notably Saudi Arabia, have exercised influence and been lead actors in providing humanitarian assistance and funding for religious education. While this continues to be the case, changes in the strategic environment in both regions have resulted in diversification of engagement. These changes include expanding trade relations and increased cooperation on issues associated with responses to violent extremism. There has also been a diversity of engagement between the states. Where Saudi Arabia used to dominate/lead inter-regional engagement, over the past decade, other Gulf states, notably Qatar and UAE, have become leaders in investment and non-sectarian development assistance.KEYWORDS: ArabisationGulf-Southeast Asia relationsGulf-Malaysia relationspolitical Islam in Southeast Asia Disclosure statementNo potential conflict of interest was reported by the author(s).Notes1 Under Islamic law, certain crimes, notably apostasy, revolt against the ruler, theft, highway robbery, adultery, slander, and drinking alcohol are characterised as ‘hudud crimes’ and in some national jurisdictions these crimes carry penalties that include the amputation of hands and feet, flogging, and death. See Hudud Crimes (From Islamic Criminal Justice System, P 195-201, 1982, M Cherif Bassiouni, ed. – See NCJ-87479).Additional informationNotes on contributorsJoshua SniderDr. Joshua Snider currently serves as an Assistant Professor of International Security studies at UAE National Defense College in Abu Dhabi. His research focusses on non-traditional security, state responses to religious extremism the governance of counter-radicalization programs and sectarian nationalisms in the Indo-Pacific. Over the last 10 years, he has taught at various universities in Southeast Asia and Australia, including at the University of Nottingham’s Malaysia campus in Kuala Lumpur.","PeriodicalId":53974,"journal":{"name":"Journal of the Indian Ocean Region","volume":"218 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-01-02","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"135798214","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-01-02DOI: 10.1080/19480881.2023.2261205
Jeffrey Payne
ABSTRACTMaritime security, while a challenge for littoral states in the Gulf region, has not evolved to reflect global maritime trends. The maritime challenges in the Gulf region point out the necessity of reforming approaches to maritime security and investing in a greater understanding of how the global commons will define the health of individual Gulf states. This paper examines how Gulf states, despite enjoying modern maritime forces, remain fixated on traditional mechanisms for addressing maritime threats. Using a Maritime Domain Awareness framework for analysis, this paper argues that Gulf states lag in information sharing processes tied to maritime security operations that have become a common approach in the Indo-Pacific. Without greater investment by Gulf maritime services into the information sharing arrangements, the Gulf becomes more vulnerable.KEYWORDS: Gulf cooperation councilIndo-PacificMaritime domain awarenessInformation sharing mechanisms Disclosure statementNo potential conflict of interest was reported by the author(s).Notes1 The Indo-Pacific Strategy of the United States differs from other Indo Pacific concepts in its geographic scope. The United States concept sees the Indo Pacific as ending at the boundary of United States Indo-Pacific Command, or the border between India and Pakistan. However, within the United States bureaucracy this boundary expands in relation to specific security and diplomatic efforts. The Indo-Pacific, as the United States interprets it, overarchingly is about the states of the Western Pacific.2 Combined Maritime Forces is one of the most successful cooperatve naval organizations in the contemporary age. Its task forces provide a constant naval presence in regional waters and helped to eliminate the danger from Somalia-based pirates. It serves as a constant training and consultation institution that in turn helps to advance naval interoperability. The lack of attention on this institution speaks to the persistence of sea blindness in the Gulf.Additional informationNotes on contributorsJeffrey PayneJeffrey Payne currently serves as an Assistant Professor at the Near East South Asia (NESA) Center for Strategic Studies. He pilots NESA’s maritime security programming, including its ongoing series devoted to the Indian Ocean Region and wider Indo-Pacific. In addition, he leads NESA’s engagements relating to maritime and littoral information sharing/data analysis.
