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Rethinking the ordinary and the extraordinary: Reading Rancière’s dissensual politics through Kuhn 重新思考平凡与非凡:从库恩的视角解读朗西弗里斯的非感性政治
IF 0.8 Q3 SOCIOLOGY Pub Date : 2023-04-01 DOI: 10.1177/07255136231165038
Raffaela Puggioni
Jacques Rancière’s theorisation of the political has been particularly influential in investigating political struggles and social movements. By distinguishing between the police order – tasked with maintaining the dominant (hierarchical) system – and politics – aiming at breaking that system – Rancière suggests reading the political as a disruptive event. However, he does not specifically engage with the question of how politics affects and changes the police order. This is what this article aims at exploring. Building upon Kuhn’s The Structure of Scientific Revolutions, I suggest approaching the police order in the same way Kuhn approaches ‘normal science’ and reading the political in the same way Kuhn reads revolutionary science. I ultimately suggest that Rancière’s theorisation of the political is limited because he does not (sufficiently) account for the interplay between police/politics nor for the emergence of an after-politics, that is, a new (ordinary) police order that emerges out of (extraordinary) political events.
雅克·朗西孔特的政治理论在研究政治斗争和社会运动方面特别有影响力。通过区分以维持主导(等级)系统为任务的警察秩序和旨在打破该系统的政治,ranci建议将政治视为破坏性事件。然而,他并没有特别涉及政治如何影响和改变警察秩序的问题。这正是本文的目的所在。在库恩的《科学革命的结构》的基础上,我建议用库恩对待“正常科学”的同样方式来对待警察秩序,用库恩对待革命科学的同样方式来解读政治。我最终认为,ranci的政治理论化是有限的,因为他没有(充分地)解释警察/政治之间的相互作用,也没有(充分地)解释后政治的出现,即从(非同寻常的)政治事件中出现的新的(普通的)警察秩序。
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引用次数: 1
‘I have to like it’: Working-class awareness among workers at a Bata shoe factory “我必须喜欢它”:巴塔鞋厂工人的工人阶级意识
IF 0.8 Q3 SOCIOLOGY Pub Date : 2023-04-01 DOI: 10.1177/07255136231165803
Kateřina Nedbálková
The working class has been interpreted within various disciplines and conceptual frameworks, some pointing to the gap between the depiction of the working class as a potentially active social force in the neoliberal deregulated global market and its portrayal as a suffering class of the marginal and excluded. In this text, I move behind this dichotomy to explore the everyday experiences of working-class men and women. Based on ethnographic research at the Bata shoe factory in the Czech Republic, I examine the meanings factory workers attach to their working classness. I investigate their sense of place in society in general. I argue that class matters in the workers’ perceptions of the self. On the one hand, the workers adopt the awareness of subalternity in relation to the educational and further the labor field that ranks them among the lowest positions. On the other hand, they take individual pride in their endurance of the hard work that shoemaking is believed to be. The committed work and emphasis on collectivity turn the microorganism of the factory into a place of mutual discipline, where the praised collectivity functions also as a tool for enhancing work effectivity, also in the interest of the management. By pointing to the concrete dimensions in which they balance the feelings of pride and shame, belonging, and symbolic displacement, I contribute to the sociological understanding of contemporary working classness.
工人阶级在不同的学科和概念框架内得到了解释,一些人指出,将工人阶级描述为新自由主义解除管制的全球市场中潜在的活跃社会力量,与将其描述为边缘和被排斥的痛苦阶层之间存在差距。在这篇文章中,我站在这种二分法的后面,探索工人阶级男性和女性的日常经历。基于对捷克巴塔鞋厂的民族志研究,我考察了工厂工人对其工作阶级的意义。我调查了他们在整个社会中的地位感。我认为阶级在工人对自我的认知中很重要。一方面,工人们在教育和劳动领域中采取了从属意识,这使他们处于最低的地位。另一方面,他们为自己能忍受制鞋所需的艰苦工作而感到自豪。他们的敬业精神和对集体的重视将工厂的微生物变成了一个相互约束的地方,在这里,受到赞扬的集体也起到了提高工作效率的工具的作用,这也符合管理层的利益。通过指出他们平衡自豪感和羞耻感、归属感和象征性位移的具体维度,我有助于对当代工人阶级的社会学理解。
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引用次数: 0
Modernity and collective subjectivity in Marcel Gauchet 现代性与高切特的集体主体性
IF 0.8 Q3 SOCIOLOGY Pub Date : 2023-04-01 DOI: 10.1177/07255136231168650
Mark T. Hewson
This article examines Marcel Gauchet’s claim that the political history of religion is the key to a new understanding of contemporary liberal democratic societies in the shape that they have come to assume since the 1970s. The Disenchantment of the World presents a history of religion starting out from the thesis that, from the perspective of universal history, the primary function of religion can be identified with the production of the unity and identity of societies. Present-day liberal democracies, it is argued, perform the same function through an alternative disposition of the constitutive elements of collective life. Where religions institute the identity of the society by accepting dependence upon a supernatural origin, contemporary society is organized as a ‘subjective form of social functioning’, in the sense that it is able to create and transform itself. Gauchet argues that the central structural features of contemporary society – the administrative state, the separation of civil society and the freedom of individuals, and the global orientation to the future – allow the practical accomplishment of the ideal of autonomy announced by the tradition of modern and revolutionary political thought. The explication of this logic establishes the preconditions for the criticism of these societies, by showing the historical decision and the internal articulations that give them their cohesion.
