Tomo indigenous conflict resolution approach is practiced by the Benč ethnic group and their neighboring communities within the southwestern fringe of Ethiopia. As an indigenous apparatus, the Tomo approach exhibits spirituality through blessing and cursing which are directed against the accused based on complying or contravening the very indigenous dispute management rules and regulations. The objective of this study was exploring the custom through which the studied community deals with conflict by using the indigenous Tomo approach. In pursuit of this objective, the researcher utilized a qualitative approach, particularly phenomenology. In terms of data collection tools, the researcher used key-informant interview with selected Benč ritual leaders, non-participant observation on Tomo adjudication sessions and critical document analysis. Built up on such data sources, the findings of the study discovered five inferences. First, regardless of the fact that Tomo is an indigenous approach owed by Benč communities, none of the Benč neighboring communities make use ofit. Secondly, the majority of cases seen by Tomo institution are issues that deify credible eyewitness and are cumbersome for verification and/or falsification within the mainstream court system. Thirdly, unlike the habitual Tomo practice within the Benč community, contemporary Tomo exhibits two conflicting formality and informality characteristics. Due to its semi-formal nature, contemporary Tomo ritual leaders notify charges against the presumed wrongdoer by sending an invitation letter for the accused to attend the charges against him/her, comparable with formal courts. Contrary to this formality, contemporary Tomo is also characterized by informality due to the fact that verdicts given against the perpetrator are passed through ritual cursing just like the habitual Tomo. Furthermore, identical with the habitual Tomo practice, cursing within contemporary Tomo goes the presumed wrongdoer including his/her family up to some future generations along with those who feast and bury the presumed wrongdoer. Overall, contemporary Tomo has terrifying delinquency deterring outcome along with the accustomed indigenous conflict resolution mechanism features. Keywords: conflict, conflict resolution, indigenous conflict resolution, Tomo.
{"title":"ETHIOPIA: TOMO – INDIGENOUS CONFLICT RESOLUTION MECHANISM OF THE BENC COMMUNITY","authors":"T. Wondimu","doi":"10.24193/csq.36.6","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.24193/csq.36.6","url":null,"abstract":"Tomo indigenous conflict resolution approach is practiced by the Benč ethnic group and their neighboring communities within the southwestern fringe of Ethiopia. As an indigenous apparatus, the Tomo approach exhibits spirituality through blessing and cursing which are directed against the accused based on complying or contravening the very indigenous dispute management rules and regulations. The objective of this study was exploring the custom through which the studied community deals with conflict by using the indigenous Tomo approach. In pursuit of this objective, the researcher utilized a qualitative approach, particularly phenomenology. In terms of data collection tools, the researcher used key-informant interview with selected Benč ritual leaders, non-participant observation on Tomo adjudication sessions and critical document analysis. Built up on such data sources, the findings of the study discovered five inferences. First, regardless of the fact that Tomo is an indigenous approach owed by Benč communities, none of the Benč neighboring communities make use ofit. Secondly, the majority of cases seen by Tomo institution are issues that deify credible eyewitness and are cumbersome for verification and/or falsification within the mainstream court system. Thirdly, unlike the habitual Tomo practice within the Benč community, contemporary Tomo exhibits two conflicting formality and informality characteristics. Due to its semi-formal nature, contemporary Tomo ritual leaders notify charges against the presumed wrongdoer by sending an invitation letter for the accused to attend the charges against him/her, comparable with formal courts. Contrary to this formality, contemporary Tomo is also characterized by informality due to the fact that verdicts given against the perpetrator are passed through ritual cursing just like the habitual Tomo. Furthermore, identical with the habitual Tomo practice, cursing within contemporary Tomo goes the presumed wrongdoer including his/her family up to some future generations along with those who feast and bury the presumed wrongdoer. Overall, contemporary Tomo has terrifying delinquency deterring outcome along with the accustomed indigenous conflict resolution mechanism features. Keywords: conflict, conflict resolution, indigenous conflict resolution, Tomo.","PeriodicalId":55922,"journal":{"name":"Conflict Studies Quarterly","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.3,"publicationDate":"2021-07-05","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"48305121","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
