The Yemeni conflict is complicated due to the numerous internal crises and disputes in the country. In addition, the external correlations and their linkages to the internal actors have increased the intensity of the conflict. There is a need to identify these internal and external actors and analyze their role, impact, strengths, and weaknesses. This study identifies the internal and external actors of the conflict in Yemen, then examines their roles and impact and shows that the conflict resulted from internal conflicts between local actors and took on different dimensions through regional and international interventions. The political, ideological, and self-interest differences are the causes of the disunity among the elites and the political and military forces, and in turn, they led to the exacerbation of the conflict and the negative role in peacemaking. Keywords: Houthi; Legitimacy; Southern Movement; Tribal; Yemen Conflict.
{"title":"YEMEN: ROLES AND IMPACT OF LOCAL, REGIONAL AND INTERNATIONAL ACTORS","authors":"Adeb Abdulelah Abdulwahid Al-Tamimi, Uddagatti Venkatesha","doi":"10.24193/csq.41.2","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.24193/csq.41.2","url":null,"abstract":"The Yemeni conflict is complicated due to the numerous internal crises and disputes in the country. In addition, the external correlations and their linkages to the internal actors have increased the intensity of the conflict. There is a need to identify these internal and external actors and analyze their role, impact, strengths, and weaknesses. This study identifies the internal and external actors of the conflict in Yemen, then examines their roles and impact and shows that the conflict resulted from internal conflicts between local actors and took on different dimensions through regional and international interventions. The political, ideological, and self-interest differences are the causes of the disunity among the elites and the political and military forces, and in turn, they led to the exacerbation of the conflict and the negative role in peacemaking. Keywords: Houthi; Legitimacy; Southern Movement; Tribal; Yemen Conflict.","PeriodicalId":55922,"journal":{"name":"Conflict Studies Quarterly","volume":" 95","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.3,"publicationDate":"2022-10-05","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"41252328","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
In Sub-Saharan Africa, no terrorist group has been as lethal as Boko Haram, under the leadership of Abubakar Shekau. Barely more than a decade, since the group’s inception, the entire Sub-Saharan Africa has been engulfed by deadly activities of the dreaded terrorist group. From evidence, more than 40,000 people have been killed, over 2 million people have been displaced, scores of forced migrants have been scattered across West Africa, properties worth billions of dollars have been destroyed, and governance in the sub-region has, essentially, been ineffective since 2009, when the group launched its violent campaign. Although there were responses both at the local front and regional front to hold back the menace of Boko Haram, these efforts were repeatedly met with repression under Shekau. However, on June 7th, 2021, there was a turn of events, as Abu Musab Al-Banawi, leader of the Islamic State of West Africa Province (ISWAP), confirmed the death of Shekau arising from a confrontation with this rival group. The question posed by this atypical occurrence is, ‘can we convincingly say Shekau’s death means the end of the road for terrorism in Sub-Saharan Africa?’ This article argues the opposite. Rejigging the memory of Mohammed Yusuf’s extermination by the police, Shekau’s influence, and the dominance of the Islamic State of West Africa Province (ISWAP), as the radical points of departure, the paper sees Shekau’s death as an alleyway for dynamic terrorism in Sub-Saharan Africa. Keywords: Shekau, Halcyon, Nadir, Lethal, Terrorism, Sub-Saharan, Africa.
