"Religious conflicts have increased interfaith suspicion between Christians and Muslims in Nigeria with each group being determined to outshine the other in the propagation of its religious beliefs. In fact, even Islamic sect Boko Haram was formed on the belief in the superiority of Islam as a monotheistic religion and with a divine mandate to purge Islam of Western influences. This paper examines the complex issues surrounding the advent of the Boko Haram sect in Nigeria. It argues that religious conflict in Nigeria results from the propagation of radicalized exegeses and the use of religious sentiments for gain political advantage. Government’s failure to act decisively also accounts for religious conflict in Nigeria and the Boko Haram in particular. Keywords: Boko Haram, conflict, religion, ideology, violence, Islam."
{"title":"NIGERIA: RELIGIOUS CONFLICT AND THE BOKO HARAM","authors":"Michael Aondona Chiangi","doi":"10.24193/csq.37.1","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.24193/csq.37.1","url":null,"abstract":"\"Religious conflicts have increased interfaith suspicion between Christians and Muslims in Nigeria with each group being determined to outshine the other in the propagation of its religious beliefs. In fact, even Islamic sect Boko Haram was formed on the belief in the superiority of Islam as a monotheistic religion and with a divine mandate to purge Islam of Western influences. This paper examines the complex issues surrounding the advent of the Boko Haram sect in Nigeria. It argues that religious conflict in Nigeria results from the propagation of radicalized exegeses and the use of religious sentiments for gain political advantage. Government’s failure to act decisively also accounts for religious conflict in Nigeria and the Boko Haram in particular. Keywords: Boko Haram, conflict, religion, ideology, violence, Islam.\"","PeriodicalId":55922,"journal":{"name":"Conflict Studies Quarterly","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.3,"publicationDate":"2021-10-05","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"48770948","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Since its independence, Uzbekistan has often portrayed terrorism as one of the gravest threats to its sovereignty, integrity, unity, and internal stability. Uzbekistan’s authoritarian regime has been perceived endorsing and executing a series of counter-terrorism policies to exorcise this hazardous threat that includes all possible tactics for eliminating terrorism from the respective region. Unlike the state’s proclamation about the increasing gravity of the terrorist threat, some international human right organizations and Central Asian experts depict an opposite picture of it. They are seen to be very critical of the state’s exaggerated version of the terrorist threat and question the state’s intention behind such projection. This paper makes a systematic effort to critically examine how Uzbekistan’s authoritarian leaders have constructed official discourse on terrorism, taking into consideration the social, political and economic context of the region. The paper also examines the authenticity of the state’s continuous projection of terrorism to be one of the gravest threats to the sovereignty and integrity of the region by incorporating and analyzing a detailed account of the terrorist acts that have taken place in Uzbekistan since 1991 to 2018. Finally, the paper also explains why the Uzbek authoritarian regime is keen to construct terrorism to be one of the most dangerous threats to the state. Keywords: terrorism, Uzbekistan, Counterterrorism Act, security, non-state actor
{"title":"UZBEKISTAN: A CRITICAL ANALYSIS OF THE OFFICIAL DISCOURSE ON TERRORISM","authors":"Tribedi Chutia","doi":"10.24193/csq.37.2","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.24193/csq.37.2","url":null,"abstract":"Since its independence, Uzbekistan has often portrayed terrorism as one of the gravest threats to its sovereignty, integrity, unity, and internal stability. Uzbekistan’s authoritarian regime has been perceived endorsing and executing a series of counter-terrorism policies to exorcise this hazardous threat that includes all possible tactics for eliminating terrorism from the respective region. Unlike the state’s proclamation about the increasing gravity of the terrorist threat, some international human right organizations and Central Asian experts depict an opposite picture of it. They are seen to be very critical of the state’s exaggerated version of the terrorist threat and question the state’s intention behind such projection. This paper makes a systematic effort to critically examine how Uzbekistan’s authoritarian leaders have constructed official discourse on terrorism, taking into consideration the social, political and economic context of the