Pub Date : 2022-09-07DOI: 10.1215/03616878-10171118
D. Béland
{"title":"The Unequal Pandemic: COVID-19 and Health Inequalities","authors":"D. Béland","doi":"10.1215/03616878-10171118","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1215/03616878-10171118","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":54812,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Health Politics Policy and Law","volume":"15 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":4.2,"publicationDate":"2022-09-07","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"81710684","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"医学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-08-01DOI: 10.1215/03616878-9716740
Erika Crable, David K Jones, Alexander Y Walley, Jacqueline Milton Hicks, Allyn Benintendi, Mari-Lynn Drainoni
Context: In 2015, the Centers for Medicare and Medicaid Services (CMS) urged state Medicaid programs to use 1115 waiver demonstrations to expand substance use treatment benefits. We analyzed four critical points in states' decision-making processes before expanding benefits.
Methods: We conducted qualitative cross-case comparison of three states that were early adopters of the 1115 waiver request. We conducted 44 interviews with key informants from CMS, Medicaid, and other state agencies, providers, and managed care organizations.
Findings: Policy makers expanded substance use treatment in response to "fragmented" care systems and unsustainable funding streams. Medicaid staff had mixed preferences for implementing new benefits via 1115 waivers or state plan amendments. The 1115 waiver process enabled states to provide coverage for residential benefits, but state plan amendments made other services permanent parts of the benefit. Medicaid agencies relied on interorganizational networks to identify evidence-based practices. Medicaid staff secured legislative support for reform by focusing on program integrity concerns and downstream effects of substance use rather than Medicaid beneficiaries' needs.
Conclusions: Decision-making processes were influenced by Medicaid agency characteristics and interorganizational partnerships, not federal executive branch influence. Lessons from early-adopter states provide a road map for other state Medicaid agencies considering similar reform.
{"title":"How Do Medicaid Agencies Improve Substance Use Treatment Benefits? Lessons from Three States' 1115 Waiver Experiences.","authors":"Erika Crable, David K Jones, Alexander Y Walley, Jacqueline Milton Hicks, Allyn Benintendi, Mari-Lynn Drainoni","doi":"10.1215/03616878-9716740","DOIUrl":"10.1215/03616878-9716740","url":null,"abstract":"<p><strong>Context: </strong>In 2015, the Centers for Medicare and Medicaid Services (CMS) urged state Medicaid programs to use 1115 waiver demonstrations to expand substance use treatment benefits. We analyzed four critical points in states' decision-making processes before expanding benefits.</p><p><strong>Methods: </strong>We conducted qualitative cross-case comparison of three states that were early adopters of the 1115 waiver request. We conducted 44 interviews with key informants from CMS, Medicaid, and other state agencies, providers, and managed care organizations.</p><p><strong>Findings: </strong>Policy makers expanded substance use treatment in response to \"fragmented\" care systems and unsustainable funding streams. Medicaid staff had mixed preferences for implementing new benefits via 1115 waivers or state plan amendments. The 1115 waiver process enabled states to provide coverage for residential benefits, but state plan amendments made other services permanent parts of the benefit. Medicaid agencies relied on interorganizational networks to identify evidence-based practices. Medicaid staff secured legislative support for reform by focusing on program integrity concerns and downstream effects of substance use rather than Medicaid beneficiaries' needs.</p><p><strong>Conclusions: </strong>Decision-making processes were influenced by Medicaid agency characteristics and interorganizational partnerships, not federal executive branch influence. Lessons from early-adopter states provide a road map for other state Medicaid agencies considering similar reform.</p>","PeriodicalId":54812,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Health Politics Policy and Law","volume":"47 4","pages":"497-518"},"PeriodicalIF":4.2,"publicationDate":"2022-08-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://www.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov/pmc/articles/PMC10688542/pdf/","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"9311534","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"医学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"OA","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-06-01DOI: 10.1215/03616878-9626908
Aofei Lv, Ting Luo, Jane Duckett
Researchers have begun to examine whether centralized or decentralized (or federal) political systems have better responded to the COVID-19 pandemic. In this article, we probe beneath the surface of China's political system to examine the balance between centralized and decentralized authority in China's handling of the pandemic. We focus not on the much-studied later response phase but on the detection and early response phases. We show that after the SARS epidemic of 2003, China sought to improve its systems by both centralizing early infectious disease reporting and decentralizing authority to respond to local health emergencies. But these adjustments in the central-local balance of authority after SARS did not change "normal times" authority relations and incentive structures in the political system-indeed they strengthened local authority. As a result, local leaders had both the enhanced authority and the incentives to prioritize tasks that determine their political advancement at the cost of containing the spread of COVID-19. China's efforts to balance central and local authority show just how difficult it is to get that balance right, especially in the early phases of a pandemic.