{"title":"BOKO HARAM: SHEKAU’S DEMISE – HALCYON OR NADIR FOR SUB-SAHARAN AFRICA’S FIGHT AGAINST TERRORISM?","authors":"B. M. Ajiboye","doi":"10.24193/csq.41.1","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.24193/csq.41.1","url":null,"abstract":"In Sub-Saharan Africa, no terrorist group has been as lethal as Boko Haram, under the leadership of Abubakar Shekau. Barely more than a decade, since the group’s inception, the entire Sub-Saharan Africa has been engulfed by deadly activities of the dreaded terrorist group. From evidence, more than 40,000 people have been killed, over 2 million people have been displaced, scores of forced migrants have been scattered across West Africa, properties worth billions of dollars have been destroyed, and governance in the sub-region has, essentially, been ineffective since 2009, when the group launched its violent campaign. Although there were responses both at the local front and regional front to hold back the menace of Boko Haram, these efforts were repeatedly met with repression under Shekau. However, on June 7th, 2021, there was a turn of events, as Abu Musab Al-Banawi, leader of the Islamic State of West Africa Province (ISWAP), confirmed the death of Shekau arising from a confrontation with this rival group. The question posed by this atypical occurrence is, ‘can we convincingly say Shekau’s death means the end of the road for terrorism in Sub-Saharan Africa?’ This article argues the opposite. Rejigging the memory of Mohammed Yusuf’s extermination by the police, Shekau’s influence, and the dominance of the Islamic State of West Africa Province (ISWAP), as the radical points of departure, the paper sees Shekau’s death as an alleyway for dynamic terrorism in Sub-Saharan Africa. Keywords: Shekau, Halcyon, Nadir, Lethal, Terrorism, Sub-Saharan, Africa.","PeriodicalId":55922,"journal":{"name":"Conflict Studies Quarterly","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.3,"publicationDate":"2022-10-05","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"41462272","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
In Ethiopia, many ethnic groups have developed their own conflict resolution mechanisms. The ethnic group of Yem in south-western Ethiopia is one of those with its own conflict resolution mechanism (the Chalo judicial system). The objective of the study was exploring the practice through which the studied community deals with conflicts by using the Chalo judicial system and its implication for peace, security and good governance. A qualitative research design was employed under which, key informants’ interviews, focus group discussion, document analysis and observations were conducted and the data was analyzed qualitatively. The finding of the study revealed that, the Chalo judicial system plays an important role in maintaining the peace and security of the community. The Chalo judicial system has its own execution time, process, and actors involved. Theft and betrayal, inheritance, boundary conflict, and divorce are some of the sorts of conflict that are presented and handled in the Chalo judiciary. Besides, the study revealed that, while it is used to resolve a wide range of conflicts on the ground, it is not adequately recognized by national law and lacks a strong link with the formal court system. Therefore, this research recommend that the members of the community, the woreda culture and tourism office, higher educational institutions, and the government shall collaborate in order to conserve and pass on this sort of indigenous conflict resolution mechanism which upholds community peace and security to future generations. Keywords: Chalo, elders, indigenous conflict resolution, governance, peace, security.
{"title":"ETHIOPIA: CHALO – INDIGENOUS CONFLICT RESOLUTION MECHANISM OF YEM PEOPLE AND ITS IMPLICATION ON PEACE, SECURITY, AND GOOD GOVERNANCE","authors":"Yitagesu Bekele Nigatu, Birtuneh Degife Jobir","doi":"10.24193/csq.40.2","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.24193/csq.40.2","url":null,"abstract":"In Ethiopia, many ethnic groups have developed their own conflict resolution mechanisms. The ethnic group of Yem in south-western Ethiopia is one of those with its own conflict resolution mechanism (the Chalo judicial system). The objective of the study was exploring the practice through which the studied community deals with conflicts by using the Chalo judicial system and its implication for peace, security and good governance. A qualitative research design was employed under which, key informants’ interviews, focus group discussion, document analysis and observations were conducted and the data was analyzed qualitatively. The finding of the study revealed that, the Chalo judicial system plays an important role in maintaining the peace and security of the community. The Chalo judicial system has its own execution time, process, and actors involved. Theft and betrayal, inheritance, boundary conflict, and divorce are some of the sorts of conflict that are presented and handled in