region. The paper also examines the authenticity of the state’s continuous projection of terrorism to be one of the gravest threats to the sovereignty and integrity of the region by incorporating and analyzing a detailed account of the terrorist acts that have taken place in Uzbekistan since 1991 to 2018. Finally, the paper also explains why the Uzbek authoritarian regime is keen to construct terrorism to be one of the most dangerous threats to the state. Keywords: terrorism, Uzbekistan, Counterterrorism Act, security, non-state actor","PeriodicalId":55922,"journal":{"name":"Conflict Studies Quarterly","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.3,"publicationDate":"2021-10-05","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"49154790","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
The general meaning of “proxy war” is the pursuit of one’s interests exploiting other actors. Measures to this end can be implemented in two ways: through hard and soft power. As far as countering the activities of terrorist organizations is concerned, it can be seen that self-interest is placed above efforts against terrorism. The civil war in Syria and the activities of terrorist organizations have become grounds for greater involvement of global powers in the struggle for gaining influence in the country. This paper aims to show the actions of global and regional powers and other state actors taken in an attempt to assert power and influence under the guise of the fight against terrorism. The paper is divided into two parts: theoretical and practical. The theoretical part discusses aspects related to Josepha Nye’s concept of “smart power” and the notions of “proxy war” and “proxy activities”. The practical part discusses the activities of international actors pursuing their interests through official involvement in the fight against Daesh in the Syrian territory. Keywords: proxy war, Middle East, soft power, hard power, Daesh, Syria
{"title":"SYRIA: TERRORISM AS A CATALYST FOR PROXY WAR – THE CASE OF THE CIVIL WAR","authors":"Patrycja Patrycja","doi":"10.24193/csq.36.2","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.24193/csq.36.2","url":null,"abstract":"The general meaning of “proxy war” is the pursuit of one’s interests exploiting other actors. Measures to this end can be implemented in two ways: through hard and soft power. As far as countering the activities of terrorist organizations is concerned, it can be seen that self-interest is placed above efforts against terrorism. The civil war in Syria and the activities of terrorist organizations have become grounds for greater involvement of global powers in the struggle for gaining influence in the country. This paper aims to show the actions of global and regional powers and other state actors taken in an attempt to assert power and influence under the guise of the fight against terrorism. The paper is divided into two parts: theoretical and practical. The theoretical part discusses aspects related to Josepha Nye’s concept of “smart power” and the notions of “proxy war” and “proxy activities”. The practical part discusses the activities of international actors pursuing their interests through official involvement in the fight against Daesh in the Syrian territory. Keywords: proxy war, Middle East, soft power, hard power, Daesh, Syria","PeriodicalId":55922,"journal":{"name":"Conflict Studies Quarterly","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.3,"publicationDate":"2021-07-05","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"48094693","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
The involvement of the United States in the negotiation process of the GERD was taken as a good step forward to end the belligerent water diplomacy between Egypt and Ethiopia. However, America’s peace proposal which is named ‘the Trump deal’ ends up further complicating the two countries water diplomacy. Trump’s securitization ‘speech act’ calling Egypt to ‘blow up’ Ethiopia’s dam further escalated the risk of water war between the two states. Eventually, the Trump lead negotiation eroded the perception that the United States would generate a good proposal to halt the belligerency of the Ethio-Egypt relations. This article is intended to chart a new insight on the following questions: given the unpleasant water diplomacy between Egypt and Ethiopia how ‘the Trump deal’ and securitization ‘speech act’ further complicated the matter? Why President Trump worked in securitizing the construction of the GERD on the Blue Nile? And how does the nature of securitization and counter-securitization activities worked in the water diplomacy between Egypt and Ethiopia? In the process of analysis the Copenhagen School (CS) concept of securitization is employed. Keywords: Egypt, Ethiopia, Nile, Dam, Trump, Securitization.
