Pub Date : 2013-03-15DOI: 10.1556/ALING.60.2013.1.1
L. Honti
In this paper, the author poses three questions of historical phonology and gives explanations that are meant to be rational: 1. With respect to the Hungarian reflexes of Proto-Uralic/Proto-Finno-Ugric/Proto-Ugric word initial *p, *t, and *k, two reasons are suggested for the dual reflexes *p > H f ∼ b and *t > H t ∼ d: (a) the word internal (primary or secondary) voiced consonant triggered the assimilation (that is, voicing) of the initial consonant; (b) subsequently, due to an effort to eliminate homonymy, the closest congener of the initial consonant (that is, its voiced counterpart) replaced the original voiceless stop. It is also discussed why *k does not similarly have dual reflexes (k ∼ g) in Hungarian. 2. Concerning the phonological reality of Proto-Uralic/Proto-Finno-Ugric/Proto-Ugric *δ and *δ, as well as the potential etymological correspondence of s-initial Finnic words with t-initial words of the other Uralic languages, it is proposed that *∧ and *∧ should be assumed rather than *δ and *δ,...
在本文中，作者提出了三个历史音韵学问题，并作出了理性的解释:关于原乌拉尔语/原芬兰语-乌格里克语/原乌格里克语单词词头*p、*t和*k的匈牙利语反射，提出了*p > H f ~ b和*t > H t ~ d的双重反射的两个原因:(a)单词内部(主或次)浊音触发了初始辅音的同化(即发声);(b)随后，由于努力消除谐音，与初始辅音最接近的同系词(即其浊音对应)取代了原来的不浊音顿音。本文还讨论了匈牙利语中*k没有类似的双反射(k ~ g)的原因。关于原乌拉尔语/原芬兰-乌戈尔语/原乌拉尔语*δ和*δ的音系真实性，以及其他乌拉尔语中以s开头的芬兰语单词与以t开头的单词在词源上的潜在对应关系，我们提出应该假设*∧和*∧而不是*δ和*δ。
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Pub Date : 2013-03-01DOI: 10.1556/ALING.60.2013.1.3
Louise Mycock
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Pub Date : 2013-03-01DOI: 10.1556/ALING.60.2013.1.2
N. Lavidas
This paper examines the historical development of null objects (e.g., *He took the loaf and held O between his hands) and cognate objects (e.g., He sang a song) in English. We will demonstrate that English lost definite/referential (and indefinite) null objects (only generic null objects are possible in present-day English, e.g., They have the ability to impress and delight O) but extended the range of cognate objects (which is now also possible with activity/event nouns, e.g., He smiled a disarming smile). Cross-linguistic diachronic comparison (using data from the history of the Greek language) reveals that the historical development described is language-specific and that both directions of change (loss or rise) of null and cognate objects are possible. We will test the hypothesis that there is a connection between the availability of such (de)transitivization processes and changes that affect the syntactic representation of aspectual distinctions. More precisely, we will examine the hypothesis that in...
本文考察了英语中空宾语(例如，*He took the loaf and held O between his hands)和同源宾语(例如，He sang a song)的历史发展。我们将证明英语失去了确定/指称(和不定)空宾语(在现代英语中只有一般空宾语是可能的，例如，They have the ability to impress and delight O)，但扩展了同源宾语的范围(现在活动/事件名词也可能出现这种情况，例如，He smile a disarming smile)。跨语言历时比较(使用希腊语言历史的数据)揭示了所描述的历史发展是特定于语言的，并且null和同源对象的变化方向(丢失或增加)都是可能的。我们将检验这一假设，即这种(去)及物化过程的可用性与影响方面差异的句法表示的变化之间存在联系。更确切地说，我们将检验这个假设，即……
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Pub Date : 2012-12-05DOI: 10.1556/ALING.59.2012.4.4
I. Vaskó
The aim of this paper is to introduce the Hungarian pragmatic marker persze through its versatile function in the language and to collect evidence that it can also occur as a marker of epistemic modality. Persze is particularly salient in oral communication, where it relates its host unit to the previous utterance and has a variable scope ranging from a single lexical item to a whole paragraph. It preserved its core meaning in all of its occurrences, namely pinpointing the self-evidence of the truth of the proposition it stands with and encodes a specific epistemic attitude of the speaker to the proposition expressed by the clause in which persze appears.
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Pub Date : 2012-12-05DOI: 10.1556/ALING.59.2012.4.2
F. Kiefer
The Hungarian particle majd has both a descriptive and an expressive meaning. Semantically it expresses futurity; at the same time it may also carry various pragmatic meanings, of which the most salient is the delaying function. The referential function of majd is foregrounded if it is the only element in the sentence with temporal meaning. It will be shown that there is also a parasitic use of majd in which case it can be omitted without loss of meaning. In some other cases the particle is used to reinforce the illocutionary meaning of the utterance.
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Pub Date : 2012-12-05DOI: 10.1556/ALING.59.2012.4.3
Attila Péteri
This study is devoted to the Hungarian sentence mood particle hadd, which developed into a particle from the imperatival form of the verb hagy ‘let’. It primarily functions in non-addressee-oriented directives, i.e., it marks speech acts meant by the speaker to instigate actions of the speaker him- or herself or of third parties rather than actions of the interlocutor. The interlocutor is meant to play a—mediating, supporting, or tolerating—“secondary” role in this. Based on corpus research, the syntax and pragmatics of the particle hadd will be illustrated. The syntactic position of hadd differs from that of modal particles in being considerably more fixed. Concerning its pragmatic function, uses leading away from the function of a particle indicating sentence mood can be discerned. Similar developments can be illustrated for other European languages. In some languages (e.g., the Slavic languages), the word meaning ‘let’ develops into a particle, in other languages it turns into an auxiliary verb.