the Chalo judiciary. Besides, the study revealed that, while it is used to resolve a wide range of conflicts on the ground, it is not adequately recognized by national law and lacks a strong link with the formal court system. Therefore, this research recommend that the members of the community, the woreda culture and tourism office, higher educational institutions, and the government shall collaborate in order to conserve and pass on this sort of indigenous conflict resolution mechanism which upholds community peace and security to future generations. Keywords: Chalo, elders, indigenous conflict resolution, governance, peace, security.","PeriodicalId":55922,"journal":{"name":"Conflict Studies Quarterly","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.3,"publicationDate":"2022-07-05","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"42430129","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
It is incontrovertible that mono-causal analysis of conflict is no longer tenable, as conflict is caused by a confluence of factors. Over the years, intra-ethnic conflict in Ebiraland has attracted scholarly works. However, amid the myriad of variables accentuating conflict in Ebiraland, clan politics seems to be dominant but the intensity of the conflict has reduced since Governor Yahaya Bello’s administration in Kogi state in 2015. Hence the relative peace in an area hitherto embroiled with hostilities. Anchored on conflict management theory, with reliance on primary and secondary data sources, the study attempts to answer the following questions: What was the state of the conflict in Ebiraland before the Yahaya Bello’s regime? What conflict resolution mechanisms did the Governor deploy to achieve the relative peace in that part of the state? What measures should be in place towards sustaining the prevailing peaceful atmosphere in the area even at the expiration of the tenure of the curent administration? These, among other issues,constitute the theme of this study. Keywords: Intra-ethnic conflict, clan politics, Ebiraland, Kogi State, Nigeria
{"title":"NIGERIA: MANAGING INTER-ETHNIC CONFLICTS IN EBIRALAND, KOGI STATE","authors":"S. Joshua, Rotimi Ajayi","doi":"10.24193/csq.40.1","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.24193/csq.40.1","url":null,"abstract":"It is incontrovertible that mono-causal analysis of conflict is no longer tenable, as conflict is caused by a confluence of factors. Over the years, intra-ethnic conflict in Ebiraland has attracted scholarly works. However, amid the myriad of variables accentuating conflict in Ebiraland, clan politics seems to be dominant but the intensity of the conflict has reduced since Governor Yahaya Bello’s administration in Kogi state in 2015. Hence the relative peace in an area hitherto embroiled with hostilities. Anchored on conflict management theory, with reliance on primary and secondary data sources, the study attempts to answer the following questions: What was the state of the conflict in Ebiraland before the Yahaya Bello’s regime? What conflict resolution mechanisms did the Governor deploy to achieve the relative peace in that part of the state? What measures should be in place towards sustaining the prevailing peaceful atmosphere in the area even at the expiration of the tenure of the curent administration? These, among other issues,constitute the theme of this study. Keywords: Intra-ethnic conflict, clan politics, Ebiraland, Kogi State, Nigeria","PeriodicalId":55922,"journal":{"name":"Conflict Studies Quarterly","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.3,"publicationDate":"2022-07-05","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"46395157","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Among the issues of governance confronting Nigeria, security is generally regarded as crucial. There is no doubt about the strong relationship between security and development. This paper takes an opposing view to the dominant approach of a colonially-foisted statist and law-and-order conception of security by successive administrations in Nigeria. The paper emphasizes certain small things that matter for securing the lives of Nigerians, and ensuring sustainable development in the country. These include socio-cultural, economic and political factors that should catalyze citizens’ participation in the national security architecture and in the country’s development aspirations and goals. Data is drawn from secondary sources for the conceptual and theoretical sections of the paper. Primary data is drawn from events analyses, interviews with selected experts in University of Ibadan and from content analyses of selected documents on contemporary politics, economy and society in Nigeria. This is supported by interactions with respondents in selected markets and locations around the country. Political culture, with focus on the prebendalist perspective, is deployed for the paper’s analytic frame. Keywords: Security threats, Endemic corruption, Political culture, Citizens’ participation.