{"title":"ETHIOPIA: TRUMP’S SECURITIZATION ‘SPEECH ACT’ ON THE GRAND ETHIOPIAN RENAISSANCE DAM (GERD). A RISK ON THE ETHIOPIA-EGYPT WATER DIPLOMACY","authors":"Nigusu Adem Yimer, Turgut Subaşı","doi":"10.24193/csq.36.5","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.24193/csq.36.5","url":null,"abstract":"The involvement of the United States in the negotiation process of the GERD was taken as a good step forward to end the belligerent water diplomacy between Egypt and Ethiopia. However, America’s peace proposal which is named ‘the Trump deal’ ends up further complicating the two countries water diplomacy. Trump’s securitization ‘speech act’ calling Egypt to ‘blow up’ Ethiopia’s dam further escalated the risk of water war between the two states. Eventually, the Trump lead negotiation eroded the perception that the United States would generate a good proposal to halt the belligerency of the Ethio-Egypt relations. This article is intended to chart a new insight on the following questions: given the unpleasant water diplomacy between Egypt and Ethiopia how ‘the Trump deal’ and securitization ‘speech act’ further complicated the matter? Why President Trump worked in securitizing the construction of the GERD on the Blue Nile? And how does the nature of securitization and counter-securitization activities worked in the water diplomacy between Egypt and Ethiopia? In the process of analysis the Copenhagen School (CS) concept of securitization is employed. Keywords: Egypt, Ethiopia, Nile, Dam, Trump, Securitization.","PeriodicalId":55922,"journal":{"name":"Conflict Studies Quarterly","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.3,"publicationDate":"2021-07-05","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"42093319","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Tomo indigenous conflict resolution approach is practiced by the Benč ethnic group and their neighboring communities within the southwestern fringe of Ethiopia. As an indigenous apparatus, the Tomo approach exhibits spirituality through blessing and cursing which are directed against the accused based on complying or contravening the very indigenous dispute management rules and regulations. The objective of this study was exploring the custom through which the studied community deals with conflict by using the indigenous Tomo approach. In pursuit of this objective, the researcher utilized a qualitative approach, particularly phenomenology. In terms of data collection tools, the researcher used key-informant interview with selected Benč ritual leaders, non-participant observation on Tomo adjudication sessions and critical document analysis. Built up on such data sources, the findings of the study discovered five inferences. First, regardless of the fact that Tomo is an indigenous approach owed by Benč communities, none of the Benč neighboring communities make use ofit. Secondly, the majority of cases seen by Tomo institution are issues that deify credible eyewitness and are cumbersome for verification and/or falsification within the mainstream court system. Thirdly, unlike the habitual Tomo practice within the Benč community, contemporary Tomo exhibits two conflicting formality and informality characteristics. Due to its semi-formal nature, contemporary Tomo ritual leaders notify charges against the presumed wrongdoer by sending an invitation letter for the accused to attend the charges against him/her, comparable with formal courts. Contrary to this formality, contemporary Tomo is also characterized by informality due to the fact that verdicts given against the perpetrator are passed through ritual cursing just like the habitual Tomo. Furthermore, identical with the habitual Tomo practice, cursing within contemporary Tomo goes the presumed wrongdoer including his/her family up to some future generations along with those who feast and bury the presumed wrongdoer. Overall, contemporary Tomo has terrifying delinquency deterring outcome along with the accustomed indigenous conflict resolution mechanism features. Keywords: conflict, conflict resolution, indigenous conflict resolution, Tomo.
{"title":"ETHIOPIA: TOMO – INDIGENOUS CONFLICT RESOLUTION MECHANISM OF THE BENC COMMUNITY","authors":"T. Wondimu","doi":"10.24193/csq.36.6","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.24193/csq.36.6","url":null,"abstract":"Tomo indigenous conflict resolution approach is practiced by the Benč ethnic group and their neighboring communities within the southwestern fringe of Ethiopia. As an indigenous apparatus, the Tomo approach exhibits spirituality through blessing and cursing which are directed against the accused based on complying or contravening the very indigenous dispute management rules and regulations. The objective of this study was exploring the custom through which the studied community deals with conflict by using the indigenous Tomo approach. In pursuit of this objective, the researcher utilized a qualitative approach, particularly phenomenology. In terms of data collection tools, the researcher used key-informant interview with selected Benč ritual leaders, non-participant observation on Tomo adjudication sessions and critical document analysis. Built up on such data sources, the findings of the study discovered five inferences. First, regardless of the fact that Tomo is an indigenous approach owed by Benč communities, none of the Benč neighboring communities make use ofit. Secondly, the majority of cases seen by Tomo institution are issues that deify credible eyewitness and are cumbersome for verification and/or falsification within the mainstream court system. Thirdly, unlike the habitual Tomo practice within the Benč community, contemporary Tomo exhibits two conflicting formality and informality characteristics. Due to its semi-formal nature, contemporary Tomo ritual leaders notify charges against the presumed wrongdoer by sending an invitation letter for the accused to attend the charges against him/her, comparable with formal courts. Contrary to this formality, contemporary Tomo is also characterized by informality due to the fact that verdicts given against the perpetrator are passed through ritual cursing just like the habitual Tomo. Furthermore, identical with the habitual Tomo practice, cursing within contemporary Tomo goes the presumed wrongdoer including his/her family up to some future generations along with those who feast and bury the presumed wrongdoer. Overall, contemporary Tomo has terrifying delinquency deterring outcome along with the accustomed indigenous conflict resolution mechanism features. Keywords: conflict, conflict resolution, indigenous conflict resolution, Tomo.","PeriodicalId":55922,"journal":{"name":"Conflict Studies Quarterly","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.3,"publicationDate":"2021-07-05","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"48305121","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
