"This article is an exposition of the transformation of ZANU from being, primarily, a nationalist movement into an ethnic oriented party. Since its formation in 1963, ZANU was gripped by ethnicity, resulting in factions and contestations developing among party members. These contestations developed into open conflicts along tribal lines. The paper argues that ethnicity was so acute among ZANU party members to an extent that divisions were clearly drawn along the Shona sub-ethnic groups of Manyika (easterners), Karanga (southerners), and Zezuru (northerners). The competition for leadership positions and the fighting among members of these ethnic groups resulted in the death of some members of the party and the expulsion of others from the party. It is argued in the article that the persecution of Ndabaningi Sithole and his fallout as the ZANU president was a result of the ethnicisation of ZANU and the liberation struggle. The removal of Sithole as the party president and his replacement by Robert Mugabe exhibits these contestations among the Zezuru, Karanga and Manyika ethnic groups. We argue that the deposition of Sithole from ZANU in 1975 and his castigation as a “sell-out” and “tribalist” was a ploy by Robert Mugabe and other ZANU leaders to get rid of him and to replace him along ethnic grounds. The ethnic card was deployed to serve selfish political interests. It is these ethnic contestations and fighting which also brewed conflict and enmity between Mugabe in particular and Ndabaningi Sithole, among other factors. This hatred was clearly displayed later in the struggle for supremacy between Sithole’s new party, ZANU-Ndonga and Robert Mugabe’s ZANU-PF. It is stressed in the article that this enmity also culminated in the denial of a hero status to Sithole when he died in 2000. We also argue that the deposition of Sithole from ZANU is one of the reasons why the Ndau people of Chipinge always voted for him and not Robert Mugabe in elections. Keywords: Zimbabwe, Ethnicisation, Downfall, Contestations, ZANU, Hero status."
{"title":"ZIMBABWE: THE ETHNICISATION OF ZANU AND THE DOWNFALL OF NDABANINGI SITHOLE (1963-2000)","authors":"Owen Mangiza, Ishmael Mazambani","doi":"10.24193/csq.35.3","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.24193/csq.35.3","url":null,"abstract":"\"This article is an exposition of the transformation of ZANU from being, primarily, a nationalist movement into an ethnic oriented party. Since its formation in 1963, ZANU was gripped by ethnicity, resulting in factions and contestations developing among party members. These contestations developed into open conflicts along tribal lines. The paper argues that ethnicity was so acute among ZANU party members to an extent that divisions were clearly drawn along the Shona sub-ethnic groups of Manyika (easterners), Karanga (southerners), and Zezuru (northerners). The competition for leadership positions and the fighting among members of these ethnic groups resulted in the death of some members of the party and the expulsion of others from the party. It is argued in the article that the persecution of Ndabaningi Sithole and his fallout as the ZANU president was a result of the ethnicisation of ZANU and the liberation struggle. The removal of Sithole as the party president and his replacement by Robert Mugabe exhibits these contestations among the Zezuru, Karanga and Manyika ethnic groups. We argue that the deposition of Sithole from ZANU in 1975 and his castigation as a “sell-out” and “tribalist” was a ploy by Robert Mugabe and other ZANU leaders to get rid of him and to replace him along ethnic grounds. The ethnic card was deployed to serve selfish political interests. It is these ethnic contestations and fighting which also brewed conflict and enmity between Mugabe in particular and Ndabaningi Sithole, among other factors. This hatred was clearly displayed later in the struggle for supremacy between Sithole’s new party, ZANU-Ndonga and Robert Mugabe’s ZANU-PF. It is stressed in the article that this enmity also culminated in the denial of a hero status to Sithole when he died in 2000. We also argue that the deposition of Sithole from ZANU is one of the reasons why the Ndau people of\u0000Chipinge always voted for him and not Robert Mugabe in elections.\u0000Keywords: Zimbabwe, Ethnicisation, Downfall, Contestations, ZANU, Hero status.\"","PeriodicalId":55922,"journal":{"name":"Conflict Studies Quarterly","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.3,"publicationDate":"2021-04-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"42556739","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
The Responsibility to Protect (RtoP) is a highly contested doctrine when authorized or not. Yet, the need to safeguard civilian populations from mass atrocity remains urgent with Cote d’Ivoire’s post-election violence being instructive. Numerous studies have interrogated the nature of the conflict and subsequent interventions in Cote d’Ivoire, yet only a few seem to focus on the intervention process, outcome and implications for future application of the RtoP. This highlights need for deeper interrogation of the issues emerging from United Nations Security Council’s execution of Resolution 1975 in Cote d’Ivoire and the wider implications for the doctrine. While the Ivorian crisis meets the just cause criteria for RtoP authorizing, its execution in the Cote d’Ivoire exposed some challenges for the emerging doctrine. Challenges encompassing conceptual ambiguity, institutional issues and operational lapses leading to mass violation of rights of the civilian population by intervention forces, and the delegitimizing question of regime change. Future application of the RtoP must be context-specific accounting for the peculiarities of the environment where it is authorized; ensure effective monitoring and evaluation of the process and the actors involved; review of the thresholds for armed interventions; must engage local populations in the peace process and; must be backed by political will of both international and regional actors
