Pub Date : 2012-06-12DOI: 10.1556/ALING.59.2012.1-2.1
Gábor Alberti, J. Kleiber
We follow Pollard (2007) in assuming that the mainstream Kripke/Montagueinspired possible-worlds semantics is “a framework known to have dubious foundations” (primarily because of the granularity problem), and “worlds are constructed from propositions […], and not the other way around”. We intend to work out this approach in a DRT-based framework, called ReALIS, in order to account for phenomena concerning referent accessibility, at the same time. We claim that our system offers a general solution to problems of intensional identity, and it is devoid of DRT’s “extra level” problem—by embedding discourse representations in the world model, not directly but as parts of the representations of interpreters’ minds, i.e., their (permanently changing) information states/“internal worlds”. Hence, there is simply no intensionality in ReALIS as interpreters’ “worldlets” (in description of their brains within the entire model of the universe) carry all kinds of information (BDI, guesswork, dream) typically “entruste...
{"title":"Where are possible worlds? (arguments for ReALIS)","authors":"Gábor Alberti, J. Kleiber","doi":"10.1556/ALING.59.2012.1-2.1","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1556/ALING.59.2012.1-2.1","url":null,"abstract":"We follow Pollard (2007) in assuming that the mainstream Kripke/Montagueinspired possible-worlds semantics is “a framework known to have dubious foundations” (primarily because of the granularity problem), and “worlds are constructed from propositions […], and not the other way around”. We intend to work out this approach in a DRT-based framework, called ReALIS, in order to account for phenomena concerning referent accessibility, at the same time. We claim that our system offers a general solution to problems of intensional identity, and it is devoid of DRT’s “extra level” problem—by embedding discourse representations in the world model, not directly but as parts of the representations of interpreters’ minds, i.e., their (permanently changing) information states/“internal worlds”. Hence, there is simply no intensionality in ReALIS as interpreters’ “worldlets” (in description of their brains within the entire model of the universe) carry all kinds of information (BDI, guesswork, dream) typically “entruste...","PeriodicalId":54157,"journal":{"name":"Acta Linguistica Hungarica","volume":"59 1","pages":"3-26"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2012-06-12","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.1556/ALING.59.2012.1-2.1","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"67077874","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2012-06-12DOI: 10.1556/ALING.59.2012.1-2.7
David Erschler
I describe and analyze suspended affixation (a situation when an affix only appears on the rightmost coordinand, but takes scope over all the coordinands) of case markers in Ossetic. Based on how suspended affixation interacts with allomorphy and certain case conflicts, I propose that suspended affixation arises due to phonological deletion of exponents, and that semantic information is still available at this stage. I speculate that it is this stage of derivation that should be considered the morphological module.
{"title":"Suspended affixation in Ossetic and the structure of the syntax-morphology interface","authors":"David Erschler","doi":"10.1556/ALING.59.2012.1-2.7","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1556/ALING.59.2012.1-2.7","url":null,"abstract":"I describe and analyze suspended affixation (a situation when an affix only appears on the rightmost coordinand, but takes scope over all the coordinands) of case markers in Ossetic. Based on how suspended affixation interacts with allomorphy and certain case conflicts, I propose that suspended affixation arises due to phonological deletion of exponents, and that semantic information is still available at this stage. I speculate that it is this stage of derivation that should be considered the morphological module.","PeriodicalId":54157,"journal":{"name":"Acta Linguistica Hungarica","volume":"59 1","pages":"153-175"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2012-06-12","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.1556/ALING.59.2012.1-2.7","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"67077602","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2012-06-12DOI: 10.1556/ALING.59.2012.1-2.4
Gabi Danon
Copular clauses in Hebrew with the copula ze never allow their subjects to agree with the copula or with the post-copular predicate. Following previous work, it is shown that such clauses are not predicational and that their subjects often get a ‘hidden event’ interpretation. After ruling out an analysis that takes the copula to be the actual subject and an analysis involving a clausal subject, it is argued that these clauses involve a subject that lacks the features needed for subject-external agreement, while having the features needed for subject-internal agreement.