本文考察了Marcel Gauchet的主张,即宗教的政治史是对当代自由民主社会进行新理解的关键,这些社会自20世纪70年代以来就形成了这种形式。《世界的迷魂》呈现了一部宗教史,其出发点是,从普世史的角度来看,宗教的主要功能可以确定为社会统一和身份的产生。有人认为,当今的自由民主国家通过对集体生活构成要素的替代性处理来履行同样的职能。宗教通过接受对超自然起源的依赖来确立社会的身份,当代社会被组织为“社会功能的主观形式”,从某种意义上说,它能够创造和改造自己。高切特认为,当代社会的核心结构特征——行政国家、公民社会与个人自由的分离以及面向未来的全球——使现代革命政治思想传统所宣布的自治理想得以实际实现。对这一逻辑的解释通过展示历史决定和赋予这些社会凝聚力的内部表述,为批评这些社会奠定了先决条件。
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引用次数: 0
The Other Social Science: Three centuries of common heterodoxy 其他社会科学:三个世纪以来常见的异端
IF 0.8 Q3 SOCIOLOGY Pub Date : 2023-03-23 DOI: 10.1177/07255136231156130
Peter Lenčo
This paper starts with the observation that at least for the last century there has been an orthodoxy in the social sciences characterized by sui generis structures of various kinds but also (paradoxically) by the unique role of individuals in their ability to intervene in the flow of events. This paper argues that there is a commonality to a number of challenges to orthodoxy that dates back to the beginnings of the social sciences themselves with Vico. Although many connections have been made between elements of these critiques (Latour’s connection to Whitehead, Deleuze’s connection to Tarde), this paper proposes to make such connections more explicit by focusing on a central commitment to or tendency towards a monism characterized by a univocal ontology. The implication is that these various alternatives perhaps have more in common than normally thought and can continue to learn from each other. Most importantly, they present a coherent and viable alternative to social science orthodoxy.
本文首先观察到,至少在上个世纪,社会科学中存在一种正统观念,其特征是各种各样的自成体系结构,但(矛盾的是)个人在干预事件流动方面的独特作用。本文认为,对正统的一些挑战有一个共同点,可以追溯到社会科学本身与维柯的开端。尽管在这些批判的元素之间建立了许多联系(拉图尔与怀特黑德的联系,德勒兹与塔尔德的联系),但本文建议通过关注以单一本体论为特征的一元论的中心承诺或倾向,使这些联系更加明确。这意味着这些不同的选择可能比通常认为的有更多的共同点,并且可以继续相互学习。最重要的是,它们为社会科学的正统学说提供了一种连贯而可行的替代方案。
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引用次数: 1
(De)facing the face of lecturing with Deleuze and Guattari 面对德勒兹和瓜塔里的说教
IF 0.8 Q3 SOCIOLOGY Pub Date : 2023-02-01 DOI: 10.1177/07255136221121702
T. Lewis
This paper articulates the separate accounts of facial education and lecturing found in A Thousand Plateaus in order to theorize a new concept of lecturing for a post-digital university. Many accounts of Deleuze and Guattari in educational theory turn away from lecturing as hierarchical and striated, yet this approach denies Deleuze and Guattari’s deterritorialization of the practice through their description of a lecture by the character Professor Challenger. When read alongside their plateau on facialization, Challenger’s unusual performance can be interpreted as an interruption of the abstract machine of facialization that animates traditional accounts of lecturing. The article concludes with implications for a de-faced form of lecturing for a post-digital university.