The main goal of this research paper is to examine the core role of popular nonviolent resistance in transforming the Israeli Palestinian conflict through all available peaceful means. We have deeply gone through different definitions of nonviolence as an international concept and we explored the various historical stages and prominent stations of this type of nonviolence. To elaborate more on this goal, we can say that the strategic aim is to bridge the gap between theories and approaches of conflict transformations and the current study of peaceful resistance. Nonviolence is one strategic options for the Palestinians if we realize that the political alternatives and narrow and limited. Methodology adopted in this research is primarily qualitative with analytical and empirical connotations and implications, we relied on both primary and secondary data to reach the final results and conclusions. As far the final findings are concerned, this paper concluded that there is a gap between nonviolence peaceful resistance in the field in one hand and the decision makers on the other hand. There is a gap those who practiced or who embraced nonviolence as strategic resistance and those who put political goals and practiced political leadership. There is a lack of a proper understanding of peaceful nonviolent resistance and its role in liberating and emancipating Palestine from the occupation. Keywords: nonviolence, occupation, popular resistance, Gandhian model.
{"title":"PALESTINE: POPULAR NON-VIOLENT RESISTANCE. DEBATING TERMINOLOGY AND CONSTRUCTING PARADIGMS","authors":"Abdeleahman Nazzal, A. Yousef","doi":"10.24193/csq.36.3","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.24193/csq.36.3","url":null,"abstract":"The main goal of this research paper is to examine the core role of popular nonviolent resistance in transforming the Israeli Palestinian conflict through all available peaceful means. We have deeply gone through different definitions of nonviolence as an international concept and we explored the various historical stages and prominent stations of this type of nonviolence. To elaborate more on this goal, we can say that the strategic aim is to bridge the gap between theories and approaches of conflict transformations and the current study of peaceful resistance. Nonviolence is one strategic options for the Palestinians if we realize that the political alternatives and narrow and limited. Methodology adopted in this research is primarily qualitative with analytical and empirical connotations and implications, we relied on both primary and secondary data to reach the final results and conclusions. As far the final findings are concerned, this paper concluded that there is a gap between nonviolence peaceful resistance in the field in one hand and the decision makers on the other hand. There is a gap those who practiced or who embraced nonviolence as strategic resistance and those who put political goals and practiced political leadership. There is a lack of a proper understanding of peaceful nonviolent resistance and its role in liberating and emancipating Palestine from the occupation. Keywords: nonviolence, occupation, popular resistance, Gandhian model.","PeriodicalId":55922,"journal":{"name":"Conflict Studies Quarterly","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.3,"publicationDate":"2021-07-05","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"43352755","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Reconciliation is inevitable for restoring harmony among a society and making peaceful interaction between those who are at variance. The main objective of this study is to investigate the Abegar indigenous conflict resolution system based on community reconciliation in Haberu Woreda, North Wollo. This study employs a qualitative research design and descriptive nature. The study collected primary data from different informants by employing such qualitative data collection techniques as the interview, focus group discussions and observation. The finding of the study revealed that Abegars indigenous conflict resolution system aims at the restoration of order and harmony of the community. The types of conflicts presented and resolved in the community are inter-personal, homicide, inter-group in nature which stemmed from abduction of girls and women, violation of social values, theft, conflict over claims of a girl, competition over ownership of land, and drunkenness. The findings further show that family reconciliation, blood reconciliation (demmaderk) and compensation performance are the major community reconciliation procedures (methods) of conflict management used by the studied community depending on the nature and types of conflicts. Moreover, the ritual ceremony has symbolic and practical significance to established trust between conflicting parties that their relationship is restored. Keywords: Conflict Resolution, Indigenous, Reconciliation, Community