{"title":"Indo-Pacific reluctance and the gulf: an examination of maritime domain awareness as an influence shaping regional maritime security efforts","authors":"Jeffrey Payne","doi":"10.1080/19480881.2023.2261205","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/19480881.2023.2261205","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACTMaritime security, while a challenge for littoral states in the Gulf region, has not evolved to reflect global maritime trends. The maritime challenges in the Gulf region point out the necessity of reforming approaches to maritime security and investing in a greater understanding of how the global commons will define the health of individual Gulf states. This paper examines how Gulf states, despite enjoying modern maritime forces, remain fixated on traditional mechanisms for addressing maritime threats. Using a Maritime Domain Awareness framework for analysis, this paper argues that Gulf states lag in information sharing processes tied to maritime security operations that have become a common approach in the Indo-Pacific. Without greater investment by Gulf maritime services into the information sharing arrangements, the Gulf becomes more vulnerable.KEYWORDS: Gulf cooperation councilIndo-PacificMaritime domain awarenessInformation sharing mechanisms Disclosure statementNo potential conflict of interest was reported by the author(s).Notes1 The Indo-Pacific Strategy of the United States differs from other Indo Pacific concepts in its geographic scope. The United States concept sees the Indo Pacific as ending at the boundary of United States Indo-Pacific Command, or the border between India and Pakistan. However, within the United States bureaucracy this boundary expands in relation to specific security and diplomatic efforts. The Indo-Pacific, as the United States interprets it, overarchingly is about the states of the Western Pacific.2 Combined Maritime Forces is one of the most successful cooperatve naval organizations in the contemporary age. Its task forces provide a constant naval presence in regional waters and helped to eliminate the danger from Somalia-based pirates. It serves as a constant training and consultation institution that in turn helps to advance naval interoperability. The lack of attention on this institution speaks to the persistence of sea blindness in the Gulf.Additional informationNotes on contributorsJeffrey PayneJeffrey Payne currently serves as an Assistant Professor at the Near East South Asia (NESA) Center for Strategic Studies. He pilots NESA’s maritime security programming, including its ongoing series devoted to the Indian Ocean Region and wider Indo-Pacific. In addition, he leads NESA’s engagements relating to maritime and littoral information sharing/data analysis.","PeriodicalId":53974,"journal":{"name":"Journal of the Indian Ocean Region","volume":"176 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-01-02","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"135799210","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-01-02DOI: 10.1080/19480881.2023.2261206
Jonathan Fulton, Li-Chen Sim, Jean-Loup Samaan
For many years, Gulf countries looked at the US-China competition in the Indo-Pacific as a topic disconnected from their own foreign policies. The great power rivalry may have intensified throughout the last decade but seen from Gulf capitals, its effects were mostly felt in East Asia. Likewise, the Indo-Pacific concept may have gained traction in the US during the Trump presidency, but Gulf thinkers and decision makers largely felt that this was a designated region that started on the US West Coast to end on India's shore with minimal impact for the Arabian Peninsula. As a result, Gulf states have not considered the Indo-Pacific as a security complex of immediate consequence and followed policies and bilateral engagements in the area with little concern for their strategic implications. The benign neglect of Gulf states for the Indo-Pacific did not mean they were absent from the regional developments. In fact, they have built stronger ties with most of the primary players. Saudi Arabia and the UAE have increased their engagement with India under the premiership of Narendra Modi while economic and military cooperation with countries like Indonesia, Australia and South Korea have also expanded. The most spectacular change relates to the attitude of Gulf states towards China.
{"title":"Gulf states and the Indo-Pacific: agents or objects of geopolitical competition?","authors":"Jonathan Fulton, Li-Chen Sim, Jean-Loup Samaan","doi":"10.1080/19480881.2023.2261206","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/19480881.2023.2261206","url":null,"abstract":"For many years, Gulf countries looked at the US-China competition in the Indo-Pacific as a topic disconnected from their own foreign policies. The great power rivalry may have intensified throughout the last decade but seen from Gulf capitals, its effects were mostly felt in East Asia. Likewise, the Indo-Pacific concept may have gained traction in the US during the Trump presidency, but Gulf thinkers and decision makers largely felt that this was a designated region that started on the US West Coast to end on India's shore with minimal impact for the Arabian Peninsula. As a result, Gulf states have not considered the Indo-Pacific as a security complex of immediate consequence and followed policies and bilateral engagements in the area with little concern for their strategic implications. The benign neglect of Gulf states for the Indo-Pacific did not mean they were absent from the regional developments. In fact, they have built stronger ties with most of the primary players. Saudi Arabia and the UAE have increased their engagement with India under the premiership of Narendra Modi while economic and military cooperation with countries like Indonesia, Australia and South Korea have also expanded. The most spectacular change relates to the attitude of Gulf states towards China.","PeriodicalId":53974,"journal":{"name":"Journal of the Indian Ocean Region","volume":"70 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-01-02","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"135799666","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-09-02DOI: 10.1080/19480881.2023.2203434
Sayantan Haldar
{"title":"India’s naval diplomacy: contours and constraints","authors":"Sayantan Haldar","doi":"10.1080/19480881.2023.2203434","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/19480881.2023.2203434","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":53974,"journal":{"name":"Journal of the Indian Ocean Region","volume":"18 1","pages":"297 - 299"},"PeriodicalIF":1.2,"publicationDate":"2022-09-02","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"48519377","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-09-02DOI: 10.1080/19480881.2023.2198887
Shishir Upadhyaya
ABSTRACT Natural disasters are increasing globally. Geographically, the Indo-Pacific region is the world’s most vulnerable region and navies here have been called upon frequently to provide humanitarian assistance. Thus, humanitarian assistance and disaster relief (HA/DR) missions have emerged as a key role for the regional navies. However, recent studies in disaster management indicate that disaster risk mitigation needs a greater focus on development issues and preparedness than post-disaster humanitarian response. This paper posits that navies too must expand their focus beyond HA/DR to contribute to other aspects of disaster management and promote collaboration with other stakeholders which could help overall to mitigate risks from natural disasters.
