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Policy Feedbacks and Medicaid on Its 60th Anniversary. 政策反馈和医疗补助计划 60 周年。
IF 3.3 3区 医学 Q1 HEALTH CARE SCIENCES & SERVICES Pub Date : 2025-04-01 DOI: 10.1215/03616878-11567676
Andrea Louise Campbell

Context: Despite early skepticism about Medicaid's ability to withstand retrenchment as a program of "welfare medicine," it has proved remarkably durable. Existing analyses explain durability from a policy feedbacks perspective-how program provisions affect the subsequent political environment and policy-making options. This article updates earlier feedback accounts to the Affordable Care Act (ACA) era.

Methods: The article examines extant findings on policy feedbacks in Medicaid at the elite and mass levels since the 2010 passage of the ACA.

Findings: Mass feedbacks have been modest. Medicaid expansion under the ACA only slightly increased beneficiary political participation, if at all. Medicaid attitudes among beneficiaries and the larger public have become somewhat more supportive. Elite-level feedbacks are the most powerful, with the federal contribution-increased for expansion populations under the ACA-inexorably shaping state incentives. However, continued rejection of Medicaid expansion and attempts to add conditions to Medicaid eligibility in Republican-led states with large shares of Black residents demonstrate that federalism, race, and the program's welfare medicine image continue to threaten the program.

Conclusion: Medicaid survives as the nation's largest health insurance program by enrollment, and it is deeply woven into the health care system. However, it remains chronically vulnerable and variable across states despite robust aggregate enrollment and spending.

背景:尽管早期人们对医疗补助计划作为一项 "福利医疗 "计划是否有能力经受住缩减持怀疑态度,但事实证明,该计划具有显著的持久性。现有的分析从政策反馈的角度解释了其持久性--计划条款如何影响随后的政治环境和决策选择。本文更新了之前的反馈观点,使其适用于 ACA 时代:方法:研究自 2010 年《平价医疗法案》实施以来,医疗补助计划在精英和大众层面的政策反馈的现有研究结果:大众反馈不大。如果说《可负担医疗法案》扩大了医疗补助范围,那么受益人的政治参与度也只是略有提高。受益人和广大公众对医疗补助的态度在一定程度上变得更加支持。精英层面的反馈是最有力的,《联邦医疗补助法案》增加了联邦对扩展人群的捐助,这不可避免地影响了各州的积极性。然而,在共和党领导的黑人居民比例较大的州,继续拒绝扩大《医疗补助计划》,并试图对《医疗补助计划》的资格附加条件,这表明联邦主义、种族和该计划的福利医学形象继续威胁着该计划:按参保人数计算,医疗补助计划是美国最大的医疗保险计划,与医疗保健系统紧密相连,但尽管总参保人数和支出强劲,该计划仍长期处于弱势,且各州之间存在差异。
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引用次数: 0
Entrenched Opportunity: Medicaid, Health Systems, and Solutions to Homelessness. 根深蒂固的机会:医疗补助、医疗系统和无家可归问题的解决方案。
IF 3.3 3区 医学 Q1 HEALTH CARE SCIENCES & SERVICES Pub Date : 2025-04-01 DOI: 10.1215/03616878-11567700
Charley E Willison, Naquia A Unwala, Katarzyna Klasa

Context: As inequality grows, politically powerful health care institutions-namely Medicaid and health systems-are increasingly assuming social policy roles, particularly related to solutions to homelessness. Medicaid and health systems regularly interact with persons experiencing homelessness who are high users of emergency health services and who experience frequent loss of or inability to access Medicaid services because of homelessness. This research examines Medicaid and health system responses to homelessness, why they may work to address homelessness, and the mechanisms by which this occurs.

Methods: The authors collected primary data from Medicaid policies and the 100 largest health systems, along with national survey data from local homelessness policy systems, to assess scope and to measure mechanisms and factors influencing decision-making.

Findings: Nearly one third of states have Medicaid waivers targeting homelessness, and more than half of the 100 largest health systems have homelessness mitigation programs. Most Medicaid waivers use local homelessness policy structures as implementing entities. A plurality of health systems rationalizes program existence based on the failure of existing structures.

Conclusions: Entrenched health care institutions may bolster local homelessness policy governance mechanisms and policy efficacy. Reliance on health systems as alternative structures, and implementing entities in Medicaid waivers, may risk shifting homelessness policy governance and retrenchment of existing systems.