The main goal of this research paper is to examine the core role of popular nonviolent resistance in transforming the Israeli Palestinian conflict through all available peaceful means. We have deeply gone through different definitions of nonviolence as an international concept and we explored the various historical stages and prominent stations of this type of nonviolence. To elaborate more on this goal, we can say that the strategic aim is to bridge the gap between theories and approaches of conflict transformations and the current study of peaceful resistance. Nonviolence is one strategic options for the Palestinians if we realize that the political alternatives and narrow and limited. Methodology adopted in this research is primarily qualitative with analytical and empirical connotations and implications, we relied on both primary and secondary data to reach the final results and conclusions. As far the final findings are concerned, this paper concluded that there is a gap between nonviolence peaceful resistance in the field in one hand and the decision makers on the other hand. There is a gap those who practiced or who embraced nonviolence as strategic resistance and those who put political goals and practiced political leadership. There is a lack of a proper understanding of peaceful nonviolent resistance and its role in liberating and emancipating Palestine from the occupation. Keywords: nonviolence, occupation, popular resistance, Gandhian model.
{"title":"PALESTINE: POPULAR NON-VIOLENT RESISTANCE. DEBATING TERMINOLOGY AND CONSTRUCTING PARADIGMS","authors":"Abdeleahman Nazzal, A. Yousef","doi":"10.24193/csq.36.3","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.24193/csq.36.3","url":null,"abstract":"The main goal of this research paper is to examine the core role of popular nonviolent resistance in transforming the Israeli Palestinian conflict through all available peaceful means. We have deeply gone through different definitions of nonviolence as an international concept and we explored the various historical stages and prominent stations of this type of nonviolence. To elaborate more on this goal, we can say that the strategic aim is to bridge the gap between theories and approaches of conflict transformations and the current study of peaceful resistance. Nonviolence is one strategic options for the Palestinians if we realize that the political alternatives and narrow and limited. Methodology adopted in this research is primarily qualitative with analytical and empirical connotations and implications, we relied on both primary and secondary data to reach the final results and conclusions. As far the final findings are concerned, this paper concluded that there is a gap between nonviolence peaceful resistance in the field in one hand and the decision makers on the other hand. There is a gap those who practiced or who embraced nonviolence as strategic resistance and those who put political goals and practiced political leadership. There is a lack of a proper understanding of peaceful nonviolent resistance and its role in liberating and emancipating Palestine from the occupation. Keywords: nonviolence, occupation, popular resistance, Gandhian model.","PeriodicalId":55922,"journal":{"name":"Conflict Studies Quarterly","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.3,"publicationDate":"2021-07-05","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"43352755","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Reconciliation is inevitable for restoring harmony among a society and making peaceful interaction between those who are at variance. The main objective of this study is to investigate the Abegar indigenous conflict resolution system based on community reconciliation in Haberu Woreda, North Wollo. This study employs a qualitative research design and descriptive nature. The study collected primary data from different informants by employing such qualitative data collection techniques as the interview, focus group discussions and observation. The finding of the study revealed that Abegars indigenous conflict resolution system aims at the restoration of order and harmony of the community. The types of conflicts presented and resolved in the community are inter-personal, homicide, inter-group in nature which stemmed from abduction of girls and women, violation of social values, theft, conflict over claims of a girl, competition over ownership of land, and drunkenness. The findings further show that family reconciliation, blood reconciliation (demmaderk) and compensation performance are the major community reconciliation procedures (methods) of conflict management used by the studied community depending on the nature and types of conflicts. Moreover, the ritual ceremony has symbolic and practical significance to established trust between conflicting parties that their relationship is restored. Keywords: Conflict Resolution, Indigenous, Reconciliation, Community