{"title":"Naval humanitarian assistance and disaster relief (HA/DR) operations in the Indo-Pacific region: need for fresh thinking","authors":"Shishir Upadhyaya","doi":"10.1080/19480881.2023.2198887","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/19480881.2023.2198887","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT Natural disasters are increasing globally. Geographically, the Indo-Pacific region is the world’s most vulnerable region and navies here have been called upon frequently to provide humanitarian assistance. Thus, humanitarian assistance and disaster relief (HA/DR) missions have emerged as a key role for the regional navies. However, recent studies in disaster management indicate that disaster risk mitigation needs a greater focus on development issues and preparedness than post-disaster humanitarian response. This paper posits that navies too must expand their focus beyond HA/DR to contribute to other aspects of disaster management and promote collaboration with other stakeholders which could help overall to mitigate risks from natural disasters.","PeriodicalId":53974,"journal":{"name":"Journal of the Indian Ocean Region","volume":"18 1","pages":"282 - 294"},"PeriodicalIF":1.2,"publicationDate":"2022-09-02","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"42819376","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-09-02DOI: 10.1080/19480881.2023.2171945
Manzoor Ahmad
{"title":"Seeking the bomb: strategies of nuclear proliferation","authors":"Manzoor Ahmad","doi":"10.1080/19480881.2023.2171945","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/19480881.2023.2171945","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":53974,"journal":{"name":"Journal of the Indian Ocean Region","volume":"18 1","pages":"295 - 297"},"PeriodicalIF":1.2,"publicationDate":"2022-09-02","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"49231989","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-09-02DOI: 10.1080/19480881.2023.2172814
A. Sooklal
ABSTRACT The Indo-Pacific (IP) is a construct of contested interpretation in terms of its geo-spatiality, but there is growing consensus that it extends from the East coast of Africa to the Western shores of the Americas, inclusive of the Pacific Island states. The IP is today the nucleus of the emerging global order. Major countries, including the USA, Japan, India, France, Germany and Australia, as well as the EU and ASEAN have articulated views on the IP. The IP is characterized by cooperation and contestation given its strategic geo-political and geo-economic centrality, as a growing number of rivalries is manifesting amongst established and emerging powers. Cooperation to enhance sustainable development must take precedence in the region to create a more equitable global community underpinned by a rules-based order committed to addressing the triple challenges of poverty, underdevelopment and inequality. This paper will focus on five areas that can contribute to a peaceful and prosperous IP: 1. A rules based open and inclusive IP, 2. Traditional and non-traditional security challenges 3. Free and open trade, including connectivity and digitalization 4. Environmental security and climate change 5. Sustainable development and a people-centered IP. Finally, the paper will offer a perspective on Africa and the IP.
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Pub Date : 2022-09-02DOI: 10.1080/19480881.2023.2204577
Kuyoun Chung
to the author, India’s navy should not be seen merely as an instrument of naval power, but used to enhance its maritime power. A crucial component to using India’s navy in building India’s maritime power lies in its use as a diplomatic tool. As Rao suggests, India’s naval missions and initiatives across regions have put forth a moralistic and benign image of India which has added to its soft power in the region. The major plus point of this book is that in addition to providing a detailed insight into the Indian Navy’s diplomatic functions across regions, the book also documents the changing geopolitical landscape of India’s maritime periphery. The book covers a vast canvas of academic literature on the role of navies in general, and that of the Indian Navy, in particular. Naval practitioners, scholars and policy makers alike are likely to greatly benefit from this book.
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