背景:随着不平等现象的加剧,政治上强大的医疗保健机构--即医疗补助计划和医疗系统--越来越多地承担起社会政策的角色,特别是解决住房和无家可归问题。医疗补助计划和医疗系统经常与无家可归者打交道,他们是紧急医疗服务的高使用率者,并且经常因无家可归而失去或无法获得医疗补助计划的服务。本研究探讨了医疗补助计划和医疗系统对无家可归者的应对措施,这些措施为何能解决无家可归者的问题,以及解决这些问题的机制:方法:从医疗补助政策和 100 个最大的医疗系统收集原始数据,并从地方无家可归者政策系统收集全国性调查数据,以评估范围,并衡量影响决策的机制和因素:近三分之一的州拥有针对无家可归者的医疗补助豁免,100 个最大的医疗系统中有一半以上拥有无家可归者缓解计划。大多数医疗补助豁免计划都将当地的无家可归者政策机构作为实施实体。多数医疗系统以现有机构的失败为由,将计划的存在合理化:结论:根深蒂固的医疗保健机构可以加强当地无家可归者政策的管理机制和政策效力。依赖医疗系统作为替代结构和医疗补助豁免计划的实施实体,可能会导致无家可归者政策管理的转移和现有系统的缩减。
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引用次数: 0
Policy Feedback and the Politics of Childhood Vaccine Mandates: Conflict and Change in California, 2012-2019. 政策反馈与儿童疫苗任务的政治学:2012-2019 年加利福尼亚州的冲突与变化》(Conflict and Change in California, 2012-2019)。
IF 3.3 3区 医学 Q1 HEALTH CARE SCIENCES & SERVICES Pub Date : 2024-12-01 DOI: 10.1215/03616878-11377933
Katie Attwell, Adam Hannah, Shevaun Drislane, Mark Christopher Navin

Context: In 2012, California instituted a new requirement for parents to consult with a clinician before receiving a personal belief exemption (PBE) to its school entry vaccine mandate. In 2015, the state removed this exemption altogether. In 2019, legislators cracked down on medical exemptions to address their misuse by vaccine refusers and supportive clinicians. This article uses "policy feedback theory" to explore these political conflicts, arguing that PBEs informed the emergence and approaches of two coalitions whose conflict reshaped California's vaccination policies.

Methods: The authors analyzed legal, policy, academic, and media documents; interviewed 10 key informants; and deductively analyzed transcripts using NVivo 20 transcription software.

Findings: California's long-standing vaccination policy inadvertently disseminated two fundamentally incompatible social norms: vaccination is a choice, and vaccination is not a choice. Over time, the culture and number of vaccine refusers grew, at least in part because the state's policy sanctioned the norm of vaccine refusal.

Conclusions: The long-term consequences of California's "mandate + PBE" policy-visible, public, and socially sanctioned vaccine refusal-undermined support for it over time, generating well-defined losses for a large group of people (the vaccinating public) and specifically for the provaccine parent activists whose experiences of personal grievance drove their mobilization for change.

背景:2012 年,加利福尼亚州出台了一项新规定,要求家长在获得入学疫苗个人信仰豁免之前,必须咨询临床医生。2015 年,该州完全取消了这一豁免。2019 年,立法者打击了医疗豁免,以解决疫苗拒绝者和支持他们的临床医生滥用医疗豁免的问题。本文利用 "政策反馈理论 "探讨了这些政治冲突,认为个人信仰豁免为两个联盟的出现和做法提供了依据,而这两个联盟的冲突重塑了加州的疫苗接种政策:我们分析了法律、政策、学术和媒体文件;采访了十位关键信息提供者;并使用 NVivo 20 转录软件对记录誊本进行了演绎分析:加州长期以来的疫苗接种政策无意中传播了两种根本不相容的社会规范:疫苗接种是一种选择;疫苗接种不是一种选择。随着时间的推移,拒绝接种疫苗者的文化和人数不断增加,至少部分原因是该政策认可了拒绝接种疫苗的规范:结论:加利福尼亚州 "授权+PBE "政策的长期后果--可见的、公开的和社会认可的疫苗拒种--随着时间的推移削弱了对该政策的支持,给一大批人(接种疫苗的公众),特别是家长活动家带来了明确的损失,他们的个人委屈经历推动了他们的变革动员。
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引用次数: 0
Explaining Political Differences in Attitudes to Vaccines in France: Partisan Cues, Disenchantment with Politics, and Political Sophistication. 解释法国人对疫苗态度的政治差异:党派线索、对政治的失望和政治智慧。
IF 3.3 3区 医学 Q1 HEALTH CARE SCIENCES & SERVICES Pub Date : 2024-12-01 DOI: 10.1215/03616878-11373758
Jeremy K Ward, Sébastien Cortaredona, Hugo Touzet, Fatima Gauna, Patrick Peretti-Watel

Context: The role of political identities in determining attitudes to vaccines has attracted a lot of attention in the last decade. Explanations have tended to focus on the influence of party representatives on their sympathizers (partisan cues).