{"title":"ETHIOPIA: ABEGAR INDIGENOUS CONFLICT RESOLUTION SYSTEM – COMMUNITY BASED RECONCILIATION","authors":"Benyam Lake Yimer","doi":"10.24193/csq.36.4","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.24193/csq.36.4","url":null,"abstract":"Reconciliation is inevitable for restoring harmony among a society and making peaceful interaction between those who are at variance. The main objective of this study is to investigate the Abegar indigenous conflict resolution system based on community reconciliation in Haberu Woreda, North Wollo. This study employs a qualitative research design and descriptive nature. The study collected primary data from different informants by employing such qualitative data collection techniques as the interview, focus group discussions and observation. The finding of the study revealed that Abegars indigenous conflict resolution system aims at the restoration of order and harmony of the community. The types of conflicts presented and resolved in the community are inter-personal, homicide, inter-group in nature which stemmed from abduction of girls and women, violation of social values, theft, conflict over claims of a girl, competition over ownership of land, and drunkenness. The findings further show that family reconciliation, blood reconciliation (demmaderk) and compensation performance are the major community reconciliation procedures (methods) of conflict management used by the studied community depending on the nature and types of conflicts. Moreover, the ritual ceremony has symbolic and practical significance to established trust between conflicting parties that their relationship is restored. Keywords: Conflict Resolution, Indigenous, Reconciliation, Community","PeriodicalId":55922,"journal":{"name":"Conflict Studies Quarterly","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.3,"publicationDate":"2021-07-05","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"49572119","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
The concept of alternative dispute resolution (ADR) has largely been under explored from the linguistic lens, particularly in the Nigerian context. This study thus provides a scholarly intervention in this regard. Drawing insights from Brown and Levinson’s face theory, four randomly sampled recordings of Ìgbìmo Ìpètù, an alternative dispute resolution television programme on the Ekiti State Television (EKTV) in southwestern Nigeria was analysed in this study. Focus was placed on the face acts as well as their pragmatic functions in the programme. Findings revealed that bald on-record face-threatening acts (FTA), bald off-record FTA and positive face acts characterized the discursive interaction of participants on the programme. While bald onrecord and off-record FTAs were deployed by the panel to criticize and condemn actions considered unsavory on the part of complainants and the accused, complainants and accused persons deployed on-record FTAs to protest/redress the panel’s decisions found unacceptable. The panel used positive face acts as a general principle in the interaction, particularly with cooperative accused persons, while accused persons deployed positive face acts to negotiate the discursive interaction and for face-damage repair. Keywords: Alternative dispute resolution, dispute and media, face acts.
{"title":"NIGERIA: FACE ACTS IN ALTERNATIVE DISPUTE RESOLUTION TELEVISION PROGRAM. THE CASE OF IGBIMO IPETU","authors":"T. Ajayi, O. Ajayi, Rahidat Temitope Fashina","doi":"10.24193/csq.36.1","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.24193/csq.36.1","url":null,"abstract":"The concept of alternative dispute resolution (ADR) has largely been under explored from the linguistic lens, particularly in the Nigerian context. This study thus provides a scholarly intervention in this regard. Drawing insights from Brown and Levinson’s face theory, four randomly sampled recordings of Ìgbìmo Ìpètù, an alternative dispute resolution television programme on the Ekiti State Television (EKTV) in southwestern Nigeria was analysed in this study. Focus was placed on the face acts as well as their pragmatic functions in the programme. Findings revealed that bald on-record face-threatening acts (FTA), bald off-record FTA and positive face acts characterized the discursive interaction of participants on the programme. While bald onrecord and off-record FTAs were deployed by the panel to criticize and condemn actions considered unsavory on the part of complainants and the accused, complainants and accused persons deployed on-record FTAs to protest/redress the panel’s decisions found unacceptable. The panel used positive face acts as a general principle in the interaction, particularly with cooperative accused persons, while accused