{"title":"COTE D’IVOIRE: RESPONSIBILITY TO PROTECT, ELECTORAL VIOLENCE AND THE 2010 CRYSIS","authors":"N. Erameh, Uzezi Ologe","doi":"10.24193/csq.35.1","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.24193/csq.35.1","url":null,"abstract":"The Responsibility to Protect (RtoP) is a highly contested doctrine when authorized or not. Yet, the need to safeguard civilian populations from mass atrocity remains urgent with Cote d’Ivoire’s post-election violence being instructive. Numerous studies have interrogated the nature of the conflict and subsequent interventions in Cote d’Ivoire, yet only a few seem to focus on the intervention process, outcome and implications for future application of the RtoP. This highlights need for deeper interrogation of the issues emerging from United Nations Security Council’s execution of Resolution 1975 in Cote d’Ivoire and the wider implications for the doctrine. While the Ivorian crisis meets the just cause criteria for RtoP authorizing, its execution in the Cote d’Ivoire exposed some challenges for the emerging doctrine. Challenges encompassing conceptual ambiguity, institutional issues and operational lapses leading to mass violation of rights of the civilian population by intervention forces, and the delegitimizing question of regime change. Future application of the RtoP must be context-specific accounting for the peculiarities of the environment where it is authorized; ensure effective monitoring and evaluation of the process and the actors involved; review of the thresholds for armed interventions; must engage local populations in the peace process and; must be backed by political will of both international and regional actors","PeriodicalId":55922,"journal":{"name":"Conflict Studies Quarterly","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.3,"publicationDate":"2021-04-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"44658947","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Why does state violence sometimes fail to crush a secessionist movement and instead facilitate international support for the separatist cause? Based on the literature on the international recognition of secessionist entities and on the impact of state repression against social movements, this paper develops an argument according to which the timing of certain repressive events make them more likely to generate an international backlash and thus facilitate external support for secessionists. To backfire internationally, state violence must occur at the right time—that is, when the secessionists have gained sufficient media attention, put in place an appropriate organizational structure, and have abandoned violent tactics for a nonviolent campaign. Using the secession process of East Timor as a case study, this paper shows how the international moral outrage that followed the Dili massacre (1991),combined with a changing geopolitical context, have boosted the foreign support of the secessionist movement in East Timor and allowed it to obtain important concessions from Jakarta. Keywords: State repression, Secession, East Timor, Political violence, International Relations
{"title":"EAST TIMOR: WHEN STATE REPRESSION MAKES SECESSION EASIER (1975-2002)","authors":"Jacob Fortier","doi":"10.24193/csq.35.2","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.24193/csq.35.2","url":null,"abstract":"Why does state violence sometimes fail to crush a secessionist movement and instead facilitate international support for the separatist cause? Based on the literature on the international recognition of secessionist entities and on the impact of state repression against social movements, this paper develops an argument according to which the timing of certain repressive events make them more likely to generate an international backlash and thus facilitate external support for secessionists. To backfire internationally, state violence must occur at the right time—that is, when the secessionists have gained sufficient media attention, put in place an appropriate organizational structure, and have abandoned violent tactics for a nonviolent campaign. Using the secession process of East Timor as a case study, this paper shows how the international moral outrage that followed the Dili massacre (1991),combined with a changing geopolitical context, have boosted the foreign support of the secessionist movement in East Timor and allowed it to obtain important concessions from Jakarta. Keywords: State repression, Secession, East Timor, Political violence, International Relations","PeriodicalId":55922,"journal":{"name":"Conflict Studies Quarterly","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.3,"publicationDate":"2021-04-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"49334754","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
The article is devoted to comparative analysis of contemporary political theories of socio-cultural integration policy as a way of constructive conϐlict resolution in the North Caucasus. Latent ethno-political conflicts remain the most noticeable of contemporary challenges and threats to civil solidarity and ethnic peace in this unstable region. The fundamental issue that requires a constructive solution in order to ensure political stability in the North Caucasus region is the promotion of multi-level and inclusive sociocultural integration. This study claims that the escalation of protracted, deep-rooted conϐlicts is the result of large-scale social disintegration as a fundamental threat to the North Caucasus stability. Socio-cultural disintegration is superimposed on ethno-territorial and social polarization: ethno-political particularism, religious traditionalism and large-scale demodernization of the North Caucasus archaize regional identities, hindering the formation of civil society.
