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Ethiopia: The Roles of the Council of Elders (Menguddo) in Gumma Customary Institution of Conϐlict Resolution 埃塞俄比亚:长老理事会(蒙古多)在古马习惯机构中的作用Conϐlict决议
IF 0.3 Pub Date : 2019-01-05 DOI: 10.24193/csq.26.3
Bamlaku Tadesse Mengistu
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引用次数: 0
ODR: An Islamic Jurisprudence Perspective ODR:伊斯兰法学视角
IF 0.3 Pub Date : 2019-01-05 DOI: 10.24193/CSQ.26.4
A. Okoli
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引用次数: 2
Sierra Leone: Critical Discussion on Conflict Resolution and the United Nation Mission 塞拉利昂:关于解决冲突和联合国特派团的批判性讨论
IF 0.3 Pub Date : 2019-01-05 DOI: 10.24193/CSQ.26.2
Dilan Çiftçi
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引用次数: 1
Congo: Nonviolent Struggle in the DRC. Making Sense of the Consent Theory of Power 刚果:刚果民主共和国的非暴力斗争。理解权力的同意理论
IF 0.3 Pub Date : 2018-10-05 DOI: 10.24193/CSQ.25.3
Jean-Marie Kasonga Mbombo
The history of the Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC) is awash with resistance against systemic exploitation of the country’s huge mineral resources by foreign powers, coupled with repression of local population by subsequent regimes. This paper seeks to address the question as to why public withdrawal of consent does not necessarily cause the change of political power in line with the aspirations of the vast majority of citizens. The case study adopts an argumentative approach based on secondary data. The study reveals that the consent of the suffering masses is meaningless as far as regime change is concerned. In other words the survival of repressive regimes is contingent upon the submission of a co-opted few around the seat of power, the cooperation of hired agents of violence and the support of powerful multinationals that have vested interests in the status quo. In the light of Agency theory, it is argued that the success of nonviolent struggle against unpopular regimes depends on the astuteness of unarmed demonstrators to reach out to the agents of legitimate violence with an olive branch so as to not only bridge the distance between them but also turn them into partners for change. As a way forward, the study recommended a broad understanding of the concept of Civil-Military Relations that goes beyond elite framing.
刚果民主共和国(DRC)的历史充满了对外国势力对该国巨大矿产资源的系统性开采的抵制,以及随后政权对当地居民的镇压。本文试图解决这样一个问题,即为什么公众撤回同意并不一定会导致政治权力的变化符合绝大多数公民的愿望。案例研究采用基于二手数据的论证方法。研究表明,就政权更迭而言,苦难群众的同意是毫无意义的。换句话说,压制性政权的生存取决于权力中心周围的少数人的服从,雇佣的暴力代理人的合作以及在现状中拥有既得利益的强大跨国公司的支持。根据代理理论,有人认为,非暴力斗争反对不受欢迎的政权的成功取决于非武装示威者的精明,他们向合法的暴力代理人伸出橄榄枝,不仅可以弥合他们之间的距离,还可以将他们变成变革的伙伴。作为前进的道路,该研究建议对军民关系的概念有一个广泛的理解,而不是精英框架。
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引用次数: 0
USA: The Role of New Media in the Charlottesville ‘Unite the Right’ Conflict 美国:新媒体在夏洛茨维尔“团结右翼”冲突中的作用
IF 0.3 Pub Date : 2018-10-05 DOI: 10.24193/CSQ.25.2
Georgiana Bigea
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引用次数: 0
Mano River Basin: An Evaluation of Negotiation and Mediation Techniques 马诺河流域:谈判与调解技术的评估
IF 0.3 Pub Date : 2018-10-05 DOI: 10.24193/CSQ.25.1
O. Afolabi, Harrison Adewale Idowu
This paper interrogates the negotiation and mediation techniques that was used following aggression, violence and social disruptions in Mano River basin, particularly against the recent return to democracy in the region. While peace has largely been restored, the scattered but continuing incidence of aggression, violence and social disruptions in the Basin has raised questions about the viability of negotiation and mediation techniques. The success or failure of these techniques has effect on the sustainability of State, individual and social structures in the region. Therefore, the paper argues that enough attention has not been paid to the ethical, moral and historical dimensions of the problem of negotiation and mediation, especially the role of traditional institutions and civil society agencies as critical components in con lict resolution. Given this, the paper draws attention to some of the gaps and challenges embedded in ‘imported’ negotiation and mediation techniques that leverage the certi ication of con licts in Africa as being “ethnic and racial”. Using secondary data and drawing on personal experiences in the Mano River Basin (MRB) countries in West Africa, the paper also raises critical questions about the relationship between negotiation and mediation techniques and con lict resolution and the lessons learned so far. It also suggests ways of addressing those aspects of negotiation and mediation techniques de icits as a basis for suggesting options that will likely reduce recourse to con licts, encourage dialogue and inclusive participation, as well as increase the chances for peace in the region and Africa.