本文通过对《千高原》中面部教育与教学的分离论述,为后数字化大学的教学新理念提供理论依据。在教育理论中,德勒兹和瓜塔里的许多描述都将讲课视为分层和分层的,然而这种方法否认了德勒兹和瓜塔里对实践的去地域化,这是通过他们对查林哲教授角色的演讲的描述来实现的。当我们把挑战者的不寻常表现和他们在面面化上的平稳状态放在一起读时,我们可以将其理解为对面面化这一抽象机器的中断,而正是面面化这一机器赋予了传统讲课方式以活力。文章的结论是对后数字化大学的一种“面面相授”的授课形式的启示。
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引用次数: 0
Johann Arnason’s unanswered question: To what end does one combine historical-comparative sociology with social and political philosophy? 约翰·阿纳森未回答的问题:将历史-比较社会学与社会和政治哲学结合起来的目的是什么?
IF 0.8 Q3 SOCIOLOGY Pub Date : 2023-02-01 DOI: 10.1177/07255136231154280
P. Wagner
Johann Arnason’s work combines the most erudite historical-comparative sociology, discussing highly knowledgeably enormous stretches of world-history, with the most subtle social and political philosophy, drawing creatively on the traditions of hermeneutics and phenomenology. Invariably, his works introduce more nuance and sophistication into the analysis of even very well studied socio-historical phenomena. At the same time, he addresses such major phenomena in terms of modernity, democracy and capitalism, agreeing that there often – maybe always – is a combination of empirical, conceptual and normative issues at work when analysing human history. Nevertheless, readers of his work may at the same time be impressed by the nuance and sophistication and at a loss with regard to what such further refinement of our socio-historical knowledge entails in terms of understanding our own time in its historical context. Searching through Johann Arnason’s work, this article identifies unexplored questions in the conceptual and historical relation between civilization, modernity, and equality and tries to understand why they have been left open.
Johann Arnason的作品结合了最博学的历史-比较社会学,以高深的知识讨论世界历史的巨大延伸,与最微妙的社会和政治哲学,创造性地借鉴了解释学和现象学的传统。他的作品总是在分析研究得非常透彻的社会历史现象时引入更多的细微差别和复杂性。与此同时,他从现代性、民主和资本主义的角度论述了这些重大现象,并同意,在分析人类历史时,往往——也许总是——是经验、概念和规范问题的结合在起作用。然而,他的作品的读者可能同时被其细微差别和复杂性所打动,并对我们社会历史知识的进一步完善在历史背景下理解我们自己的时代所需要的东西感到茫然。通过对约翰·阿纳森作品的搜索,本文确定了文明、现代性和平等之间的概念和历史关系中未被探索的问题,并试图理解为什么这些问题一直没有得到解决。
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引用次数: 1
The limits of satire, or the reification of cultural politics 讽刺的局限,还是文化政治的物化
IF 0.8 Q3 SOCIOLOGY Pub Date : 2023-02-01 DOI: 10.1177/07255136231154266
Nicholas Holm
In the first decades of the 21st century, humour has been increasingly embraced as a legitimate means by which to cover, analyse and intervene in political issues. Most frequently, this political application of humour has been interpreted through the lens of ‘satire’: a term that evokes an idea of humour as a politically meaningful cultural act. Such an account of humour connects satire with the long-standing theoretical tradition of ‘cultural politics’ that explores the ability and mechanism of cultural forms to inform, inspire or enact political change. However, while satire may appear as the manifestation or culmination of a cultural political agenda, I argue that the concept ultimately works towards the closure of cultural political possibility. Drawing on the work of Georg Lukács and Fredric Jameson, I argue that satire is better understood as a form of reification that prematurely resolves how, when and why cultural forms can do politics.