{"title":"Nothing to agree on: Non-agreeing subjects of copular clauses in Hebrew","authors":"Gabi Danon","doi":"10.1556/ALING.59.2012.1-2.4","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1556/ALING.59.2012.1-2.4","url":null,"abstract":"Copular clauses in Hebrew with the copula ze never allow their subjects to agree with the copula or with the post-copular predicate. Following previous work, it is shown that such clauses are not predicational and that their subjects often get a ‘hidden event’ interpretation. After ruling out an analysis that takes the copula to be the actual subject and an analysis involving a clausal subject, it is argued that these clauses involve a subject that lacks the features needed for subject-external agreement, while having the features needed for subject-internal agreement.","PeriodicalId":54157,"journal":{"name":"Acta Linguistica Hungarica","volume":"59 1","pages":"85-108"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2012-06-12","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.1556/ALING.59.2012.1-2.4","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"67078041","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2012-06-12DOI: 10.1556/ALING.59.2012.1-2.5
M. Dočekal
A semantics for various classes of Czech numerals is presented which is based on Landman’s theory but also incorporates Chierchia’s Neo-Carlsonian approach to kinds. On the basis of a wide range of empirical data it is argued that Czech overtly lexicalizes at least two covert “sort-shifting” operators that have been stipulated in order to derive certain fine-grained semantic effects.
{"title":"Atoms, groups and kinds in Czech","authors":"M. Dočekal","doi":"10.1556/ALING.59.2012.1-2.5","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1556/ALING.59.2012.1-2.5","url":null,"abstract":"A semantics for various classes of Czech numerals is presented which is based on Landman’s theory but also incorporates Chierchia’s Neo-Carlsonian approach to kinds. On the basis of a wide range of empirical data it is argued that Czech overtly lexicalizes at least two covert “sort-shifting” operators that have been stipulated in order to derive certain fine-grained semantic effects.","PeriodicalId":54157,"journal":{"name":"Acta Linguistica Hungarica","volume":"59 1","pages":"109-126"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2012-06-12","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.1556/ALING.59.2012.1-2.5","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"67077581","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2012-06-12DOI: 10.1556/ALING.59.2012.1-2.8
Tatjana Marvin, Adrian Stegovec
In this paper we discuss Slovenian ditransitive sentences with respect to the two possible word orders of the objects found with neutral intonation, DAT≫ACC and ACC≫DAT. We follow the idea in the Gracanin-Yuksek (2006) paper on Croatian that these two word orders instantiate different structures. In Slovenian, the DAT≫ACC order has an applicative structure (either high or low), while the ACC≫DAT is a prepositional dative construction. The applicative analysis provides a novel argument for this type of analysis. Other supporting arguments examined are scope properties, binding of possessives, the possibility of the causative reading, non-contrastive focus and heavy NP shift, and properties of idioms.
{"title":"ON THE SYNTAX OF DITRANSITIVE SENTENCES IN SLOVENIAN","authors":"Tatjana Marvin, Adrian Stegovec","doi":"10.1556/ALING.59.2012.1-2.8","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1556/ALING.59.2012.1-2.8","url":null,"abstract":"In this paper we discuss Slovenian ditransitive sentences with respect to the two possible word orders of the objects found with neutral intonation, DAT≫ACC and ACC≫DAT. We follow the idea in the Gracanin-Yuksek (2006) paper on Croatian that these two word orders instantiate different structures. In Slovenian, the DAT≫ACC order has an applicative structure (either high or low), while the ACC≫DAT is a prepositional dative construction. The applicative analysis provides a novel argument for this type of analysis. Other supporting arguments examined are scope properties, binding of possessives, the possibility of the causative reading, non-contrastive focus and heavy NP shift, and properties of idioms.","PeriodicalId":54157,"journal":{"name":"Acta Linguistica Hungarica","volume":"59 1","pages":"177-203"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2012-06-12","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.1556/ALING.59.2012.1-2.8","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"67077650","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2012-06-12DOI: 10.1556/ALING.59.2012.1-2.3
A. Bondaruk