{"title":"NIGERIA: THE IMPERATIVES OF INTERNAL SECURITY AND DEVELOPMENT – PROBLEMS AND PROSPECTS","authors":"D. Yagboyaju","doi":"10.24193/csq.40.4","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.24193/csq.40.4","url":null,"abstract":"Among the issues of governance confronting Nigeria, security is generally regarded as crucial. There is no doubt about the strong relationship between security and development. This paper takes an opposing view to the dominant approach of a colonially-foisted statist and law-and-order conception of security by successive administrations in Nigeria. The paper emphasizes certain small things that matter for securing the lives of Nigerians, and ensuring sustainable development in the country. These include socio-cultural, economic and political factors that should catalyze citizens’ participation in the national security architecture and in the country’s development aspirations and goals. Data is drawn from secondary sources for the conceptual and theoretical sections of the paper. Primary data is drawn from events analyses, interviews with selected experts in University of Ibadan and from content analyses of selected documents on contemporary politics, economy and society in Nigeria. This is supported by interactions with respondents in selected markets and locations around the country. Political culture, with focus on the prebendalist perspective, is deployed for the paper’s analytic frame. Keywords: Security threats, Endemic corruption, Political culture, Citizens’ participation.","PeriodicalId":55922,"journal":{"name":"Conflict Studies Quarterly","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.3,"publicationDate":"2022-07-05","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"47425310","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Every community has its own indigenous institutions meant to deal with its social, political, economic and peacemaking endeavors. Focus of this article is Asha indigenous conflict resolution institution of the Me’en community. For the studied community, Asha, signifies a payment for ‘blood’ and exhibits ritual restitution. Ritual restitution within Asha is administered by ritual chiefs known as Komoruts. Objective of this article is exploring the Asha approach for conflict resolution. To realize this objective, the researcher employed qualitative research design enhanced with twelve key-informant interview and two Focus Group Discussions (FGDs). Built up on such data, findings of the study revealed four conclusions. First, irrespective of the fact that Asha is an approach owned by Me’en communities, adjoining communities abide by it. Secondly, Asha is the only approach potent to solve conflicts that end up with human demise. Thirdly, notwithstanding the endeavor by local and regional governments to make Asha compatible with notion of human right principles, there is trivial acceptance by the study community members, especially by lowlanders. Fourthly, the research finding unpacked that Asha has weakness when it comes to promoting human right of the teenage girl given for reconciliation. Additionally, Asha also botched to respect due process of law. Generally speaking, the article concluded that Asha is as a doubled edged sword, vivacious and viral. On one side, Asha is the only approach for restoring broken social relationships and reconciling conflict cases that end up with human demise. On the other side, Asha is an approach that contravenes human right of the teenage girl. In glimpse of these, the researcher recommends neither deserting nor romanticizing Ethiopian indigenous conflict resolution mechanisms such as Asha without further research and remedial measures to make them compatible with Universal Human Right principles. Keywords: Asha, conflict, conflict resolution, Me’en, indigenous conflict resolution.
{"title":"ETHIOPIA: ASHA INDIGENOUS CONFLICT RESOLUTION APPARATUS OF THE ME’EN COMMUNITY","authors":"Wondimu Shanko Tagel","doi":"10.24193/csq.40.3","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.24193/csq.40.3","url":null,"abstract":"Every community has its own indigenous institutions meant to deal with its social, political, economic and peacemaking endeavors. Focus of this article is Asha indigenous conflict resolution institution of the Me’en community. For the studied community, Asha, signifies a payment for ‘blood’ and exhibits ritual restitution. Ritual restitution within Asha is administered by ritual chiefs known as Komoruts. Objective of this article is exploring the Asha approach for conflict resolution. To realize this objective, the researcher employed qualitative research design enhanced with twelve key-informant interview and two Focus Group Discussions (FGDs). Built up on such data, findings of the study revealed four conclusions. First, irrespective of the fact that Asha is an approach owned by Me’en communities, adjoining communities abide by it. Secondly, Asha is the only approach potent to solve conflicts that end up with human demise. Thirdly, notwithstanding the endeavor by local and regional governments to make Asha compatible with notion of human right principles, there is trivial acceptance by the study community members, especially by lowlanders. Fourthly, the research finding unpacked that Asha has weakness when it comes to promoting human right of the teenage girl given for reconciliation. Additionally, Asha also botched to respect due process of law. Generally speaking, the article concluded that Asha is as a doubled edged sword, vivacious and viral. On one side, Asha is the only approach for restoring broken social relationships and reconciling conflict cases that end up with human demise. On the other side, Asha is an approach that contravenes human right of the teenage girl. In glimpse of these, the researcher recommends neither deserting nor romanticizing Ethiopian