匈牙利语中的语气助词hadd是由动词hagy ' let '的祈使句形式演变而来的助词。它主要用于不以称呼人为导向的指示中，也就是说，它标志着说话人的言语行为，意在煽动说话人自己或第三人的行为，而不是对话者的行为。在这个过程中，对话者应该扮演调解、支持或容忍的“次要”角色。在语料库研究的基础上，对助词had的句法和语用进行了阐述。hadd的句法位置与情态助词的不同之处在于它要固定得多。在其语用功能上，可以看出脱离助词指示句子语气功能的用法。其他欧洲语言也有类似的发展。在某些语言中(如斯拉夫语)，意为“让”的单词发展成助动词，在其他语言中则变成助动词。
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Pub Date : 2012-12-05DOI: 10.1556/ALING.59.2012.4.1
Hans-Martin Gärtner, Beáta Gyuris
The purpose of these introductory remarks is to complement the following case studies by Ferenc Kiefer on majd ‘later (on), sooner or later’, Attila Peteri on hadd ‘let’, and Ildiko Vasko on persze ‘of course’. What we will do is sketch a number of what we consider promising theoretical developments that have a bearing on the issues raised in these studies. In a section addressing issues of form (section 2), we discuss “cartographic” approaches to adverb(ial) hierarchies and the clausal “left periphery”, as well as pragmatic markers within clause types. In a section focusing on issues of interpretation (section 3), we deal with pragmatic markers from the perspective of “projective meaning” and “conversational moves”.
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Pub Date : 2012-12-01DOI: 10.1556/ALING.59.2012.4.5
Mátyás Gerőcs
{"title":"Daniel Wedgwood: Shifting the focus: From static structures to the dynamics of interpretation","authors":"Mátyás Gerőcs","doi":"10.1556/ALING.59.2012.4.5","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1556/ALING.59.2012.4.5","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":54157,"journal":{"name":"Acta Linguistica Hungarica","volume":"59 1","pages":"487-495"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2012-12-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.1556/ALING.59.2012.4.5","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"67077619","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2012-09-20DOI: 10.1556/ALING.59.2012.3.3
K. Yoshimoto
This paper discusses syntactic conditions under which complement clauses constitute a phase in Japanese. Since CPs are assumed to be phasal (Chomsky 2000; 2001), it is predicted by the Phase Impenetrability Condition that phrasal extraction out of a CP complement must transit through the edge of the complement, i.e., Spec CP. As Spec CP is an Ā-position and movement through an Ā-position must create a uniform Ā-chain, phrasal extraction out of a phasal complement is expected to create an Ā-chain. However, evidence from Japanese suggests that long distance A-scrambling is permissible out of some complement clauses that are headed by an overt complementizer (Uchibori 2000). It follows therefore that the category CP is not sufficient to characterize clausal phases. In search for an alternative definition of clausal phases, I argue that main clause phenomena such as thematic topics and exhaustive foci are allowed only in phasal complements in Japanese. Assuming that Top and Foc are licensed by Force (Haegeman...
{"title":"The left periphery of CP phases in Japanese","authors":"K. Yoshimoto","doi":"10.1556/ALING.59.2012.3.3","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1556/ALING.59.2012.3.3","url":null,"abstract":"This paper discusses syntactic conditions under which complement clauses constitute a phase in Japanese. Since CPs are assumed to be phasal (Chomsky 2000; 2001), it is predicted by the Phase Impenetrability Condition that phrasal extraction out of a CP complement must transit through the edge of the complement, i.e., Spec CP. As Spec CP is an Ā-position and movement through an Ā-position must create a uniform Ā-chain, phrasal extraction out of a phasal complement is expected to create an Ā-chain. However, evidence from Japanese suggests that long distance A-scrambling is permissible out of some complement clauses that are headed by an overt complementizer (Uchibori 2000). It follows therefore that the category CP is not sufficient to characterize clausal phases. In search for an alternative definition of clausal phases, I argue that main clause phenomena such as thematic topics and exhaustive foci are allowed only in phasal complements in Japanese. Assuming that Top and Foc are licensed by Force (Haegeman...","PeriodicalId":54157,"journal":{"name":"Acta Linguistica Hungarica","volume":"59 1","pages":"339-384"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2012-09-20","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.1556/ALING.59.2012.3.3","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"67077715","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2012-09-20DOI: 10.1556/ALING.59.2012.3.2
Boglárka Németh
The paper presents the bases of an asymmetric two-component model of aspect. The main theoretical conclusion of the study is that (grammatical) viewpoint aspect and situation aspect are not independent aspectual levels, since the former often modifies the input situation aspect of the phrase/sentence. As it is shown, besides the arguments and adjuncts of the predicate, viewpoint aspect is also an important factor in compositionally marking situation aspect. The aspectual framework put forward in the paper is verified and illustrated on the basis of the aspectual system of Hungarian and some examples taken from English linguistic data.
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