persons deployed positive face acts to negotiate the discursive interaction and for face-damage repair. Keywords: Alternative dispute resolution, dispute and media, face acts.","PeriodicalId":55922,"journal":{"name":"Conflict Studies Quarterly","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.3,"publicationDate":"2021-07-05","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"45326748","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Since its independence in 1960, Nigeria has been ravaged by various categories of resource conflicts with consequential effects on rurality. These conflicts have caused untold hardship on rural communities in Nigeria to the extent that some of the communities have been deserted for safety elsewhere. These rural communities have valued heritage assets where they had leveraged on for meaningful socioeconomic recovery. This study was aimed at identifying these resource conflicts and their impacts on heritage assets in rural Nigeria. However, resource conflicts like Boko Haram, militancy, herdsmen, banditry, and communal conflicts were identified. Evidences show that these conflicts obliterate tangible and intangible heritage assets of rural communities in Nigeria, with correspondence effect on heritage transfer through memory loss. Effective international support among others was recommended as a possible option. This study has implications for the understanding of further effects of resource conflicts on rurality in Nigeria. Keywords: Resource conflicts; heritage assets; heritage preservation; rural communities; conflict theory
{"title":"NIGERIA: RESOURCE CONFLICTS AND RURALITY. IMPLICATIONS ON HERITAGE ASSETS","authors":"E. Nwankwo, Halilu Aishat","doi":"10.24193/csq.35.4","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.24193/csq.35.4","url":null,"abstract":"Since its independence in 1960, Nigeria has been ravaged by various categories of resource conflicts with consequential effects on rurality. These conflicts have caused untold hardship on rural communities in Nigeria to the extent that some of the communities have been deserted for safety elsewhere. These rural communities have valued heritage assets where they had leveraged on for meaningful socioeconomic recovery. This study was aimed at identifying these resource conflicts and their impacts on heritage assets in rural Nigeria. However, resource conflicts like Boko Haram, militancy, herdsmen, banditry, and communal conflicts were identified. Evidences show that these conflicts obliterate tangible and intangible heritage assets of rural communities in Nigeria, with correspondence effect on heritage transfer through memory loss. Effective international support among others was recommended as a possible option. This study has implications for the understanding of further effects of resource conflicts on rurality in Nigeria. Keywords: Resource conflicts; heritage assets; heritage preservation; rural communities; conflict theory","PeriodicalId":55922,"journal":{"name":"Conflict Studies Quarterly","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.3,"publicationDate":"2021-04-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"47678059","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
This research paper aims to shed light on the theoretical perspectives and operational approaches adopted by the Palestinian civil society organization in connection with the peacebuilding and reconciliation process in the Palestinian context. The research question is what are the different moves, debates, and initiatives taken by the Palestinian civil society organizations to put an end to the conflict? Why could not they succeed or produce tangible results in fulfilling this goal? The first part of the paper considers debates, contexts, and developments of civil society organizations, in general, and Palestine, in particular, as well as their roles on political, national, cultural, and developmental levels. Civil society deepens its peaceful intervention in many developed and developing countries to build domestic peace and achieve reconciliation, along with other tasks and duties. Palestine’s case is not an exception but a unique case since the independent sovereign state of Palestine does not exist on the ground. The second part aims to deeply analyze the roles of civil society in the reconciliation process and to assess why this process failed to produce fruitful results until now. To use narrative methodologies, the paper collects primary data through structured interviews and the focus group. Interviews were conducted with the cadres and activists in the Palestinian civil society and other professionals and experts in this field. The last part concludes that civil society, especially among the youth, is necessary for reconciliation not only between Israeli and Palestinians but also within the Palestinians as well. Keywords: Civil Society, Peacebuilding, Israel, Palestine, conflict.