Methods: Four representative samples of the French adult population completed online questionnaires between July 2021 and May 2022 (N = 9,177). Bivariate and multivariate analyses were performed to test whether partisan differences in attitudes to vaccines are best explained by partisan cues or by parties' differences in propensity to attract people who distrust the actors involved in vaccination policies.

Findings: People who feel close to parties on the far left, parties on the far right, and green parties are more vaccine hesitant. The authors found a small effect of partisan cues and a much stronger effect of trust. More importantly, they show that the more politically sophisticated are less vaccine hesitant and that the nonpartisan are the biggest and most vaccine hesitant group.

Conclusions: The literature on vaccine attitudes has focused on the case of the United States, but turning attention toward countries where disenchantment with politics is more marked helps researchers better understand the different ways trust, partisanship, and political sophistication can affect attitudes to vaccines.

背景:政治身份在决定人们对疫苗的态度方面所起的作用在过去十年中引起了广泛关注。解释的重点往往是政党代表对其同情者的影响(党派线索):2021年7月至2022年5月期间,法国成年人口中的四个代表样本完成了在线问卷调查(N = 9,177)。我们进行了双变量和多变量分析,以检验党派线索或政党吸引不信任疫苗接种政策相关人员的倾向差异是否最能解释人们对疫苗态度的党派差异:研究结果:与极左、极右政党和绿党关系密切的人更倾向于接种疫苗。我们发现党派线索的影响很小,而信任的影响要大得多。但更重要的是,我们发现政治老练的人对疫苗犹豫不决的程度较低,而无党派人士则是对疫苗犹豫不决的最大群体:文献主要集中于美国的案例,但将注意力转向对政治更加失望的国家,有助于更好地理解信任、党派和政治成熟度会以不同的方式影响人们对疫苗的态度。
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引用次数: 0
Why Some Nonelderly Adult Medicaid Enrollees Appear Ineligible Based on Their Annual Income. 为什么一些非老年成人医疗补助计划参保者看起来不符合年收入条件。
IF 3.3 3区 医学 Q1 HEALTH CARE SCIENCES & SERVICES Pub Date : 2024-12-01 DOI: 10.1215/03616878-11373728
Geena Kim, Alexandra Minicozzi, Chapin White

Context: Recent studies have highlighted Medicaid enrollment among middle- and higher-income populations and questioned whether the program is reaching those for whom it is intended.

Methods: The authors use administrative tax data to measure Medicaid enrollment and income in 2017, they use survey data to measure monthly income, and they use administrative data to identify Medicaid enrollment pathways.

Findings: Among 38.8 million nonelderly adults in Medicaid at any point in 2017, 24.4 million had annual income below their state's typical eligibility threshold, and 14.4 million (37%) had income above the threshold. Among those above the threshold, 3.5 million enrolled through a pathway allowing higher income (pregnant women, the "medically needy," and others). The authors also estimate that more than 12 million had at least one month with income below the threshold, and roughly 4 million had at least five months with income below the eligibility threshold.

Conclusions: Pathways allowing higher income account for one quarter of enrollees with annual incomes above typical thresholds. Among low-income adults, month-to-month variation in income is common and can account for most or all of the remaining enrollees with annual incomes above typical thresholds. A complete accounting of eligibility status would require merged data on income, Medicaid enrollment, and family structure.