The paper examines two patterns found in one type of copular constructions in Polish, i.e., those containing the verbal copula by´ 'be' and the pronominal copula to. In the first pattern the verb by´ 'be' agrees with the second, postverbal element, not with the first one, while in the other 1st and 2nd person pronouns are banned from appearing as the first elements in to bycopular clauses. It is argued that these apparently unrelated patterns are amenable to a uniform analysis couched within the minimalist approach to the Person Case Constraint (henceforth, the PCC). This approach crucially relies on the application of multiple Agree and the assumption that in Polish, just like in other languages, T probes separately for person and number. It is argued that in both patterns under consideration T probes the first DP for person and the second one for number and gender, which accounts for agreement with the second element in the first pattern. If the first DP is 1st or 2nd person, it values the person feature of T as 1st or 2nd and this is responsible for a person clash if the second DP is marked for 3rd person, which accounts for the second pattern. The analysis offered predicts that the two DPs in to byclauses must match in person. It is shown that this prediction may turn out to be problematic in the light of the fact that identity statements and inverted copular sentences allow person mismatch. It is argued that although they seem to be problematic in fact neither in the former nor in the latter the mechanism underlying the PCC effect, i.e., multiple Agree, is operative, but for a different reason. Equatives are analysed along the lines proposed by Perelstvaig (2001; 2008) for Russian and Italian by Moro (1997; 2006), i.e., they are treated as bare small clauses which lack a label unless the second DP is internally merged with the bare small clause and thus provides it with a label (DP). As a result of this movement, the moved DP is closer to the probe T than the other DP, which blocks multiple Agree. In inverted copula sentences, on the other hand, parallel probing by T and C applies, which forces the movement of the inverted element to Spec CP and thus makes it unavailable to Agree with T.
{"title":"Person case constraint effects in Polish copular constructions","authors":"A. Bondaruk","doi":"10.1556/ALING.59.2012.1-2.3","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1556/ALING.59.2012.1-2.3","url":null,"abstract":"The paper examines two patterns found in one type of copular constructions in Polish, i.e., those containing the verbal copula by´ 'be' and the pronominal copula to. In the first pattern the verb by´ 'be' agrees with the second, postverbal element, not with the first one, while in the other 1st and 2nd person pronouns are banned from appearing as the first elements in to bycopular clauses. It is argued that these apparently unrelated patterns are amenable to a uniform analysis couched within the minimalist approach to the Person Case Constraint (henceforth, the PCC). This approach crucially relies on the application of multiple Agree and the assumption that in Polish, just like in other languages, T probes separately for person and number. It is argued that in both patterns under consideration T probes the first DP for person and the second one for number and gender, which accounts for agreement with the second element in the first pattern. If the first DP is 1st or 2nd person, it values the person feature of T as 1st or 2nd and this is responsible for a person clash if the second DP is marked for 3rd person, which accounts for the second pattern. The analysis offered predicts that the two DPs in to byclauses must match in person. It is shown that this prediction may turn out to be problematic in the light of the fact that identity statements and inverted copular sentences allow person mismatch. It is argued that although they seem to be problematic in fact neither in the former nor in the latter the mechanism underlying the PCC effect, i.e., multiple Agree, is operative, but for a different reason. Equatives are analysed along the lines proposed by Perelstvaig (2001; 2008) for Russian and Italian by Moro (1997; 2006), i.e., they are treated as bare small clauses which lack a label unless the second DP is internally merged with the bare small clause and thus provides it with a label (DP). As a result of this movement, the moved DP is closer to the probe T than the other DP, which blocks multiple Agree. In inverted copula sentences, on the other hand, parallel probing by T and C applies, which forces the movement of the inverted element to Spec CP and thus makes it unavailable to Agree with T.","PeriodicalId":54157,"journal":{"name":"Acta Linguistica Hungarica","volume":"59 1","pages":"49-84"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2012-06-12","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.1556/ALING.59.2012.1-2.3","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"67077992","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2012-06-12DOI: 10.1556/ALING.59.2012.1-2.9
T. Milicev, N. Miliċeviċ
A rather standard generalization regarding both clausal and nominal appositives to noun phrases is that the appositive element needs to be right adjacent to its antecedent/anchor (cf. Potts 2003). The exceptions to the adjacency requirement are usually restricted to the cases of extraposition (cf. de Vries 2002 for Dutch; Cinque 2006 for Italian). In some languages, however, such as Serbian or Old English, it is possible to split the antecedent and the appositive without resorting to extraposition. Our claim is that in such cases the observed discontinuity is the result of the leftward movement of the antecedent to a higher position in the clause. We discuss the interpretative and syntactic restrictions on this operation, basing our conclusions on the data from Serbian and Old English. We show that the leftward movement account of this phenomenon is not only the most optimal one, but provides a strong argument in favour of treating appositions as specifying conjuncts, as proposed by de Vries (2002; 2006),...