{"title":"ETHIOPIA: ABEGAR INDIGENOUS CONFLICT RESOLUTION SYSTEM – COMMUNITY BASED RECONCILIATION","authors":"Benyam Lake Yimer","doi":"10.24193/csq.36.4","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.24193/csq.36.4","url":null,"abstract":"Reconciliation is inevitable for restoring harmony among a society and making peaceful interaction between those who are at variance. The main objective of this study is to investigate the Abegar indigenous conflict resolution system based on community reconciliation in Haberu Woreda, North Wollo. This study employs a qualitative research design and descriptive nature. The study collected primary data from different informants by employing such qualitative data collection techniques as the interview, focus group discussions and observation. The finding of the study revealed that Abegars indigenous conflict resolution system aims at the restoration of order and harmony of the community. The types of conflicts presented and resolved in the community are inter-personal, homicide, inter-group in nature which stemmed from abduction of girls and women, violation of social values, theft, conflict over claims of a girl, competition over ownership of land, and drunkenness. The findings further show that family reconciliation, blood reconciliation (demmaderk) and compensation performance are the major community reconciliation procedures (methods) of conflict management used by the studied community depending on the nature and types of conflicts. Moreover, the ritual ceremony has symbolic and practical significance to established trust between conflicting parties that their relationship is restored. Keywords: Conflict Resolution, Indigenous, Reconciliation, Community","PeriodicalId":55922,"journal":{"name":"Conflict Studies Quarterly","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.3,"publicationDate":"2021-07-05","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"49572119","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
The concept of alternative dispute resolution (ADR) has largely been under explored from the linguistic lens, particularly in the Nigerian context. This study thus provides a scholarly intervention in this regard. Drawing insights from Brown and Levinson’s face theory, four randomly sampled recordings of Ìgbìmo Ìpètù, an alternative dispute resolution television programme on the Ekiti State Television (EKTV) in southwestern Nigeria was analysed in this study. Focus was placed on the face acts as well as their pragmatic functions in the programme. Findings revealed that bald on-record face-threatening acts (FTA), bald off-record FTA and positive face acts characterized the discursive interaction of participants on the programme. While bald onrecord and off-record FTAs were deployed by the panel to criticize and condemn actions considered unsavory on the part of complainants and the accused, complainants and accused persons deployed on-record FTAs to protest/redress the panel’s decisions found unacceptable. The panel used positive face acts as a general principle in the interaction, particularly with cooperative accused persons, while accused persons deployed positive face acts to negotiate the discursive interaction and for face-damage repair. Keywords: Alternative dispute resolution, dispute and media, face acts.
{"title":"NIGERIA: FACE ACTS IN ALTERNATIVE DISPUTE RESOLUTION TELEVISION PROGRAM. THE CASE OF IGBIMO IPETU","authors":"T. Ajayi, O. Ajayi, Rahidat Temitope Fashina","doi":"10.24193/csq.36.1","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.24193/csq.36.1","url":null,"abstract":"The concept of alternative dispute resolution (ADR) has largely been under explored from the linguistic lens, particularly in the Nigerian context. This study thus provides a scholarly intervention in this regard. Drawing insights from Brown and Levinson’s face theory, four randomly sampled recordings of Ìgbìmo Ìpètù, an alternative dispute resolution television programme on the Ekiti State Television (EKTV) in southwestern Nigeria was analysed in this study. Focus was placed on the face acts as well as their pragmatic functions in the programme. Findings revealed that bald on-record face-threatening acts (FTA), bald off-record FTA and positive face acts characterized the discursive interaction of participants on the programme. While bald onrecord and off-record FTAs were deployed by the panel to criticize and condemn actions considered unsavory on the part of complainants and the accused, complainants and accused persons deployed on-record FTAs to protest/redress the panel’s decisions found unacceptable. The panel used positive face acts as a general principle in the interaction, particularly with cooperative accused persons, while accused persons deployed positive face acts to negotiate the discursive interaction and for face-damage repair. Keywords: Alternative dispute resolution, dispute and media, face acts.","PeriodicalId":55922,"journal":{"name":"Conflict Studies Quarterly","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.3,"publicationDate":"2021-07-05","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"45326748","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
This research paper aims to shed light on the theoretical perspectives and operational approaches adopted by the Palestinian civil society organization in connection with the peacebuilding and reconciliation process in the Palestinian context. The research question is what are the different moves, debates, and initiatives taken by the Palestinian civil society organizations to put an end to the conflict? Why could not they succeed or produce tangible results in fulfilling this goal? The first part of the paper considers debates, contexts, and developments of civil society organizations, in general, and Palestine, in particular, as well as their roles on political, national, cultural, and developmental levels. Civil society deepens its peaceful intervention in many developed and developing countries to build domestic peace and achieve reconciliation, along with other tasks and duties. Palestine’s case is not an exception but a unique case since the independent sovereign state of Palestine does not exist on the ground. The second part aims to deeply analyze the roles of civil society in the reconciliation process and to assess why this process failed to produce fruitful results until now. To use narrative methodologies, the paper collects primary data through structured interviews and the focus group. Interviews were conducted with the cadres and activists in the Palestinian civil society and other professionals and experts in this field. The last part concludes that civil society, especially among the youth, is necessary for reconciliation not only between Israeli and Palestinians but also within the Palestinians as well. Keywords: Civil Society, Peacebuilding, Israel, Palestine, conflict.