背景:最近的研究强调了中等收入和较高收入人群的医疗补助注册情况,并质疑该计划是否惠及了其目标人群:方法:使用行政税务数据衡量 2017 年的医疗补助注册人数和收入,使用调查数据衡量月收入,并在行政数据中确定医疗补助注册途径:在 2017 年任何时候加入医疗补助计划的 3880 万非老年人中,有 2440 万人的年收入低于所在州的典型资格门槛,1440 万人(37%)的收入高于门槛。在高于门槛值的人群中,有 350 万人通过允许更高收入的途径(孕妇、"医疗贫困人口 "及其他)加入;我们还估计,有超过 1200 万人至少有一个月的收入低于门槛值,约有 400 万人至少有五个月的收入低于资格门槛值:在年收入高于典型门槛值的参保者中,有四分之一的人通过各种途径获得较高收入。在低收入成年人中,月与月之间的收入变化很常见,这可能是其余年收入高于典型阈值的参保者的大部分或全部原因。要全面说明资格状况,需要合并收入、医疗补助注册和家庭结构数据。
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引用次数: 0
Implementing Primary Care Reform in France: Bargaining, Policy Adaptation, and the Maisons de Santé Pluriprofessionnelles. 法国实施初级医疗改革:谈判、政策调整和多职业医疗之家》。
IF 3.3 3区 医学 Q1 HEALTH CARE SCIENCES & SERVICES Pub Date : 2024-12-01 DOI: 10.1215/03616878-11373736
Anne Moyal

Context: The organization of primary care in France has long remained a secondary issue on the political agenda. The government began to address the difficulties of care access and coordination in the 2000s, when a seemingly viable solution emerged from the field: the maisons de santé pluriprofessionnelles (MSPs). In a corporatist system and a predominantly private sector, the government chose an incentive-based contractual policy to encourage providers to join these structures. This article analyzes the implementation of this policy, which depends on private providers' commitment.

Methods: The article offers a comparative case study of six MSPs. Data were collected through semistructured interviews, observation sessions, and document analysis.

Findings: First, the article shows that the emergence of MSPs has only been possible thanks to an unprecedented alliance between general practitioners, the state, and the health insurance fund. Second, it argues that MSP policy implementation relies on a complex bargaining process between private providers and public authorities that enables the former to shape it to their local needs.

Conclusions: MSP implementation experiences raise questions both about the understanding of medical corporatism in France and the assimilation of policy changes and local variation through policy implementation.

背景:长期以来,法国的初级医疗组织一直是政治议程上的次要问题。2000 年代,政府开始着手解决就医和协调方面的困难,当时在实地出现了一个看似可行的解决方案:多职业医疗之家(MSPs)。在公司制和私营部门占主导地位的情况下,政府选择了以激励为基础的合同政策,鼓励医疗服务提供者加入这些机构。本文分析了这一政策的实施情况,该政策的实施取决于私营医疗机构的承诺:方法:本文对六家医疗服务提供者进行了案例比较研究。研究结果:首先,文章表明,全科医生、国家和医疗保险基金之间史无前例的联盟使 MSP 的出现成为可能。其次,文章论证了 MSP 政策的实施依赖于私营医疗机构与公共当局之间复杂的讨价还价过程,这使得前者能够根据当地需求来制定政策:MSP 的实施经验既提出了对法国医疗公司制的理解问题,也提出了通过实施吸收政策变化和地方差异的问题。
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引用次数: 0
Regime Type and Data Manipulation: Evidence from the COVID-19 Pandemic. 制度类型与数据操纵:来自 COVID-19 大流行病的证据。
IF 3.3 3区 医学 Q1 HEALTH CARE SCIENCES & SERVICES Pub Date : 2024-12-01 DOI: 10.1215/03616878-11373750
Simon Wigley

Context: This study examines whether autocratic governments are more likely than democratic governments to manipulate health data. The COVID-19 pandemic presents a unique opportunity for examining this question because of its global impact.

Methods: Three distinct indicators of COVID-19 data manipulation were constructed for nearly all sovereign states. Each indicator was then regressed on democracy and controls for unintended misreporting. A machine learning approach was then used to determine whether any of the specific features of democracy are more predictive of manipulation.

Findings: Democracy was found to be negatively associated with all three measures of manipulation, even after running a battery of robustness checks. Absence of opposition party autonomy and free and fair elections were found to be the most important predictors of deliberate undercounting.

Conclusions: The manipulation of data in autocracies denies citizens the opportunity to protect themselves against health risks, hinders the ability of international organizations and donors to identify effective policies, and makes it difficult for scholars to assess the impact of political institutions on population health. These findings suggest that health advocates and scholars should use alternative methods to estimate health outcomes in countries where opposition parties lack autonomy or must participate in uncompetitive elections.