{"title":"Centralization vs. Decentralization in COVID-19 Responses: Lessons from China.","authors":"Aofei Lv, Ting Luo, Jane Duckett","doi":"10.1215/03616878-9626908","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1215/03616878-9626908","url":null,"abstract":"<p><p>Researchers have begun to examine whether centralized or decentralized (or federal) political systems have better responded to the COVID-19 pandemic. In this article, we probe beneath the surface of China's political system to examine the balance between centralized and decentralized authority in China's handling of the pandemic. We focus not on the much-studied later response phase but on the detection and early response phases. We show that after the SARS epidemic of 2003, China sought to improve its systems by both centralizing early infectious disease reporting and decentralizing authority to respond to local health emergencies. But these adjustments in the central-local balance of authority after SARS did not change \"normal times\" authority relations and incentive structures in the political system-indeed they strengthened local authority. As a result, local leaders had both the enhanced authority and the incentives to prioritize tasks that determine their political advancement at the cost of containing the spread of COVID-19. China's efforts to balance central and local authority show just how difficult it is to get that balance right, especially in the early phases of a pandemic.</p>","PeriodicalId":54812,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Health Politics Policy and Law","volume":"47 3","pages":"411-427"},"PeriodicalIF":4.2,"publicationDate":"2022-06-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"39768040","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"医学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-06-01DOI: 10.1215/03616878-9626880
Elise Trott Jaramillo, Emily A Haozous, Cathleen E Willging
Context: American Indian elders have a lower life expectancy than other aging populations in the United States because of inequities in health and in access to health care. To reduce such disparities, the 2010 Affordable Care Act included provisions to increase insurance enrollment among American Indians. Although the Indian Health Service remains underfunded, increases in insured rates have had significant impacts among American Indians and their health care providers.
Methods: From June 2016 to March 2017, we conducted qualitative interviews with 96 American Indian elders (age 55+) and 47 professionals (including health care providers, outreach workers, public-sector administrators, and tribal leaders) in two southwestern states. Interviews focused on elders' experiences with health care and health insurance. We analyzed transcripts iteratively using open and focused coding techniques.
Findings: Although tribal health programs have benefitted from insurance payments, the complexities of selecting, qualifying for, and maintaining health insurance are often profoundly alienating and destabilizing for American Indian elders and communities.
Conclusions: Findings underscore the inadequacy of health-system reforms based on the expansion of private and individual insurance plans in ameliorating health disparities among American Indian elders. Policy makers must not neglect their responsibility to directly fund health care for American Indians.
背景:美国印第安老年人的预期寿命低于美国其他老龄人口,因为在健康和获得医疗保健方面存在不平等。为了缩小这种差距,2010年的《平价医疗法案》(Affordable Care Act)包括了增加美国印第安人参保人数的条款。虽然印第安人保健服务仍然资金不足,但保险费率的增加对美洲印第安人及其保健提供者产生了重大影响。方法:2016年6月至2017年3月,我们对西南两个州的96名美国印第安老年人(55岁以上)和47名专业人员(包括卫生保健提供者、外展工作者、公共部门管理人员和部落领导人)进行了定性访谈。访谈的重点是老年人在医疗保健和医疗保险方面的经历。我们使用开放和集中的编码技术迭代地分析转录本。研究发现:虽然部落健康项目从保险支付中受益,但选择、获得资格和维持健康保险的复杂性往往使美国印第安老年人和社区深感疏远和不稳定。结论:研究结果强调了以扩大私人和个人保险计划为基础的卫生系统改革在改善美洲印第安老年人健康差距方面的不足。决策者绝不能忽视他们直接资助美洲印第安人医疗保健的责任。
{"title":"Experiences of Health Insurance among American Indian Elders and Their Health Care Providers.","authors":"Elise Trott Jaramillo, Emily A Haozous, Cathleen E Willging","doi":"10.1215/03616878-9626880","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1215/03616878-9626880","url":null,"abstract":"<p><strong>Context: </strong>American Indian elders have a lower life expectancy than other aging populations in the United States because of inequities in health and in access to health care. To reduce such disparities, the 2010 Affordable Care Act included provisions to increase insurance enrollment among American Indians. Although the Indian Health Service remains underfunded, increases in insured rates have had significant impacts among American Indians and their health care providers.</p><p><strong>Methods: </strong>From June 2016 to March 2017, we conducted qualitative interviews with 96 American Indian elders (age 55+) and 47 professionals (including health care providers, outreach workers, public-sector administrators, and tribal leaders) in two southwestern states. Interviews focused on elders' experiences with health care and health insurance. We analyzed transcripts iteratively using open and focused coding techniques.