{"title":"PALESTINE: RECONCILIATION AND PEACEBUILDING. PERSPECTIVES FROM THE CIVIL SOCIETY ORGANIZATIONS","authors":"A. Yousef, S. Özçelik","doi":"10.24193/csq.35.6","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.24193/csq.35.6","url":null,"abstract":"This research paper aims to shed light on the theoretical perspectives and operational approaches adopted by the Palestinian civil society organization in connection with the peacebuilding and reconciliation process in the Palestinian context. The research question is what are the different moves, debates, and initiatives taken by the Palestinian civil society organizations to put an end to the conflict? Why could not they succeed or produce tangible results in fulfilling this goal? The first part of the paper considers debates, contexts, and developments of civil society organizations, in general, and Palestine, in particular, as well as their roles on political, national, cultural, and developmental levels. Civil society deepens its peaceful intervention in many developed and developing countries to build domestic peace and achieve reconciliation, along with other tasks and duties. Palestine’s case is not an exception but a unique case since the independent sovereign state of Palestine does not exist on the ground. The second part aims to deeply analyze the roles of civil society in the reconciliation process and to assess why this process failed to produce fruitful results until now. To use narrative methodologies, the paper collects primary data through structured interviews and the focus group. Interviews were conducted with the cadres and activists in the Palestinian civil society and other professionals and experts in this field. The last part concludes that civil society, especially among the youth, is necessary for reconciliation not only between Israeli and Palestinians but also within the Palestinians as well. Keywords: Civil Society, Peacebuilding, Israel, Palestine, conflict.","PeriodicalId":55922,"journal":{"name":"Conflict Studies Quarterly","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.3,"publicationDate":"2021-04-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"42675190","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Since its independence in 1960, Nigeria has been ravaged by various categories of resource conflicts with consequential effects on rurality. These conflicts have caused untold hardship on rural communities in Nigeria to the extent that some of the communities have been deserted for safety elsewhere. These rural communities have valued heritage assets where they had leveraged on for meaningful socioeconomic recovery. This study was aimed at identifying these resource conflicts and their impacts on heritage assets in rural Nigeria. However, resource conflicts like Boko Haram, militancy, herdsmen, banditry, and communal conflicts were identified. Evidences show that these conflicts obliterate tangible and intangible heritage assets of rural communities in Nigeria, with correspondence effect on heritage transfer through memory loss. Effective international support among others was recommended as a possible option. This study has implications for the understanding of further effects of resource conflicts on rurality in Nigeria. Keywords: Resource conflicts; heritage assets; heritage preservation; rural communities; conflict theory
{"title":"NIGERIA: RESOURCE CONFLICTS AND RURALITY. IMPLICATIONS ON HERITAGE ASSETS","authors":"E. Nwankwo, Halilu Aishat","doi":"10.24193/csq.35.4","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.24193/csq.35.4","url":null,"abstract":"Since its independence in 1960, Nigeria has been ravaged by various categories of resource conflicts with consequential effects on rurality. These conflicts have caused untold hardship on rural communities in Nigeria to the extent that some of the communities have been deserted for safety elsewhere. These rural communities have valued heritage assets where they had leveraged on for meaningful socioeconomic recovery. This study was aimed at identifying these resource conflicts and their impacts on heritage assets in rural Nigeria. However, resource conflicts like Boko Haram, militancy, herdsmen, banditry, and communal conflicts were identified. Evidences show that these conflicts obliterate tangible and intangible heritage assets of rural communities in Nigeria, with correspondence effect on heritage transfer through memory loss. Effective international support among others was recommended as a possible option. This study has implications for the understanding of further effects of resource conflicts on rurality in Nigeria. Keywords: Resource conflicts; heritage assets; heritage preservation; rural communities; conflict theory","PeriodicalId":55922,"journal":{"name":"Conflict Studies Quarterly","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.3,"publicationDate":"2021-04-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"47678059","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
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