背景:本研究探讨专制政府是否比民主政府更有可能操纵健康数据。由于 COVID-19 的全球影响,它为研究这一问题提供了一个独特的机会:方法:为几乎所有主权国家构建了三个不同的 COVID-19 数据操纵指标。然后,将每个指标与民主和非故意误报控制进行回归。然后使用机器学习方法确定民主的具体特征是否更能预测操纵行为:即使在进行了一系列稳健性检查后,民主仍与所有三项操纵指标呈负相关。没有反对党自治和自由公正的选举被认为是预测故意少计的最重要因素:专制国家对数据的篡改剥夺了公民保护自己免受健康风险的机会,阻碍了国际组织和捐助者确定有效政策的能力,3 使学者们难以评估政治体制对人口健康的影响。这表明,在反对党缺乏自主权或必须参加非竞争性选举的国家,健康倡导者和学者应使用其他方法来估计健康结果。
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引用次数: 0
Inside "Operation Change Agent": Mallinckrodt's Plan for Capturing the Opioid Market. 变革者行动 "内幕:Mallinckrodt 公司抢占阿片类药物市场的计划。
IF 3.3 3区 医学 Q1 HEALTH CARE SCIENCES & SERVICES Pub Date : 2024-08-01 DOI: 10.1215/03616878-11186127
Daniel Eisenkraft Klein, Ross MacKenzie, Ben Hawkins, Adam D Koon

Context: The United States is deeply entangled in an opioid crisis that began with the overuse of prescription painkillers. At the height of the prescription opioid crisis (2006-2012), Mallinckrodt Pharmaceuticals was the nation's largest opioid manufacturer. This study explores Mallinckrodt's strategies for expanding its market share by promoting a new opioid.

Methods: The authors used the Opioid Industry Document Archive to analyze the incentive structures, sales contests, and rhetorical strategy behind Mallinckrodt's "Operation Change Agent," a campaign to switch patients from OxyContin to Mallinckrodt-manufactured painkillers. A structured search of the archive in October 2022 retrieved 464 documents dated between 2010 and 2020.

Findings: The authors identified a range of Mallinckrodt's sales force motivational techniques, including hypertargeting high-decile prescribers, providing free trial kits, using emotion-based language to connect with prescribers, and strategies for opposing prescriber resistance. Throughout, managers used specific incentivization metaphors to frame strategies in terms of sport and ultramarathons.

Conclusions: This research on internal corporate strategy joins the growing challenges to industry claims that opioid sales teams simply educated providers and helped fill existing demand for their products. It has important implications for regulatory policy and consumer protections that can better protect health in the face of competitive market forces.

背景:美国深受阿片类药物危机的困扰,这场危机始于处方止痛药的过度使用。在处方类阿片危机最严重的时期(2006-2012 年),Mallinckrodt 制药公司是最大的类阿片制造商。本研究探讨了 Mallinckrodt 公司通过推广新型阿片类药物来扩大市场份额的策略:我们利用阿片类药物行业文件档案,分析了 Mallinckrodt 公司 "变革者行动 "背后的激励结构、销售竞赛和修辞策略,该行动旨在将患者从 OxyContin 转为 Mallinckrodt 品牌止痛药。2022 年 10 月,我们对档案库进行了结构化搜索,检索到 2010 年至 2020 年间的 464 份文件:我们发现了一系列销售人员激励技巧,包括过度针对高分段处方者、提供免费试用套装、使用情感语言与处方者沟通,以及反对处方者抵制的策略。在整个过程中,管理者使用了特定的激励隐喻,通过体育和超级马拉松来制定战略:这项关于企业内部战略的研究为业界关于阿片类药物销售团队只是教育提供者并帮助满足现有产品需求的说法带来了越来越多的挑战。此外,这项研究对监管政策和消费者保护也有重要意义,可以在市场竞争力量面前更好地保护健康。
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引用次数: 0
Equity Investment in Physician Practices: What's All This Brouhaha? 医生诊所的股权投资:这一切是怎么回事?
IF 3.3 3区 医学 Q1 HEALTH CARE SCIENCES & SERVICES Pub Date : 2024-08-01 DOI: 10.1215/03616878-11186103
Mark V Pauly, Lawton Robert Burns

There have been two waves of equity-based investment in physician practices. Both used a combination of public and private sources but in different mixes. The first investment wave, in the 1990s, was led by public equity and physician practice management companies, with less involvement by private equity (PE). The second investment wave followed the Affordable Care Act and was led by PE firms. It has generated concerns of wasteful spending, less cost-effective care, and initiatives harmful to patient welfare. This article compares the two waves and asks if they are parallel in important ways. It describes the similarities in the players, driving forces, acquisition dynamics, spurs to consolidation, types of equity involved, models to organize physicians, and levels of market penetration achieved. The article then tackles three unresolved issues: Does PE investment differ from other investment vehicles in concerning ways? Does PE possess capabilities that other investment vehicles lack and confer competitive advantage? Does physician practice investment offer opportunities for supernormal profits? It then discusses ongoing trends that may disrupt PE and curtail its practice investment. It concludes that past may be prologue, that is, what happened during the 1990s may well repeat, suggesting the PE threat is overblown.