</p><p><strong>Findings: </strong>Although tribal health programs have benefitted from insurance payments, the complexities of selecting, qualifying for, and maintaining health insurance are often profoundly alienating and destabilizing for American Indian elders and communities.</p><p><strong>Conclusions: </strong>Findings underscore the inadequacy of health-system reforms based on the expansion of private and individual insurance plans in ameliorating health disparities among American Indian elders. Policy makers must not neglect their responsibility to directly fund health care for American Indians.</p>","PeriodicalId":54812,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Health Politics Policy and Law","volume":"47 3","pages":"351-374"},"PeriodicalIF":4.2,"publicationDate":"2022-06-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://www.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov/pmc/articles/PMC9133029/pdf/nihms-1786886.pdf","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"39678590","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"医学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"OA","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-06-01DOI: 10.1215/03616878-9626852
Laura Dague, Marguerite Burns, Donna Friedsam
Context: States have experimented with the income eligibility threshold between Medicaid coverage and access to subsidized Marketplace plans in an effort to increase coverage for low-income adults while meeting other state priorities, particularly a balanced budget. In 2014, Wisconsin opted against adopting an ACA Medicaid expansion, instead setting the Medicaid eligibility threshold at 100% of the poverty level-a state-funded partial expansion. Childless adults gained new eligibility, while parents and caregivers with incomes between 101-200% of poverty lost existing eligibility.
Methods: We used Wisconsin's all-payer claims database to assess health insurance gains, losses, and transitions among low-income adults affected by this partial expansion.
Findings: We found that less than one third of adults who lost Medicaid eligibility definitely took up commercial coverage, and many returned to Medicaid. Among those newly eligible for Medicaid, there was little evidence of crowd-out. Both groups experienced limited continuity of coverage. Overall, new Medicaid enrollment of childless adults was offset by coverage losses among parents and caregivers, rendering Wisconsin's overall coverage gains similar to nonexpansion states.
Conclusions: Wisconsin's experience demonstrates the difficulty in relying on the Marketplace to cover the near poor and suggests that full Medicaid expansion more effectively increases coverage.
{"title":"The Line between Medicaid and Marketplace: Coverage Effects from Wisconsin's Partial Expansion.","authors":"Laura Dague, Marguerite Burns, Donna Friedsam","doi":"10.1215/03616878-9626852","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1215/03616878-9626852","url":null,"abstract":"<p><strong>Context: </strong>States have experimented with the income eligibility threshold between Medicaid coverage and access to subsidized Marketplace plans in an effort to increase coverage for low-income adults while meeting other state priorities, particularly a balanced budget. In 2014, Wisconsin opted against adopting an ACA Medicaid expansion, instead setting the Medicaid eligibility threshold at 100% of the poverty level-a state-funded partial expansion. Childless adults gained new eligibility, while parents and caregivers with incomes between 101-200% of poverty lost existing eligibility.</p><p><strong>Methods: </strong>We used Wisconsin's all-payer claims database to assess health insurance gains, losses, and transitions among low-income adults affected by this partial expansion.</p><p><strong>Findings: </strong>We found that less than one third of adults who lost Medicaid eligibility definitely took up commercial coverage, and many returned to Medicaid. Among those newly eligible for Medicaid, there was little evidence of crowd-out. Both groups experienced limited continuity of coverage. Overall, new Medicaid enrollment of childless adults was offset by coverage losses among parents and caregivers, rendering Wisconsin's overall coverage gains similar to nonexpansion states.</p><p><strong>Conclusions: </strong>Wisconsin's experience demonstrates the difficulty in relying on the Marketplace to cover the near poor and suggests that full Medicaid expansion more effectively increases coverage.</p>","PeriodicalId":54812,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Health Politics Policy and Law","volume":"47 3","pages":"293-318"},"PeriodicalIF":4.2,"publicationDate":"2022-06-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"39768042","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"医学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-06-01DOI: 10.1215/03616878-9626866
Abigail Burman, Simon F Haeder
Context: The accuracy of provider directories and whether consumers can schedule timely appointments are crucial determinants of health access and outcomes.