{"title":"PALESTINE: RECONCILIATION AND PEACEBUILDING. PERSPECTIVES FROM THE CIVIL SOCIETY ORGANIZATIONS","authors":"A. Yousef, S. Özçelik","doi":"10.24193/csq.35.6","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.24193/csq.35.6","url":null,"abstract":"This research paper aims to shed light on the theoretical perspectives and operational approaches adopted by the Palestinian civil society organization in connection with the peacebuilding and reconciliation process in the Palestinian context. The research question is what are the different moves, debates, and initiatives taken by the Palestinian civil society organizations to put an end to the conflict? Why could not they succeed or produce tangible results in fulfilling this goal? The first part of the paper considers debates, contexts, and developments of civil society organizations, in general, and Palestine, in particular, as well as their roles on political, national, cultural, and developmental levels. Civil society deepens its peaceful intervention in many developed and developing countries to build domestic peace and achieve reconciliation, along with other tasks and duties. Palestine’s case is not an exception but a unique case since the independent sovereign state of Palestine does not exist on the ground. The second part aims to deeply analyze the roles of civil society in the reconciliation process and to assess why this process failed to produce fruitful results until now. To use narrative methodologies, the paper collects primary data through structured interviews and the focus group. Interviews were conducted with the cadres and activists in the Palestinian civil society and other professionals and experts in this field. The last part concludes that civil society, especially among the youth, is necessary for reconciliation not only between Israeli and Palestinians but also within the Palestinians as well. Keywords: Civil Society, Peacebuilding, Israel, Palestine, conflict.","PeriodicalId":55922,"journal":{"name":"Conflict Studies Quarterly","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.3,"publicationDate":"2021-04-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"42675190","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
"This article is an exposition of the transformation of ZANU from being, primarily, a nationalist movement into an ethnic oriented party. Since its formation in 1963, ZANU was gripped by ethnicity, resulting in factions and contestations developing among party members. These contestations developed into open conflicts along tribal lines. The paper argues that ethnicity was so acute among ZANU party members to an extent that divisions were clearly drawn along the Shona sub-ethnic groups of Manyika (easterners), Karanga (southerners), and Zezuru (northerners). The competition for leadership positions and the fighting among members of these ethnic groups resulted in the death of some members of the party and the expulsion of others from the party. It is argued in the article that the persecution of Ndabaningi Sithole and his fallout as the ZANU president was a result of the ethnicisation of ZANU and the liberation struggle. The removal of Sithole as the party president and his replacement by Robert Mugabe exhibits these contestations among the Zezuru, Karanga and Manyika ethnic groups. We argue that the deposition of Sithole from ZANU in 1975 and his castigation as a “sell-out” and “tribalist” was a ploy by Robert Mugabe and other ZANU leaders to get rid of him and to replace him along ethnic grounds. The ethnic card was deployed to serve selfish political interests. It is these ethnic contestations and fighting which also brewed conflict and enmity between Mugabe in particular and Ndabaningi Sithole, among other factors. This hatred was clearly displayed later in the struggle for supremacy between Sithole’s new party, ZANU-Ndonga and Robert Mugabe’s ZANU-PF. It is stressed in the article that this enmity also culminated in the denial of a hero status to Sithole when he died in 2000. We also argue that the deposition of Sithole from ZANU is one of the reasons why the Ndau people of Chipinge always voted for him and not Robert Mugabe in elections. Keywords: Zimbabwe, Ethnicisation, Downfall, Contestations, ZANU, Hero status."