医生执业的股权投资经历了两次浪潮。这两次投资都采用了公募和私募相结合的方式,但混合程度不同。20 世纪 90 年代的第一次投资浪潮由公共股权和医生执业管理公司(PPMC)主导,私募股权(PE)参与较少。第二次投资浪潮是在平价医疗法案(ACA,2010 年)颁布之后,由私募股权投资公司主导。它引起了人们对浪费开支、降低医疗成本效益以及有害于患者福利的举措的担忧。本文对这两次浪潮进行了比较,并探讨了它们是否在某些重要方面是平行的。我们描述了两波浪潮在参与者、驱动力、收购动态、合并的刺激因素、所涉及的股权类型、组织医生的模式以及所达到的市场渗透水平等方面的相似之处。然后,本文探讨了三个尚未解决的问题。私募股权投资与其他投资工具是否在某些方面存在差异?私募股权投资是否拥有其他投资工具所缺乏的能力并赋予竞争优势?医生执业投资是否提供了获得超常利润的机会?本文随后讨论了可能扰乱 PE 并减少其实践投资的持续趋势。最后,我们得出结论:20 世纪 90 年代发生的事情很可能会重演,这表明 PE 的威胁被过分夸大了。
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引用次数: 0
Rationing by Inconvenience: How Insurance Denials Induce Administrative Burdens. 因不便而配给:保险拒绝如何造成行政负担》(How Insurance Denials Induce Administrative Burdens.
IF 3.3 3区 医学 Q1 HEALTH CARE SCIENCES & SERVICES Pub Date : 2024-08-01 DOI: 10.1215/03616878-11186111
Miranda Yaver

Context: How do health coverage denials keep care out of reach for American patients by imposing unevenly distributed administrative burdens? This article argues that the process of appealing insurers' denials imposes administrative burdens on patients inequitably, deepening the divide between those with meaningful access to health coverage and those for whom benefits are out of reach.

Methods: The author conducted a nationwide survey of 1,340 US adults on their experiences with coverage denials; this was supplemented with 110 semistructured interviews with patients, physicians, and former health insurance executives.

Findings: Those who were less affluent were significantly less likely than their wealthier counterparts to appeal denials of coverage. Patients who underestimated the rate at which patients prevail in insurance appeals were less likely to appeal their own denials. Black Medicaid patients and those who were in worse health were significantly less likely to prevail in the appeals they pursued. Many unappealed denials were attributable to the significant administrative burdens associated with appeal, including learning and psychological costs.

Conclusions: Administrative burdens associated with appealing denials of coverage can deepen health inequities along class and race lines, suggesting a need for policy interventions to make it easier to navigate the health insurance bureaucracy.

背景:拒绝承保的做法是如何通过强加分布不均的行政负担使美国病人无法获得医疗服务的?尽管有关医疗保险优势计划(Medicare Advantage plans)中错误的承保拒绝和事先授权要求的讨论越来越多,但很少有人研究这些拒绝对参加不同类型的公共和私人保险的患者的影响。我认为,对保险公司的拒保行为提出上诉的过程给患者带来了不公平的行政负担,加深了那些能够切实获得医疗保险的患者与那些无法获得保险福利的患者之间的鸿沟:我在全国范围内对 1,340 名美国成年人进行了调查,了解他们在承保被拒方面的经历,并对患者、医生和前医疗保险管理人员进行了 110 次半结构化访谈:我发现,与富裕人群相比,不富裕人群对承保被拒提出上诉的可能性要低得多。低估了患者在保险上诉中胜诉率的患者更不可能对自己被拒保的情况提出上诉。黑人医疗补助患者和健康状况较差的患者在上诉中胜诉的可能性要低得多。许多未上诉的拒保情况可归因于与上诉相关的重大行政负担,包括了解其保险计划的学习成本,以及在时间紧迫和对拒保感到困惑的情况下撤销拒保的心理成本:结论:与上诉被拒相关的行政负担会加深阶级和种族间的健康不平等,这表明有必要采取政策干预措施,使人们更容易进入医疗保险官僚机构。
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引用次数: 0
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