indigenous conflict resolution mechanisms such as Asha without further research and remedial measures to make them compatible with Universal Human Right principles. Keywords: Asha, conflict, conflict resolution, Me’en, indigenous conflict resolution.","PeriodicalId":55922,"journal":{"name":"Conflict Studies Quarterly","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.3,"publicationDate":"2022-07-05","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"48561819","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Tajikistan, a country overloaded with the horriϐic memory of bloody civil war, an increasingly devastated economy, and the ineradicable misfortune of having long borders with Afghanistan and Uzbekistan, has been reigning consistently by the Emomali Rahmon’s regime for three decades with wide-scale surveillance and draconian acts. Taking advantage of the weak governance, poor military infrastructure and porous border, Islamic extremists and cross border terrorist groups have also been seen persistently deepening their inϐluence in the region either by perpetrating a series of terrorist activities in the terrain or joining Tajik national into their organizations. This paper presents a detailed analysis of how and to what extent terrorism has posed security threats to Tajikistan through examining the Global Terrorism Database and RAND database that includes the numbers and intensity of the terrorist incidents in the territory since independence. It systematically analyses the prominent terrorist groups and, more particularly, the Islamic State of Iraq and Levant (ISIL), which has widened its network in the region. The paper also makes a sincere effort to evaluate the counter-terrorism acts adopted and implemented by Tajikistan. Moreover, the article also examines how the Tajik’s authority constructs state discourse on terrorism by delegitimising social acceptance of the terrorist on the one hand and projecting the state as the severe victim of terrorism on the other. Keywords: Terrorism, Tajikistan, Terrorist Attacks, Counter-terrorism Act, Taliban
{"title":"TAJIKISTAN: AN EVALUATION OF TERRORISM AND COUNTER-TERRORISM POLICIES SINCE INDEPENDENCE","authors":"Tribedi Chutia","doi":"10.24193/csq.39.3","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.24193/csq.39.3","url":null,"abstract":"Tajikistan, a country overloaded with the horriϐic memory of bloody civil war, an increasingly devastated economy, and the ineradicable misfortune of having long borders with Afghanistan and Uzbekistan, has been reigning consistently by the Emomali Rahmon’s regime for three decades with wide-scale surveillance and draconian acts. Taking advantage of the weak governance, poor military infrastructure and porous border, Islamic extremists and cross border terrorist groups have also been seen persistently deepening their inϐluence in the region either by perpetrating a series of terrorist activities in the terrain or joining Tajik national into their organizations. This paper presents a detailed analysis of how and to what extent terrorism has posed security threats to Tajikistan through examining the Global Terrorism Database and RAND database that includes the numbers and intensity of the terrorist incidents in the territory since independence. It systematically analyses the prominent terrorist groups and, more particularly, the Islamic State of Iraq and Levant (ISIL), which has widened its network in the region. The paper also makes a sincere effort to evaluate the counter-terrorism acts adopted and implemented by Tajikistan. Moreover, the article also examines how the Tajik’s authority constructs state discourse on terrorism by delegitimising social acceptance of the terrorist on the one hand and projecting the state as the severe victim of terrorism on the other. Keywords: Terrorism, Tajikistan, Terrorist Attacks, Counter-terrorism Act, Taliban","PeriodicalId":55922,"journal":{"name":"Conflict Studies Quarterly","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.3,"publicationDate":"2022-05-04","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"43525924","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Rohingya, an ethnic minority group in the Rakhine state of Myanmar, has been levelled as one of the most persecuted ethnic groups in contemporary time. For the last five decades, they have been undergoing systematic torture ranging from deprivation of citizenship to mass killing and forceful eviction from their inhabitants. The army of Myanmar spearheads this persecution, which is deemed as genocidal. However, the engagement of radical Buddhist groups and support from the local Burmese population worsened the situation. Along with army inter-vention and ethnic differences, some economic and geostrategic question is highlighted behind this inhuman situation. But Myanmar consists of more than 100 ethnic groups, and there are other similar areas with similar economic and geostrategic importance. Though there are several instances of conflict in some of those areas, they are almost unparalleled comparing that of the Rakhine state. Having acknowledged the multiple genealogies of this conflict, this paper focuses more on the state/nation building process of Myanmar to understand the exceptionalism of Rohingya persecution. We want to argue that rather than ethnic tension or geostrategic interest, the nation/state-building of Myanmar in different phases of its history can put more light on the unique suffering of the Rohingya population in Myanmar. Analyzing the key historical transition of Myanmar, we attempt to trace the gradual exclusivity of the Rohingya people in the evolution of State manufactured discourse on the question of nation and their deliberate enactment of speciϐic identity while alienating the other. Keywords: Rohingya, Myanmar, Nationalism, Identity, State/Nation-Building.