Methods: We evaluated accuracy and timely access data obtained from the California Department of Managed Health Care, consisting of responses to large, random, representative surveys of primary care providers, cardiologists, endocrinologists, and gastroenterologists for 2018 and 2019 for all managed care plans in California.
Findings: Surveys were able to verify provider directory entries for the four specialties for 59% to 76% of listings or 78% to 88% of providers reached. We found that consumers were able to schedule urgent care appointments for 28% to 54% of listings or 44% to 72% of accurately listed providers. For general care appointments, the percentages ranged from 35% to 64% of listed providers or 51% to 87% of accurately listed providers. Differences across markets related to accuracy were generally small. Medi-Cal plans outperformed other markets with regard to timely access. Primary care consistently outperformed all other specialties. Timely access rates were higher for general appointments than for urgent care appointments.
Conclusions: Our finding raise questions about the regulatory regime as well as consumer access and health outcomes.
{"title":"Potemkin Protections: Assessing Provider Directory Accuracy and Timely Access for Four Specialties in California.","authors":"Abigail Burman, Simon F Haeder","doi":"10.1215/03616878-9626866","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1215/03616878-9626866","url":null,"abstract":"<p><strong>Context: </strong>The accuracy of provider directories and whether consumers can schedule timely appointments are crucial determinants of health access and outcomes.</p><p><strong>Methods: </strong>We evaluated accuracy and timely access data obtained from the California Department of Managed Health Care, consisting of responses to large, random, representative surveys of primary care providers, cardiologists, endocrinologists, and gastroenterologists for 2018 and 2019 for all managed care plans in California.</p><p><strong>Findings: </strong>Surveys were able to verify provider directory entries for the four specialties for 59% to 76% of listings or 78% to 88% of providers reached. We found that consumers were able to schedule urgent care appointments for 28% to 54% of listings or 44% to 72% of accurately listed providers. For general care appointments, the percentages ranged from 35% to 64% of listed providers or 51% to 87% of accurately listed providers. Differences across markets related to accuracy were generally small. Medi-Cal plans outperformed other markets with regard to timely access. Primary care consistently outperformed all other specialties. Timely access rates were higher for general appointments than for urgent care appointments.</p><p><strong>Conclusions: </strong>Our finding raise questions about the regulatory regime as well as consumer access and health outcomes.</p>","PeriodicalId":54812,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Health Politics Policy and Law","volume":"47 3","pages":"319-349"},"PeriodicalIF":4.2,"publicationDate":"2022-06-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"39678595","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"医学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-06-01DOI: 10.1215/03616878-9626894
Jane Duckett, Neil Munro
Context: Over the last two decades a growing body of research has shown that authoritarian regimes are trying to increase their legitimacy by providing public goods. But there has so far been very little research on whether or not these regimes are successful.
Methods: This article analyzes data from a 2012-2013 nationally representative survey in China to examine whether health care provision bolsters the Communist regime's legitimacy. Using multivariate ordinal logistic regression, we test whether having public health insurance and being satisfied with the health care system are associated with separate measures of the People's Republic of China's regime legitimacy: support for "our form of government" (which we call "system support") and political trust.
Findings: Having public health insurance is positively associated with trust in the Chinese central government. Health care system satisfaction is positively associated with system support and trust in local government.
Conclusions: Health care provision may bolster the legitimacy of authoritarian regimes, with the clearest evidence showing that concrete benefits may translate into trust in the central government. Further research is needed to understand the relationship between trends in health care provision and legitimacy over time and in other types of authoritarian regime.
