Pub Date : 2011-12-22DOI: 10.1556/ALING.58.2011.3.1
Jonathan E. MacDonald, Barbara Ürögdi
We present a novel account of phenomena that have been discussed under the labels stativizing negation, expletive negation and the licensing of NPI-(eventive-)until. We argue that these concepts are theoretically undesirable as well as descriptively inadequate because (a) negation does not affect event structure, (b) “eventive” until outscopes negation and can also occur without negation, so it cannot be treated as an NPI, and (c) the properties ascribed to negation and/or until are observed in a wide variety of contexts and should therefore receive a more general, non-lexical analysis. Our account derives the facts from the idea that until- and for-duratives are referential items that scope in the topic field and can receive a contrastive interpretation on analogy with regular topics. This gives us a handle on the socalled “actualization” observed with negated eventives in the scope of a durative, previously handled by lexical duplication of until and by stipulation of idiosyncratic lexical properties.
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Pub Date : 2011-12-22DOI: 10.1556/ALING.58.2011.3.4
Jonathan E. MacDonald
This squib carries out an initial contrastive analysis of English and Russian phase (a.k.a. aspectual) verbs. Following Fukuda’s (2008; 2009) syntactic account of English, I assume English phase verbs can head one of two aspectual functional projections: H-AspP, located immediately above vP; or L-AspP, located between vP and VP. Applying the same diagnostics to Russian, it appears that Russian phase verbs head only L-AspP. The relation between L-AspP and another structurally similar aspectual projection, AspP, proposed by Mac- Donald (2008a;b), is discussed. We see that L-AspP has a subset of the aspectual properties of AspP. Finally, I note how this approach to Russian phase verbs leads to the expectation that semantic properties of Russian phase verb complements play a role in some of the phase verb complement (in)compatibility patterns. In concrete, I suggest that the aspectual class of the complement plays a role.
本文对英语和俄语的相动词进行了初步的对比分析。继福田(2008;(2009)从英语句法的角度来看，我认为英语相动词可以引导两个方面的功能投射之一:H-AspP，位于vP的正上方;或L-AspP，位于vP和vP之间。将同样的诊断应用到俄语中，俄语的阶段动词似乎只以L-AspP开头。本文讨论了L-AspP与Mac- Donald (2008a;b)提出的另一个结构相似的方面投影AspP之间的关系。我们看到L-AspP具有AspP的方面属性的一个子集。最后，我注意到俄语相动词的这种方法如何导致人们期望俄语相动词补语的语义属性在某些相动词补语(in)兼容性模式中发挥作用。具体来说，我认为补语的方面类起了作用。
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Pub Date : 2011-12-22DOI: 10.1556/ALING.58.2011.4.1
Zsuzsanna Bárkányi
Phonotactic well-formedness judgments are usually gradient, the theoretical interpretation of which is controversial in the phonological literature. In this study we present experimental evidence from Slovak that speakers do have intuitions about unattested grammatical forms as well as attested marginal ones and these intuitions can be modeled fairly closely by gradient phonotactic learners like, for instance, the Hayes-Wilson Phonotactic Learner. Our results suggest that in gradient phonotactic judgments the knowledge of the relative probability of various combinations of natural classes plays a decisive role. We pay special attention to sonority reversal clusters in Slovak and claim that these sequences, although attested in the language, are on the verge of grammaticality and thus prone to change.
{"title":"Gradient phonotactic acceptability a case study from Slovak","authors":"Zsuzsanna Bárkányi","doi":"10.1556/ALING.58.2011.4.1","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1556/ALING.58.2011.4.1","url":null,"abstract":"Phonotactic well-formedness judgments are usually gradient, the theoretical interpretation of which is controversial in the phonological literature. In this study we present experimental evidence from Slovak that speakers do have intuitions about unattested grammatical forms as well as attested marginal ones and these intuitions can be modeled fairly closely by gradient phonotactic learners like, for instance, the Hayes-Wilson Phonotactic Learner. Our results suggest that in gradient phonotactic judgments the knowledge of the relative probability of various combinations of natural classes plays a decisive role. We pay special attention to sonority reversal clusters in Slovak and claim that these sequences, although attested in the language, are on the verge of grammaticality and thus prone to change.","PeriodicalId":54157,"journal":{"name":"Acta Linguistica Hungarica","volume":"58 1","pages":"353-390"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2011-12-22","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.1556/ALING.58.2011.4.1","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"67077744","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2011-12-22DOI: 10.1556/ALING.58.2011.3.3
Slavica Kochovska
This squib investigates the distribution of clitics with direct object DPs in Macedonian. In particular, it aims to explain the co-occurrence restrictions on clitics with IP-internal DPs, i.e., DPs in pre- and postverbal position. The occurrence of the clitics with such DPs is linked to their feature specification for strength, where strength is defined as in Barwise — Cooper (1981). The analysis is then extended to DPs in clause-initial positions, i.e., DPs at the left periphery. It is shown that the overall behavior of DPs with respect to clitic doubling prompts a novel, three-way distinction of the DPs in Macedonian as [+strong], [−strong] and unspecified for strength.