{"title":"ZIMBABWE: THE ETHNICISATION OF ZANU AND THE DOWNFALL OF NDABANINGI SITHOLE (1963-2000)","authors":"Owen Mangiza, Ishmael Mazambani","doi":"10.24193/csq.35.3","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.24193/csq.35.3","url":null,"abstract":"\"This article is an exposition of the transformation of ZANU from being, primarily, a nationalist movement into an ethnic oriented party. Since its formation in 1963, ZANU was gripped by ethnicity, resulting in factions and contestations developing among party members. These contestations developed into open conflicts along tribal lines. The paper argues that ethnicity was so acute among ZANU party members to an extent that divisions were clearly drawn along the Shona sub-ethnic groups of Manyika (easterners), Karanga (southerners), and Zezuru (northerners). The competition for leadership positions and the fighting among members of these ethnic groups resulted in the death of some members of the party and the expulsion of others from the party. It is argued in the article that the persecution of Ndabaningi Sithole and his fallout as the ZANU president was a result of the ethnicisation of ZANU and the liberation struggle. The removal of Sithole as the party president and his replacement by Robert Mugabe exhibits these contestations among the Zezuru, Karanga and Manyika ethnic groups. We argue that the deposition of Sithole from ZANU in 1975 and his castigation as a “sell-out” and “tribalist” was a ploy by Robert Mugabe and other ZANU leaders to get rid of him and to replace him along ethnic grounds. The ethnic card was deployed to serve selfish political interests. It is these ethnic contestations and fighting which also brewed conflict and enmity between Mugabe in particular and Ndabaningi Sithole, among other factors. This hatred was clearly displayed later in the struggle for supremacy between Sithole’s new party, ZANU-Ndonga and Robert Mugabe’s ZANU-PF. It is stressed in the article that this enmity also culminated in the denial of a hero status to Sithole when he died in 2000. We also argue that the deposition of Sithole from ZANU is one of the reasons why the Ndau people of\u0000Chipinge always voted for him and not Robert Mugabe in elections.\u0000Keywords: Zimbabwe, Ethnicisation, Downfall, Contestations, ZANU, Hero status.\"","PeriodicalId":55922,"journal":{"name":"Conflict Studies Quarterly","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.3,"publicationDate":"2021-04-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"42556739","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
The Responsibility to Protect (RtoP) is a highly contested doctrine when authorized or not. Yet, the need to safeguard civilian populations from mass atrocity remains urgent with Cote d’Ivoire’s post-election violence being instructive. Numerous studies have interrogated the nature of the conflict and subsequent interventions in Cote d’Ivoire, yet only a few seem to focus on the intervention process, outcome and implications for future application of the RtoP. This highlights need for deeper interrogation of the issues emerging from United Nations Security Council’s execution of Resolution 1975 in Cote d’Ivoire and the wider implications for the doctrine. While the Ivorian crisis meets the just cause criteria for RtoP authorizing, its execution in the Cote d’Ivoire exposed some challenges for the emerging doctrine. Challenges encompassing conceptual ambiguity, institutional issues and operational lapses leading to mass violation of rights of the civilian population by intervention forces, and the delegitimizing question of regime change. Future application of the RtoP must be context-specific accounting for the peculiarities of the environment where it is authorized; ensure effective monitoring and evaluation of the process and the actors involved; review of the thresholds for armed interventions; must engage local populations in the peace process and; must be backed by political will of both international and regional actors
{"title":"COTE D’IVOIRE: RESPONSIBILITY TO PROTECT, ELECTORAL VIOLENCE AND THE 2010 CRYSIS","authors":"N. Erameh, Uzezi Ologe","doi":"10.24193/csq.35.1","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.24193/csq.35.1","url":null,"abstract":"The Responsibility to Protect (RtoP) is a highly contested doctrine when authorized or not. Yet, the need to safeguard civilian populations from mass atrocity remains urgent with Cote d’Ivoire’s post-election violence being instructive. Numerous studies have interrogated the nature of the conflict and subsequent interventions in Cote d’Ivoire, yet only a few seem to focus on the intervention process, outcome and implications for future application of the RtoP. This highlights need for deeper interrogation of the issues emerging from United Nations Security Council’s execution of Resolution 1975 in Cote d’Ivoire and the wider implications for the doctrine. While the Ivorian crisis meets the just cause criteria for RtoP authorizing, its execution in the Cote d’Ivoire exposed some challenges for the emerging doctrine. Challenges encompassing conceptual ambiguity, institutional issues and operational lapses leading to mass violation of rights of the civilian population by intervention forces, and the delegitimizing question of regime change. Future application of the RtoP must be context-specific accounting for the peculiarities of the environment where it is authorized; ensure effective monitoring and evaluation of the process and the actors involved; review of the thresholds for armed interventions; must engage local populations in the peace process and; must be backed by political will of both international