本文件询问了马诺河流域发生侵略、暴力和社会混乱之后,特别是在该地区最近恢复民主之后所使用的谈判和调解技巧。虽然和平基本上已经恢复,但该盆地零星但持续发生的侵略、暴力和社会破坏事件,对谈判和调解技术的可行性提出了质疑。这些技术的成败影响着该地区国家、个人和社会结构的可持续性。因此,本文认为,谈判和调解问题的伦理、道德和历史层面,特别是传统机构和民间社会机构作为解决冲突的关键组成部分的作用,没有得到足够的重视。有鉴于此,本文提请注意“进口”谈判和调解技术中存在的一些差距和挑战,这些技术利用了将非洲的违法行为证明为“种族和种族”的手段。该文件利用二手数据并借鉴西非马诺河流域国家的个人经验,还提出了关于谈判和调解技术与解决冲突之间关系的关键问题以及迄今为止吸取的经验教训。它还提出了解决谈判和调解技术的这些方面的方法,作为提出备选方案的基础,这些备选方案可能会减少诉诸欺骗,鼓励对话和包容性参与,并增加该地区和非洲实现和平的机会。
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引用次数: 3
Nigeria: Nomadic Migrancy and Rural Violence 尼日利亚:游牧移民与农村暴力
IF 0.3 Pub Date : 2018-10-05 DOI: 10.24193/csq.25.4
A. Okoli, Nsemba Edward Lenshie
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引用次数: 11
"Burundi and Gambia: Regional Security and Rapid Deployment Capability. The Utility of the African Standby Force " “布隆迪和冈比亚:区域安全和快速部署能力。非洲待命部队的作用”
IF 0.3 Pub Date : 2018-07-05 DOI: 10.24193/CSQ.24.4
Enoch Ndem Okon, Dodeye U. Williams
The paper evaluates the Rapid Deployment Capability (RDC) of the African Standby Force (ASF) in post – Road Map III after 2015, viz-a-viz its’ mandate as the mechanism for regional Peace Support Operations (PSOs). The ASF failed to respond timeously to Malian and Central African Republic (CAR) con licts in 2013 and this led to the formation of African Capacity for Immediate Response to Crises (ACIRC) as an interim RDC mechanism till 2015. The study is grounded on the theory of Collective Security. It adopts Case Study Research Design. Data are generated from both primary and secondary sources. Primary data are generated from Open-end interview, using purpose sampling method and secondary data involve the review of extant literature. Data are presented qualitatively on tables and analysed , using Content Analysis techniques. The study discusses the uniformity and differences in the generation of the ASF’s RDC in the management of Burundian and Gambian con licts of 2015 and 2017 respectively. It reveals the factors which led to these differences in outcome, speci ically the role of ‘democratic density’ and ‘competitive democratic security community’ and their impacts on con lict resolution in Africa. The study concludes that the RDC of the ASF is needed for robust regional security in Africa and recommends pragmatic and sustainable funding of the mechanism, as well as the creation of ‘security communities’ through shared democratic values across the continent.