{"title":"Clitics and direct objects in Macedonian","authors":"Slavica Kochovska","doi":"10.1556/ALING.58.2011.3.3","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1556/ALING.58.2011.3.3","url":null,"abstract":"This squib investigates the distribution of clitics with direct object DPs in Macedonian. In particular, it aims to explain the co-occurrence restrictions on clitics with IP-internal DPs, i.e., DPs in pre- and postverbal position. The occurrence of the clitics with such DPs is linked to their feature specification for strength, where strength is defined as in Barwise — Cooper (1981). The analysis is then extended to DPs in clause-initial positions, i.e., DPs at the left periphery. It is shown that the overall behavior of DPs with respect to clitic doubling prompts a novel, three-way distinction of the DPs in Macedonian as [+strong], [−strong] and unspecified for strength.","PeriodicalId":54157,"journal":{"name":"Acta Linguistica Hungarica","volume":"58 1","pages":"241-260"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2011-12-22","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.1556/ALING.58.2011.3.3","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"67077310","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2011-12-22DOI: 10.1556/ALING.58.2011.3.5
Dalina Kallulli, J. Trommer
We provide a minimalist syntactic analysis for the morphological realization of non-active voice in Albanian, a paradigm that exhibits a three-way alternation: inflectional affix, clitic and auxiliary choice. We show that the morphological realization of the Albanian non-active voice reflects the hierarchy of functional categories in the clause. More specifically, we argue that the distribution of the morphological means to realize non-active voice in this language is contingent on and regulated by two independently motivated morphosyntactic operations, namely Agree and Impoverishment, which are both governed in crucial respects by closest c-command.
{"title":"Closest c-command, agree and impoverishment: The morphosyntax of non-active voice in Albanian","authors":"Dalina Kallulli, J. Trommer","doi":"10.1556/ALING.58.2011.3.5","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1556/ALING.58.2011.3.5","url":null,"abstract":"We provide a minimalist syntactic analysis for the morphological realization of non-active voice in Albanian, a paradigm that exhibits a three-way alternation: inflectional affix, clitic and auxiliary choice. We show that the morphological realization of the Albanian non-active voice reflects the hierarchy of functional categories in the clause. More specifically, we argue that the distribution of the morphological means to realize non-active voice in this language is contingent on and regulated by two independently motivated morphosyntactic operations, namely Agree and Impoverishment, which are both governed in crucial respects by closest c-command.","PeriodicalId":54157,"journal":{"name":"Acta Linguistica Hungarica","volume":"58 1","pages":"277-296"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2011-12-22","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.1556/ALING.58.2011.3.5","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"67077378","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2011-12-22DOI: 10.1556/ALING.58.2011.3.6
N. Miliċeviċ
The puzzling syntax of free relative clauses (FRs) has been the subject of substantive linguistic work. The core issue, which has divided the field, has been to determine whether this type of relative clause is a complex DP whose head is a wh-pronoun or a wh-clause without the overt external head. Lately, some theoretical reconsiderations of the nature of phrase structuring or, more precisely, of the nature of the syntactic operation Merge allowed for a fresh start in this matter. In this paper, I will follow the proposal put forward by Riemsdijk (2006b) that FRs are structurally ambiguous and that they are derived through grafting, a special type of Merge. As the relevant data in Serbian show, this—still unorthodox, though theoretically legitimate—move is also empirically sound. It also provides us with a new insight into another related phenomenon in this language—the optionality of clitic placement in FRs. The analysis will also reinterpret the status of the particle god typically occurring in this typ...