and regional actors","PeriodicalId":55922,"journal":{"name":"Conflict Studies Quarterly","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.3,"publicationDate":"2021-04-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"44658947","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Why does state violence sometimes fail to crush a secessionist movement and instead facilitate international support for the separatist cause? Based on the literature on the international recognition of secessionist entities and on the impact of state repression against social movements, this paper develops an argument according to which the timing of certain repressive events make them more likely to generate an international backlash and thus facilitate external support for secessionists. To backfire internationally, state violence must occur at the right time—that is, when the secessionists have gained sufficient media attention, put in place an appropriate organizational structure, and have abandoned violent tactics for a nonviolent campaign. Using the secession process of East Timor as a case study, this paper shows how the international moral outrage that followed the Dili massacre (1991),combined with a changing geopolitical context, have boosted the foreign support of the secessionist movement in East Timor and allowed it to obtain important concessions from Jakarta. Keywords: State repression, Secession, East Timor, Political violence, International Relations
{"title":"EAST TIMOR: WHEN STATE REPRESSION MAKES SECESSION EASIER (1975-2002)","authors":"Jacob Fortier","doi":"10.24193/csq.35.2","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.24193/csq.35.2","url":null,"abstract":"Why does state violence sometimes fail to crush a secessionist movement and instead facilitate international support for the separatist cause? Based on the literature on the international recognition of secessionist entities and on the impact of state repression against social movements, this paper develops an argument according to which the timing of certain repressive events make them more likely to generate an international backlash and thus facilitate external support for secessionists. To backfire internationally, state violence must occur at the right time—that is, when the secessionists have gained sufficient media attention, put in place an appropriate organizational structure, and have abandoned violent tactics for a nonviolent campaign. Using the secession process of East Timor as a case study, this paper shows how the international moral outrage that followed the Dili massacre (1991),combined with a changing geopolitical context, have boosted the foreign support of the secessionist movement in East Timor and allowed it to obtain important concessions from Jakarta. Keywords: State repression, Secession, East Timor, Political violence, International Relations","PeriodicalId":55922,"journal":{"name":"Conflict Studies Quarterly","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.3,"publicationDate":"2021-04-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"49334754","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
The article is devoted to comparative analysis of contemporary political theories of socio-cultural integration policy as a way of constructive conϐlict resolution in the North Caucasus. Latent ethno-political conflicts remain the most noticeable of contemporary challenges and threats to civil solidarity and ethnic peace in this unstable region. The fundamental issue that requires a constructive solution in order to ensure political stability in the North Caucasus region is the promotion of multi-level and inclusive sociocultural integration. This study claims that the escalation of protracted, deep-rooted conϐlicts is the result of large-scale social disintegration as a fundamental threat to the North Caucasus stability. Socio-cultural disintegration is superimposed on ethno-territorial and social polarization: ethno-political particularism, religious traditionalism and large-scale demodernization of the North Caucasus archaize regional identities, hindering the formation of civil society.
{"title":"NORTH CAUCASUS: PROMOTING CONFLICT RESOLUTION STRATEGY IN AN UNSTABLE REGION","authors":"M. Popov","doi":"10.24193/csq.32.3","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.24193/csq.32.3","url":null,"abstract":"The article is devoted to comparative analysis of contemporary political theories of socio-cultural integration policy as a way of constructive conϐlict resolution in the North Caucasus. Latent ethno-political conflicts remain the most noticeable of contemporary challenges and threats to civil solidarity and ethnic peace in this unstable region. The fundamental issue that requires a constructive solution in order to ensure political stability in the North Caucasus region is the promotion of multi-level and inclusive sociocultural integration. This study claims that the escalation of protracted, deep-rooted conϐlicts is the result of large-scale social disintegration as a fundamental threat to the North Caucasus stability. Socio-cultural disintegration is superimposed on ethno-territorial and social polarization: ethno-political particularism, religious traditionalism and large-scale demodernization of the North Caucasus archaize regional identities, hindering the formation of civil society.","PeriodicalId":55922,"journal":{"name":"Conflict Studies Quarterly","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.3,"publicationDate":"2020-07-05","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"48726703","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
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