{"title":"Authoritarian Regime Legitimacy and Health Care Provision: Survey Evidence from Contemporary China.","authors":"Jane Duckett, Neil Munro","doi":"10.1215/03616878-9626894","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1215/03616878-9626894","url":null,"abstract":"<p><strong>Context: </strong>Over the last two decades a growing body of research has shown that authoritarian regimes are trying to increase their legitimacy by providing public goods. But there has so far been very little research on whether or not these regimes are successful.</p><p><strong>Methods: </strong>This article analyzes data from a 2012-2013 nationally representative survey in China to examine whether health care provision bolsters the Communist regime's legitimacy. Using multivariate ordinal logistic regression, we test whether having public health insurance and being satisfied with the health care system are associated with separate measures of the People's Republic of China's regime legitimacy: support for \"our form of government\" (which we call \"system support\") and political trust.</p><p><strong>Findings: </strong>Having public health insurance is positively associated with trust in the Chinese central government. Health care system satisfaction is positively associated with system support and trust in local government.</p><p><strong>Conclusions: </strong>Health care provision may bolster the legitimacy of authoritarian regimes, with the clearest evidence showing that concrete benefits may translate into trust in the central government. Further research is needed to understand the relationship between trends in health care provision and legitimacy over time and in other types of authoritarian regime.</p>","PeriodicalId":54812,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Health Politics Policy and Law","volume":"47 3","pages":"375-409"},"PeriodicalIF":4.2,"publicationDate":"2022-06-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"39768041","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"医学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-05-06DOI: 10.1215/03616878-9978117
G. Gonzales, Nathaniel M. Tran, Marcus A Bennett
CONTEXT This study examined the association between state-level policy protections (e.g., inclusive of hate crimes, employment, housing, education, and/or public accommodations) and self-rated health disparities between transgender and cisgender adults. METHODS We used data on transgender (n=4,982) and cisgender (n=1,168,859) adults from the 2014-2019 Behavioral Risk Factor Surveillance System. We estimated state-specific health disparities between transgender and cisgender adults. Multivariable logistic regression models were used to compare adjusted odds ratios (aOR) between transgender and cisgender adults by state-level policy environments. FINDINGS Overall, transgender adults were significantly (p<0.05) more likely to report poor/fair health (aOR=1.26; 95% CI=1.18-1.36), frequent mental distress (aOR=1.79; 95% CI=1.67-1.93), and frequent poor physical health days (aOR=1.26; 1.16-1.36) than cisgender adults. Disparities between transgender and cisgender adults were found in states with strengthened protections and in states with limited protections. Compared to transgender adults in states with limited protections, transgender adults in states with strengthened protections were marginally (p<0.10) less likely to report frequent mental distress (aOR=0.33; 95% CI=0.11-1.05). CONCLUSIONS Transgender adults in most states reported worse self-rated health than their cisgender peers. Much more research and robust data collection on gender identity are critically needed to study the associations between state policies and transgender health and to identify best practices for achieving health equity for transgender Americans.
本研究考察了州一级的政策保护(例如,包括仇恨犯罪、就业、住房、教育和/或公共设施)与跨性别和易性成年人之间自评的健康差异之间的关系。方法使用2014-2019年行为风险因素监测系统中跨性别(n=4,982)和顺性别(n=1,168,859)成年人的数据。我们估计了跨性别和顺性别成年人在各州的健康差异。采用多变量logistic回归模型比较跨性别和顺性成年人在国家政策环境下的调整优势比(aOR)。总体而言,跨性别成人报告健康状况不佳/一般的可能性显著(p<0.05)更高(aOR=1.26;95% CI=1.18-1.36),频繁精神困扰(aOR=1.79;95% CI=1.67-1.93),经常出现身体健康状况不佳的日子(aOR=1.26;1.16-1.36)高于顺性别成人。在保护措施加强的州和保护措施有限的州,变性人和顺性人之间存在差异。与保护有限的州的跨性别成年人相比,保护加强的州的跨性别成年人报告频繁精神困扰的可能性略低(p<0.10) (aOR=0.33;95% CI = 0.11 - -1.05)。结论大多数州的跨性别成年人自评健康状况较顺性别同龄人差。迫切需要对性别认同进行更多的研究和收集强有力的数据,以研究州政策与跨性别者健康之间的关系,并确定实现跨性别美国人健康平等的最佳做法。
{"title":"State Policies and Health Disparities between Transgender and Cisgender Adults: Considerations and Challenges Using Population-Based Survey Data.","authors":"G. Gonzales, Nathaniel M. Tran, Marcus A Bennett","doi":"10.1215/03616878-9978117","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1215/03616878-9978117","url":null,"abstract":"CONTEXT\u0000This study examined the association between state-level policy protections (e.g., inclusive of hate crimes, employment, housing, education, and/or public accommodations) and self-rated health disparities between transgender and cisgender adults.\u0000\u0000\u0000METHODS\u0000We used data on transgender (n=4,982) and cisgender (n=1,168,859) adults from the 2014-2019 Behavioral Risk Factor Surveillance System. We estimated state-specific health disparities between transgender and cisgender adults. Multivariable logistic regression models were used to compare adjusted odds ratios (aOR) between transgender and cisgender adults by state-level policy environments.