{"title":"Structure sharing—The case of free relatives in Serbian","authors":"N. Miliċeviċ","doi":"10.1556/ALING.58.2011.3.6","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1556/ALING.58.2011.3.6","url":null,"abstract":"The puzzling syntax of free relative clauses (FRs) has been the subject of substantive linguistic work. The core issue, which has divided the field, has been to determine whether this type of relative clause is a complex DP whose head is a wh-pronoun or a wh-clause without the overt external head. Lately, some theoretical reconsiderations of the nature of phrase structuring or, more precisely, of the nature of the syntactic operation Merge allowed for a fresh start in this matter. In this paper, I will follow the proposal put forward by Riemsdijk (2006b) that FRs are structurally ambiguous and that they are derived through grafting, a special type of Merge. As the relevant data in Serbian show, this—still unorthodox, though theoretically legitimate—move is also empirically sound. It also provides us with a new insight into another related phenomenon in this language—the optionality of clitic placement in FRs. The analysis will also reinterpret the status of the particle god typically occurring in this typ...","PeriodicalId":54157,"journal":{"name":"Acta Linguistica Hungarica","volume":"58 1","pages":"297-312"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2011-12-22","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.1556/ALING.58.2011.3.6","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"67077677","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2011-12-22DOI: 10.1556/ALING.58.2011.3.7
Yasuyuki Kitao
Japanese relative clauses (RCs) show peculiar characteristics. For instance, while weak crossover effects reveal that relativization includes movement, the absence of island effects seems to demonstrate that relativization does not include movement. Ishii (1991) accounts for this peculiarity of Japanese RCs by his last-resort analysis; however, because of the Inclusiveness Condition (Chomsky 1995), this last-resort model is not tenable in the Minimalist Program (MP). Therefore, an improved characterization of Ishii’s last-resort analysis of relativization in Japanese is needed within the framework of the MP. In this paper, I claim that reconstruction/connectivity effects show that Japanese RCs include promotion/head-raising. I then propose that the amendment of Boeckx’s (2003) resumptive-stranding model, which includes promotion/head-raising of a relative head and pro-stranding, can offer an account of both the movement properties and non-movement properties of Japanese RCs. The proposed analysis conforms...
{"title":"The presence of head-raising and resumptive-stranding in Japanese relative clauses","authors":"Yasuyuki Kitao","doi":"10.1556/ALING.58.2011.3.7","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1556/ALING.58.2011.3.7","url":null,"abstract":"Japanese relative clauses (RCs) show peculiar characteristics. For instance, while weak crossover effects reveal that relativization includes movement, the absence of island effects seems to demonstrate that relativization does not include movement. Ishii (1991) accounts for this peculiarity of Japanese RCs by his last-resort analysis; however, because of the Inclusiveness Condition (Chomsky 1995), this last-resort model is not tenable in the Minimalist Program (MP). Therefore, an improved characterization of Ishii’s last-resort analysis of relativization in Japanese is needed within the framework of the MP. In this paper, I claim that reconstruction/connectivity effects show that Japanese RCs include promotion/head-raising. I then propose that the amendment of Boeckx’s (2003) resumptive-stranding model, which includes promotion/head-raising of a relative head and pro-stranding, can offer an account of both the movement properties and non-movement properties of Japanese RCs. The proposed analysis conforms...","PeriodicalId":54157,"journal":{"name":"Acta Linguistica Hungarica","volume":"58 1","pages":"313-335"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2011-12-22","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.1556/ALING.58.2011.3.7","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"67077691","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2011-12-22DOI: 10.1556/ALING.58.2011.4.3
E. Kádár
In this paper I examine the behaviour of Hungarian copular environmental constructions, and I demonstrate that they cannot be treated on a par with weather verbs (as suggested in the literature). While the latter may have a quasi-argumental subject, treating the former along the same lines would also mean to analyse the NP/AP featuring in these constructions as a predicate nominal/adjective. A parallel analysis of sentences involving nominal predication, environmental copular constructions and sentences with undisputable NP-subjects shows that environmental constructions pattern with the latter. I discuss and weigh the subject properties and the predicate properties of the nominal part of the construction, surveying all the evidence that has emerged in the literature, and adding some further arguments. The dual behaviour of the nominal/adjectival part of atmospheric copular constructions is argued to come from their predicative content combined with their status as syntactic subjects. For what appears to ...