关于名词短语的小句和名词性同位语的一个相当标准的概括是，同位语元素需要与它的先行词/锚点相邻(cf. Potts 2003)。邻接要求的例外情况通常仅限于外置的情况(参见de Vries 2002 for Dutch;Cinque 2006(意大利语)。然而，在某些语言中，如塞尔维亚语或古英语，可以不借助外置词将先行词和同位语分开。我们的主张是，在这种情况下，观察到的不连续性是先行词向左移动到子句中更高位置的结果。我们根据塞尔维亚语和古英语的数据，讨论了这一操作的解释和句法限制。我们表明，对这一现象的左移解释不仅是最理想的，而且提供了一个强有力的论据，支持将并列词视为指定连词，如de Vries (2002;2006),…
{"title":"Leftward movement with discontinuous appositive constructions","authors":"T. Milicev, N. Miliċeviċ","doi":"10.1556/ALING.59.2012.1-2.9","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1556/ALING.59.2012.1-2.9","url":null,"abstract":"A rather standard generalization regarding both clausal and nominal appositives to noun phrases is that the appositive element needs to be right adjacent to its antecedent/anchor (cf. Potts 2003). The exceptions to the adjacency requirement are usually restricted to the cases of extraposition (cf. de Vries 2002 for Dutch; Cinque 2006 for Italian). In some languages, however, such as Serbian or Old English, it is possible to split the antecedent and the appositive without resorting to extraposition. Our claim is that in such cases the observed discontinuity is the result of the leftward movement of the antecedent to a higher position in the clause. We discuss the interpretative and syntactic restrictions on this operation, basing our conclusions on the data from Serbian and Old English. We show that the leftward movement account of this phenomenon is not only the most optimal one, but provides a strong argument in favour of treating appositions as specifying conjuncts, as proposed by de Vries (2002; 2006),...","PeriodicalId":54157,"journal":{"name":"Acta Linguistica Hungarica","volume":"59 1","pages":"205-220"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2012-06-12","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.1556/ALING.59.2012.1-2.9","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"67077663","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2012-06-12DOI: 10.1556/ALING.59.2012.1-2.2
Katalin Balogné Bérces, Patrick Honeybone
The basic types of lenition environments (‘initial’, ‘intervocalic’, ‘final’) need to be separately evaluated as they differ along parameters like word position (e.g., pre-consonantal vs. final codas) or stress relations. This paper argues that we need to recognise an additional such parameter: the length of the vowel preceding an intervocalic consonant. We show that a number of phenomena from varieties of English and German show lenition patterns which draw a distinction between reflexes found in post-short (vc) and post-long (vvc) environments. The theoretical consequence of our observations is that phonological theory needs to be able to account for the post-short vs. post-long distinction in the form of a parametrically-determined representational difference.