本文评估了2015年后路线图III中非洲待命部队的快速部署能力,即其作为区域和平支持行动机制的任务。2013年,非洲安全部队未能及时应对马里和中非共和国(CAR)的违规行为,导致成立了非洲立即应对危机能力组织(ACIRC),作为2015年之前的临时RDC机制。本研究以集体安全理论为基础。采用案例研究设计。数据由主要和次要来源生成。主要数据来自开放式访谈,使用目的抽样方法,次要数据涉及对现存文献的审查。数据被定性地呈现在表格上,并使用内容分析技术进行分析。该研究分别讨论了2015年和2017年在布隆迪和冈比亚犯罪管理中ASF RDC产生的一致性和差异性。它揭示了导致这些结果差异的因素,特别是“民主密度”和“竞争性民主安全社区”的作用及其对非洲解决冲突的影响。该研究得出的结论是,非洲安全论坛的RDC是非洲强有力的区域安全所必需的,并建议为该机制提供务实和可持续的资金,以及通过整个非洲大陆的共同民主价值观建立“安全社区”。
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引用次数: 1
Romania: The Kris Procedures. A Brief Incursion in the Roma Community-Based Dispute Management Mechanism 罗马尼亚:克里斯程序。略论罗姆人社区纠纷管理机制
IF 0.3 Pub Date : 2018-07-05 DOI: 10.24193/CSQ.24.1
C. Chereji, Ciprian Sandu
Indigenous con lict management practices have seen a revival of scholarly interest in the last decades. Even if bias against them still exist in the academic and practitioners’ environments, they have slowly conquered ground as mediation and other ADR methods gained track as viable alternatives to the modern justice system of courts, judges and lawyers. In this paper we focus on discovering how Roma communities (probably one of the most misunderstood and stereotyped ethnic group in Europe) deal with con lict ranging from insult and theft all the way to kidnapping and murder. The Kris, as the traditional Roma court system is known, consists on a set of procedures that have strong similarities with both mediation and arbitration as known in the Western literature and practice, but with some notable particularities. The paper is based on interviews with krisinitori (peace judges in Romani language) and direct observation. It aims to unveil a system of practices based on rules and norms far away from the regular image of “uncivilized” and “lawless” the Roma hold in the mind of their European contemporaries.
在过去的几十年里,土著冲突管理实践重新引起了学术界的兴趣。尽管学术界和实务界仍然存在对它们的偏见,但随着调解和其他ADR方法逐渐成为法院、法官和律师组成的现代司法体系的可行替代方案,它们已经慢慢占据了上风。在本文中,我们重点研究罗姆人社区(可能是欧洲最容易被误解和刻板印象的族群之一)如何处理从侮辱和盗窃到绑架和谋杀的各种冲突。传统的罗马法院系统被称为“Kris”,由一套程序组成,这些程序与西方文学和实践中众所周知的调解和仲裁非常相似,但也有一些显著的特殊性。这篇论文是基于对krisinitori(罗马语和平法官)的采访和直接观察。它旨在揭示一个基于规则和规范的实践体系,远离罗姆人在欧洲同时代人心目中的“不文明”和“无法无天”的常规形象。
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引用次数: 2
Nigeria: Perceptions of Disarmament, Demobilisation and Reintegration Modelling. Challenges and Prospects for Peace in Niger Delta 尼日利亚:对解除武装、复员和重返社会模式的看法。尼日尔三角洲和平的挑战和前景
IF 0.3 Pub Date : 2018-07-05 DOI: 10.24193/CSQ.24.3
James Okolie-Osemene
Disarmament, demobilisation and reintegration (DDR) is a mechanism that mitigates the outbreak of violence. It has three components critical for peace, reconstruction and stability in every post-con lict society. The DDR programme commenced in 2009, when restive youths agitating for resource control accepted the amnesty proclaimed by President Umaru Yar’Adua. With primary and secondary data, the study investigated the perceptions communities have of the DDR for ex-militants, as well as the challenges and prospects for peace in the Niger Delta. The study showed that most of the respondents established a link between militancy and unemployment. The ex-militants were at peace with their various communities. The majority (76.5%) of the respondents believed that such ex-militants pose no threat to their communities after their being re-integrated. A major hindrance to the DDR is the unwillingness of some groups to totally disarm, while excluded groups agitate over exclusion in the programme. This contributed to the resurgence of youth violence against oil companies and security operatives in the Niger Delta. Therefore, preventing the resurgence of youth restiveness demands timely management of the con licts that are motivated by grievances and lack of equity in the distribution of resources.
解除武装、复员和重返社会是一种缓解暴力爆发的机制。它有三个组成部分,对每个后殖民社会的和平、重建和稳定至关重要。复员方案始于2009年,当时躁动不安的年轻人接受了总统奥马鲁·亚拉杜瓦宣布的大赦。该研究利用主要和次要数据,调查了社区对前武装分子复员方案的看法,以及尼日尔三角洲和平的挑战和前景。研究表明,大多数受访者在好斗和失业之间建立了联系。这些前武装分子与他们的各个社区和睦相处。大多数(76.5%)受访者认为,这些前武装分子在重新融入社会后对其社区没有威胁。复员方案的一个主要障碍是一些团体不愿意完全解除武装,而被排斥的团体则鼓动将其排除在方案之外。这导致尼日尔三角洲青年对石油公司和安全人员的暴力行为死灰复燃。因此,要防止年轻人的不安情绪死灰复燃,就需要及时管理因不满和资源分配不公平而引发的犯罪行为。
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引用次数: 2
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Conflict Studies Quarterly
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