在21世纪的头几十年里,幽默越来越被人们接受为一种合法的手段,用来掩盖、分析和干预政治问题。最常见的是,这种幽默的政治应用是通过“讽刺”的镜头来解释的:这个术语唤起了幽默作为一种具有政治意义的文化行为的想法。这种对幽默的描述将讽刺与“文化政治”的长期理论传统联系起来,“文化政治”探索文化形式的能力和机制,以告知、激励或实施政治变革。然而,虽然讽刺可能作为一种文化政治议程的表现或高潮出现,但我认为,这一概念最终是为了关闭文化政治可能性。借鉴乔治Lukács和弗雷德里克·詹姆森的作品,我认为讽刺最好被理解为一种物化形式,它过早地解决了文化形式如何、何时以及为什么可以参与政治。
{"title":"The limits of satire, or the reification of cultural politics","authors":"Nicholas Holm","doi":"10.1177/07255136231154266","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1177/07255136231154266","url":null,"abstract":"In the first decades of the 21st century, humour has been increasingly embraced as a legitimate means by which to cover, analyse and intervene in political issues. Most frequently, this political application of humour has been interpreted through the lens of ‘satire’: a term that evokes an idea of humour as a politically meaningful cultural act. Such an account of humour connects satire with the long-standing theoretical tradition of ‘cultural politics’ that explores the ability and mechanism of cultural forms to inform, inspire or enact political change. However, while satire may appear as the manifestation or culmination of a cultural political agenda, I argue that the concept ultimately works towards the closure of cultural political possibility. Drawing on the work of Georg Lukács and Fredric Jameson, I argue that satire is better understood as a form of reification that prematurely resolves how, when and why cultural forms can do politics.","PeriodicalId":54188,"journal":{"name":"Thesis Eleven","volume":"174 1","pages":"81 - 97"},"PeriodicalIF":0.8,"publicationDate":"2023-02-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"43398829","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
引用次数: 1
Book review: The Human: Bare Life and Ways of Life 书评:《人类:赤裸的生活与生活方式》
IF 0.8 Q3 SOCIOLOGY Pub Date : 2023-01-31 DOI: 10.1177/07255136221103921
Claire Colebrook
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引用次数: 0
Book review: The End of the Village: Planning the Urbanization of Rural China 书评:《村的终结:中国农村城市化规划》
IF 0.8 Q3 SOCIOLOGY Pub Date : 2023-01-29 DOI: 10.1177/07255136231152678
Brooke Wilmsen
of political humanity. In everyday life, one might think of the vast number of bodily surveillance technologies that tie the supposed ‘we’ of political subjectivity to the monitoring of ‘bare life’: smart watches with health, efficiency and fitness apps; the commodification of time and life in the labor market; DNA and personality services; ‘life coaching’ to make us more efficient. Lechte’s book is a thoughtful genealogy that allows contemporary readers of Stiegler and Agamben to think about debts to Arendt, Bataille, Heidegger and phenomenology in general. It is also, more importantly, a new way of thinking critically about the conception of freedom that runs from Kant, through Marx and Hegel, to the present: only with the modern positing of mere subsistence can the norm of self-forming humanity be marked off from lives of the stateless, the pre-political and the not-yet human. Finally, by arguing that what is posited as bare life actually harbors the relationality and sense of ways and forms of life, Lechte contributes to future thinking about human life beyond the state form.
政治人性。在日常生活中,人们可能会想到大量的身体监控技术,它们将政治主体性的所谓“我们”与对“裸生活”的监控联系在一起:带有健康、效率和健身应用程序的智能手表;劳动力市场中时间和生命的商品化;DNA和个性服务;“生活指导”让我们更有效率。莱赫特的书是一本深思熟虑的宗谱,它让斯蒂格勒和阿甘本的当代读者思考对阿伦特、巴塔耶、海德格尔和现象学的亏欠。更重要的是,它也是一种批判性地思考自由概念的新方式,从康德,到马克思和黑格尔,一直到现在:只有在现代的纯粹生存前提下,自我形成的人类规范才能与无国籍、前政治和非人类的生活区分开来。最后,通过论证被假定为纯粹生命的东西实际上蕴藏着生命方式和形式的关系和意义,Lechte为未来超越状态形式的人类生命思考做出了贡献。
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引用次数: 0
Sociology as political philosophy: Alain Caillé’s anti-utilitarian sociology 作为政治哲学的社会学:阿兰·凯莱的反功利主义社会学
IF 0.8 Q3 SOCIOLOGY Pub Date : 2023-01-24 DOI: 10.1177/07255136221148559
F. Vandenberghe
The article presents an overview of the intellectual trajectory of Alain Caillé, the founder and animator of the anti-utilitarian movement in the social sciences (MAUSS) in France. Going back to early influences of Claude Lefort, Karl Polanyi and Pierre Clastres, it shows the centrality of the symbolic constitution of the economy in the development of an intellectual front against rational choice. It also considers how Marcel Mauss’s famous Essay on the Gift has been developed into a ‘gift paradigm’ that aims to unify the various social sciences into a comprehensive alternative to the interest paradigm.
本文概述了法国社会科学反功利运动(MAUSS)的创始人和动画师阿兰·凯莱的思想轨迹。追溯克劳德·勒福特、卡尔·波兰尼和皮埃尔·克拉斯特雷斯的早期影响,它表明了象征性的经济构成在反对理性选择的知识战线发展中的中心地位。它还考虑了马塞尔·毛斯著名的《礼物随笔》是如何发展成为“礼物范式”的,旨在将各种社会科学统一为兴趣范式的全面替代品。
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引用次数: 0
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