{"title":"Splitting ‘intervocalic’: Expanding the typology of lenition environments","authors":"Katalin Balogné Bérces, Patrick Honeybone","doi":"10.1556/ALING.59.2012.1-2.2","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1556/ALING.59.2012.1-2.2","url":null,"abstract":"The basic types of lenition environments (‘initial’, ‘intervocalic’, ‘final’) need to be separately evaluated as they differ along parameters like word position (e.g., pre-consonantal vs. final codas) or stress relations. This paper argues that we need to recognise an additional such parameter: the length of the vowel preceding an intervocalic consonant. We show that a number of phenomena from varieties of English and German show lenition patterns which draw a distinction between reflexes found in post-short (vc) and post-long (vvc) environments. The theoretical consequence of our observations is that phonological theory needs to be able to account for the post-short vs. post-long distinction in the form of a parametrically-determined representational difference.","PeriodicalId":54157,"journal":{"name":"Acta Linguistica Hungarica","volume":"59 1","pages":"27-48"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2012-06-12","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.1556/ALING.59.2012.1-2.2","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"67077970","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2012-06-01DOI: 10.1556/ALING.59.2012.1-2.6
J. Emonds
All English regular verbs and about half its irregular verbs have the same form for the finite past tense and the past participle. The finite past tense is different from the participle only for a closed class of about 100 irregular verbs. These latter can be analyzed by a lexical device of wide-ranging applicability called Alternative Realization. All other Past forms of Vs, finite and non-finite, can then be derived from a single morpheme -ed which appears in two contexts: one when V is finite and one when it is selected by a semantically empty stative verb, have or be. There is also a third use of -ed to form passive participles, in both verbal and adjectival passives.The paper presents a formalized system of selection features for lexical items including but going beyond classical subcategorization. This system permits formulating a single full lexical entry for the suffix -ed that covers all its uses. The final version of this entry exemplifies how to specify Alternative Realization, uninterpretabili...
{"title":"THE SINGLE MORPHEME -ED/-EN OF THE ENGLISH PAST/PASSIVE","authors":"J. Emonds","doi":"10.1556/ALING.59.2012.1-2.6","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1556/ALING.59.2012.1-2.6","url":null,"abstract":"All English regular verbs and about half its irregular verbs have the same form for the finite past tense and the past participle. The finite past tense is different from the participle only for a closed class of about 100 irregular verbs. These latter can be analyzed by a lexical device of wide-ranging applicability called Alternative Realization. All other Past forms of Vs, finite and non-finite, can then be derived from a single morpheme -ed which appears in two contexts: one when V is finite and one when it is selected by a semantically empty stative verb, have or be. There is also a third use of -ed to form passive participles, in both verbal and adjectival passives.The paper presents a formalized system of selection features for lexical items including but going beyond classical subcategorization. This system permits formulating a single full lexical entry for the suffix -ed that covers all its uses. The final version of this entry exemplifies how to specify Alternative Realization, uninterpretabili...","PeriodicalId":54157,"journal":{"name":"Acta Linguistica Hungarica","volume":"59 1","pages":"127-152"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2012-06-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.1556/ALING.59.2012.1-2.6","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"67077589","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2011-12-22DOI: 10.1556/ALING.58.2011.4.2
Sandra Jhean-Larose, B. Lecoutre, G. Denhière
This study looks at how combinations of two French nouns are interpreted. The order of occurrence of the constituents of two types of conceptual combinations, relation and property, was manipulated in view of determining how property-based and relation-based interpretations evolve with age. Three groups of French-speaking children (ages 6, 8, and 10) and a group of adults performed an interpretation-selection task. The results for the children indicated that while property-based interpretations increased with age, relation-based interpretations were in the majority for both combination types, whereas for the adults, relation-based interpretations were in the minority for property combinations. For the children and adults alike, the most frequent interpretations were ones in which the head noun came first and was followed by the modifier (the opposite of the order observed for English).
{"title":"From production to selection of interpretations for novel conceptual combinations: A developmental approach","authors":"Sandra Jhean-Larose, B. Lecoutre, G. Denhière","doi":"10.1556/ALING.58.2011.4.2","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1556/ALING.58.2011.4.2","url":null,"abstract":"This study looks at how combinations of two French nouns are interpreted. The order of occurrence of the constituents of two types of conceptual combinations, relation and property, was manipulated in view of determining how property-based and relation-based interpretations evolve with age. Three groups of French-speaking children (ages 6, 8, and 10) and a group of adults performed an interpretation-selection task. The results for the children indicated that while property-based interpretations increased with age, relation-based interpretations were in the majority for both combination types, whereas for the adults, relation-based interpretations were in the minority for property combinations. For the children and adults alike, the most frequent interpretations were ones in which the head noun came first and was followed by the modifier (the opposite of the order observed for English).","PeriodicalId":54157,"journal":{"name":"Acta Linguistica Hungarica","volume":"58 1","pages":"391-416"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2011-12-22","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.1556/ALING.58.2011.4.2","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"67077792","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
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