{"title":"NORTH CAUCASUS: PROMOTING CONFLICT RESOLUTION STRATEGY IN AN UNSTABLE REGION","authors":"M. Popov","doi":"10.24193/csq.32.3","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.24193/csq.32.3","url":null,"abstract":"The article is devoted to comparative analysis of contemporary political theories of socio-cultural integration policy as a way of constructive conϐlict resolution in the North Caucasus. Latent ethno-political conflicts remain the most noticeable of contemporary challenges and threats to civil solidarity and ethnic peace in this unstable region. The fundamental issue that requires a constructive solution in order to ensure political stability in the North Caucasus region is the promotion of multi-level and inclusive sociocultural integration. This study claims that the escalation of protracted, deep-rooted conϐlicts is the result of large-scale social disintegration as a fundamental threat to the North Caucasus stability. Socio-cultural disintegration is superimposed on ethno-territorial and social polarization: ethno-political particularism, religious traditionalism and large-scale demodernization of the North Caucasus archaize regional identities, hindering the formation of civil society.","PeriodicalId":55922,"journal":{"name":"Conflict Studies Quarterly","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.3,"publicationDate":"2020-07-05","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"48726703","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
The US policy makers attempted the political settlement of the Afghan conflict for the first time in 2011. This study finds the US policy shift in 2017 along with the strain of the conflict on the US economy, rise of ISKP and the war fatigue among the Taliban fighters have enabled the success of US Taliban negotiations. Now that a tentative Peace Agreement has been signed between the two parties, a more complex phase of intra Afghan dialogue has begun. USA, China and Pakistan have extended their support for all Afghan stakeholders to engage in a meaningful dialogue for a political settlement of the conflict. Both China and Pakistan desire the extension of China Pakistan Economic Corridor (CPEC) into Afghanistan. The paperanalyzed the Afghan Peace Talks with reference to the China Pakistan Economic Corridor. The motivation and incentives for CPEC incase of successful peace negotiations are be discussed in detail .
{"title":"AFGHANISTAN: US-TALIBAN PEACE TALK: CPEC PERSPECTIVE","authors":"Riaz Ahmad, Muhmammad Mussa Khan","doi":"10.24193/csq.32.4","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.24193/csq.32.4","url":null,"abstract":"The US policy makers attempted the political settlement of the Afghan conflict for the first time in 2011. This study finds the US policy shift in 2017 along with the strain of the conflict on the US economy, rise of ISKP and the war fatigue among the Taliban fighters have enabled the success of US Taliban negotiations. Now that a tentative Peace Agreement has been signed between the two parties, a more complex phase of intra Afghan dialogue has begun. USA, China and Pakistan have extended their support for all Afghan stakeholders to engage in a meaningful dialogue for a political settlement of the conflict. Both China and Pakistan desire the extension of China Pakistan Economic Corridor (CPEC) into Afghanistan. The paperanalyzed the Afghan Peace Talks with reference to the China Pakistan Economic Corridor. The motivation and incentives for CPEC incase of successful peace negotiations are be discussed in detail .","PeriodicalId":55922,"journal":{"name":"Conflict Studies Quarterly","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.3,"publicationDate":"2020-07-05","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"47381765","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
{"title":"BURKINA FASO: An Inquisition of Ansaroul Islam Insurgency in West Africa and Its Emerging Threat","authors":"Frederick Appiah Afriyie, Law","doi":"10.24193/csq.29.1","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.24193/csq.29.1","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":55922,"journal":{"name":"Conflict Studies Quarterly","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.3,"publicationDate":"2019-10-05","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"48121573","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
{"title":"Pakistan: Enticing factors of youth extremism in higher educational institutions","authors":"M. Atif, B. Mahmood, Muhammad A. Farooq","doi":"10.24193/csq.29.2","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.24193/csq.29.2","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":55922,"journal":{"name":"Conflict Studies Quarterly","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.3,"publicationDate":"2019-10-05","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"43080517","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
{"title":"LIBERIA: Civil War and the Complications SALWs Proliferation","authors":"A. Okoli, G. Atelhe, Ted Alphonsus","doi":"10.24193/csq.29.4","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.24193/csq.29.4","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":55922,"journal":{"name":"Conflict Studies Quarterly","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.3,"publicationDate":"2019-10-05","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"48007793","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
{"title":"UN SECURITY COUNCIL: The ‘Frozen’ Victory of the Great Powers","authors":"Sefer Yılmaz","doi":"10.24193/csq.29.5","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.24193/csq.29.5","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":55922,"journal":{"name":"Conflict Studies Quarterly","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.3,"publicationDate":"2019-10-05","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"48495726","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
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