{"title":"Environmental copula constructions in Hungarian","authors":"E. Kádár","doi":"10.1556/ALING.58.2011.4.3","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1556/ALING.58.2011.4.3","url":null,"abstract":"In this paper I examine the behaviour of Hungarian copular environmental constructions, and I demonstrate that they cannot be treated on a par with weather verbs (as suggested in the literature). While the latter may have a quasi-argumental subject, treating the former along the same lines would also mean to analyse the NP/AP featuring in these constructions as a predicate nominal/adjective. A parallel analysis of sentences involving nominal predication, environmental copular constructions and sentences with undisputable NP-subjects shows that environmental constructions pattern with the latter. I discuss and weigh the subject properties and the predicate properties of the nominal part of the construction, surveying all the evidence that has emerged in the literature, and adding some further arguments. The dual behaviour of the nominal/adjectival part of atmospheric copular constructions is argued to come from their predicative content combined with their status as syntactic subjects. For what appears to ...","PeriodicalId":54157,"journal":{"name":"Acta Linguistica Hungarica","volume":"58 1","pages":"417-447"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2011-12-22","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"67077801","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2011-12-22DOI: 10.1556/ALING.58.2011.3.2
J. Hartmann
This squib argues against the predicate inversion analysis of English existential there-sentences. The main problem of this analysis is caused by wh-extraction data. Wh-extraction is possible of and from the noun phrase in there-BE (there-sentences with the copula), but not in there-V sentences (there-sentences with other verbs). This is not predicted by the predicate inversion analysis. It is shown that the predicate inversion analysis is adequate (with some modifications) for there-V sentences and locative inversion. Existential there-sentences, however, need to be analysed differently. They are derived from a predication configuration in which there is the subject of predication and the sentence states about this location that it contains the kind and amount/number of individuals given in the noun phrase. The existential reading arises from the interaction of this predication configuration and existential closure of an empty D-layer of the noun phrase.
{"title":"PREDICATE INVERSION AND ENGLISH THERE-SENTENCES*","authors":"J. Hartmann","doi":"10.1556/ALING.58.2011.3.2","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1556/ALING.58.2011.3.2","url":null,"abstract":"This squib argues against the predicate inversion analysis of English existential there-sentences. The main problem of this analysis is caused by wh-extraction data. Wh-extraction is possible of and from the noun phrase in there-BE (there-sentences with the copula), but not in there-V sentences (there-sentences with other verbs). This is not predicted by the predicate inversion analysis. It is shown that the predicate inversion analysis is adequate (with some modifications) for there-V sentences and locative inversion. Existential there-sentences, however, need to be analysed differently. They are derived from a predication configuration in which there is the subject of predication and the sentence states about this location that it contains the kind and amount/number of individuals given in the noun phrase. The existential reading arises from the interaction of this predication configuration and existential closure of an empty D-layer of the noun phrase.","PeriodicalId":54157,"journal":{"name":"Acta Linguistica Hungarica","volume":"58 1","pages":"221-240"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2011-12-22","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.1556/ALING.58.2011.3.2","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"67077267","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2011-12-01DOI: 10.1556/ALing.58.2011.4.4
Klara Marton, Luca Campanelli, Lajos Farkas
Children with primary language impairment (LI) show a deficit in processing different grammatical structures, verb inflections, and syntactically complex sentences among other things (Clahsen-Hansen 1997; Leonard et al. 1997). Cross-linguistic research has shown that the pattern of performance is language-specific. We examined grammatical sensitivity to word order and agreement violations in 50 Hungarian-speaking children with and without LI. The findings suggest a strong association between sensitivity to grammatical violations and working memory capacity. Variations in working memory performance predicted grammatical sensitivity. Hungarian participants with LI exhibited a weakness in detecting both agreement and word order violations.
有初级语言障碍(LI)的儿童在处理不同的语法结构、动词屈折和句法复杂的句子等方面表现出缺陷(Clahsen-Hansen 1997;Leonard et al. 1997)。跨语言研究表明，表现模式是语言特有的。我们检查了50名有和没有LI的匈牙利语儿童对词序和协议违反的语法敏感性。研究结果表明，对语法错误的敏感度与工作记忆能力之间存在很强的联系。工作记忆表现的变化预示着语法敏感性。匈牙利的LI参与者在检测一致和词序违反方面都表现出弱点。
{"title":"Grammatical sensitivity and working memory in children with language impairment.","authors":"Klara Marton, Luca Campanelli, Lajos Farkas","doi":"10.1556/ALing.58.2011.4.4","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1556/ALing.58.2011.4.4","url":null,"abstract":"<p><p>Children with primary language impairment (LI) show a deficit in processing different grammatical structures, verb inflections, and syntactically complex sentences among other things (Clahsen-Hansen 1997; Leonard et al. 1997). Cross-linguistic research has shown that the pattern of performance is language-specific. We examined grammatical sensitivity to word order and agreement violations in 50 Hungarian-speaking children with and without LI. The findings suggest a strong association between sensitivity to grammatical violations and working memory capacity. Variations in working memory performance predicted grammatical sensitivity. Hungarian participants with LI exhibited a weakness in detecting both agreement and word order violations.</p>","PeriodicalId":54157,"journal":{"name":"Acta Linguistica Hungarica","volume":"58 4","pages":"448-466"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2011-12-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.1556/ALing.58.2011.4.4","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"31356924","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"OA","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
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