\u0000\u0000\u0000FINDINGS\u0000Overall, transgender adults were significantly (p<0.05) more likely to report poor/fair health (aOR=1.26; 95% CI=1.18-1.36), frequent mental distress (aOR=1.79; 95% CI=1.67-1.93), and frequent poor physical health days (aOR=1.26; 1.16-1.36) than cisgender adults. Disparities between transgender and cisgender adults were found in states with strengthened protections and in states with limited protections. Compared to transgender adults in states with limited protections, transgender adults in states with strengthened protections were marginally (p<0.10) less likely to report frequent mental distress (aOR=0.33; 95% CI=0.11-1.05).\u0000\u0000\u0000CONCLUSIONS\u0000Transgender adults in most states reported worse self-rated health than their cisgender peers. Much more research and robust data collection on gender identity are critically needed to study the associations between state policies and transgender health and to identify best practices for achieving health equity for transgender Americans.","PeriodicalId":54812,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Health Politics Policy and Law","volume":"11 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":4.2,"publicationDate":"2022-05-06","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"86438503","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"医学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-05-06DOI: 10.1215/03616878-9978145
Herschel Nachlis
{"title":"Counting: How We Use Numbers to Decide What Matters","authors":"Herschel Nachlis","doi":"10.1215/03616878-9978145","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1215/03616878-9978145","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":54812,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Health Politics Policy and Law","volume":"10 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":4.2,"publicationDate":"2022-05-06","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"78279394","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"医学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-05-06DOI: 10.1215/03616878-9978131
Robin C. Feldman, Brent D. Fulton, Jamie R. Godwin, R. Scheffler
CONTEXT Dramatic increases in pharmaceutical merger and acquisition activity since 2010 suggest we are currently in the midst of a third wave of industry consolidation. METHODS Reviewing 168 economic, legal, medical, industry, and government sources, we examine the effects of consolidation on competition and innovation and explore how industry attributes complicate M&A regulation in a pharmaceutical context. FINDINGS We find that, in spite of certain metrics that might argue otherwise, consolidation consistently reduces innovation and harms the public good. We also find that several factors within the pharmaceutical industry impede proper evaluation of proposed mergers. Because consumer choice across substitutes is limited, pharmaceutical markets frustrate conventional methods of defining markets. Volume bargaining in the pharmaceutical supply chain and common ownership of pharmaceutical firms by asset managers further complicate the definitional process. Hence, the Herfindahl-Hirschman Index (HHI), one measure used by the Federal Trade Commission and Department of Justice to screen for concerning M&A activity, sometimes depends on faulty market definitions but also fails to capture the implications of consolidation on future market share. CONCLUSIONS We describe ways to improve how pharmaceutical markets are defined, highlight quantitative alterations to HHI to account for common ownership, and propose areas requiring further research.
{"title":"Challenges with Defining Pharmaceutical Markets and Potential Remedies to Screen for Industry Consolidation.","authors":"Robin C. Feldman, Brent D. Fulton, Jamie R. Godwin, R. Scheffler","doi":"10.1215/03616878-9978131","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1215/03616878-9978131","url":null,"abstract":"CONTEXT\u0000Dramatic increases in pharmaceutical merger and acquisition activity since 2010 suggest we are currently in the midst of a third wave of industry consolidation.\u0000\u0000\u0000METHODS\u0000Reviewing 168 economic, legal, medical, industry, and government sources, we examine the effects of consolidation on competition and innovation and explore how industry attributes complicate M&A regulation in a pharmaceutical context.\u0000\u0000\u0000FINDINGS\u0000We find that, in spite of certain metrics that might argue otherwise, consolidation consistently reduces innovation and harms the public good. We also find that several factors within the pharmaceutical industry impede proper evaluation of proposed mergers. Because consumer choice across substitutes is limited, pharmaceutical markets frustrate conventional methods of defining markets. Volume bargaining in the pharmaceutical supply chain and common ownership of pharmaceutical firms by asset managers further complicate the definitional process. Hence, the Herfindahl-Hirschman Index (HHI), one measure used by the Federal Trade Commission and Department of Justice to screen for concerning M&A activity, sometimes depends on faulty market definitions but also fails to capture the implications of consolidation on future market share.\u0000\u0000\u0000CONCLUSIONS\u0000We describe ways to improve how pharmaceutical markets are defined, highlight quantitative alterations to HHI to account for common ownership, and propose areas requiring further research.","PeriodicalId":54812,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Health Politics Policy and Law","volume":"48 6 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":4.2,"publicationDate":"2022-05-06","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"89199310","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"医学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}