{"title":"MYANMAR: ETHNIC CLEANSING OF ROHINGYA. FROM ETHNIC NATIONALISM TO ETHNO-RELIGIOUS NATIONALISM","authors":"Ahmad Sabbir, Abdulla Al MAHMUD, A. Bilgin","doi":"10.24193/csq.39.6","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.24193/csq.39.6","url":null,"abstract":"Rohingya, an ethnic minority group in the Rakhine state of Myanmar, has been levelled as one of the most persecuted ethnic groups in contemporary time. For the last five decades, they have been undergoing systematic torture ranging from deprivation of citizenship to mass killing and forceful eviction from their inhabitants. The army of Myanmar spearheads this persecution, which is deemed as genocidal. However, the engagement of radical Buddhist groups and support from the local Burmese population worsened the situation. Along with army inter-vention and ethnic differences, some economic and geostrategic question is highlighted behind this inhuman situation. But Myanmar consists of more than 100 ethnic groups, and there are other similar areas with similar economic and geostrategic importance. Though there are several instances of conflict in some of those areas, they are almost unparalleled comparing that of the Rakhine state. Having acknowledged the multiple genealogies of this conflict, this paper focuses more on the state/nation building process of Myanmar to understand the exceptionalism of Rohingya persecution. We want to argue that rather than ethnic tension or geostrategic interest, the nation/state-building of Myanmar in different phases of its history can put more light on the unique suffering of the Rohingya population in Myanmar. Analyzing the key historical transition of Myanmar, we attempt to trace the gradual exclusivity of the Rohingya people in the evolution of State manufactured discourse on the question of nation and their deliberate enactment of speciϐic identity while alienating the other. Keywords: Rohingya, Myanmar, Nationalism, Identity, State/Nation-Building.","PeriodicalId":55922,"journal":{"name":"Conflict Studies Quarterly","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.3,"publicationDate":"2022-05-04","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"42780107","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
This article explores the challenges which emanate from the discourse of reconciliation in Zimbabwe as it relates to the Gukurahundi atrocities of the post-independence Zimbabwean era. Since most of the efforts to address this nation’s ugly past have been inϐluenced mainly by cultural (African) and religious (Christian) concepts such as the Bantu concept of Ubuntu and the Christian religion approach to conϐlict resolution which is based on the “forgive and forget” concept, this article will critique these concepts, demonstrating their unviability in bringing reconciliation in Zimbabwe. The article argues that without legal frameworks which can facilitate justice as a primary vehicle to reconciliation, the cultural and religious approaches may not make much impact in reconciliation efforts in Zimbabwe. For instance, it is not clear how the cultural concept of Ubuntu/ Unhu should be implemented to establish a formal and structured way of dealing with the issue of Gukurahundi. Among other issues of concern, the “forgive and forget” approach also poses its own problems, one of them being a too simple and casual approach to a much disturbing issue which has affected thousands of lives up to this day. With the aid of an example of how the post-World War II West Germany under the leadership of Willy Brandt addressed the issue of reconciliation and the history of holocaust, this article argues that justice should be the primary vehicle of the transition to reconciliation. Keywords: Gukurahundi, Zimbabwe, Ubuntu, conflict resolution
{"title":"ZIMBABWE: CRITIQUING THE CHALLENGES OF CULTURAL AND RELIGIOUS CONCEPTS SUCH AS UBUNTU AND THE “FORGIVE AND FORGET” APPROACH TO THE GUKURAHUNDI GENOCIDE","authors":"Alfred Ndhlovu","doi":"10.24193/csq.39.4","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.24193/csq.39.4","url":null,"abstract":"This article explores the challenges which emanate from the discourse of reconciliation in Zimbabwe as it relates to the Gukurahundi atrocities of the post-independence Zimbabwean era. Since most of the efforts to address this nation’s ugly past have been inϐluenced mainly by cultural (African) and religious (Christian) concepts such as the Bantu concept of Ubuntu and the Christian religion approach to conϐlict resolution which is based on the “forgive and forget” concept, this article will critique these concepts, demonstrating their unviability in bringing reconciliation in Zimbabwe. The article argues that without legal frameworks which can facilitate justice as a primary vehicle to reconciliation, the cultural and religious approaches may not make much impact in reconciliation efforts in Zimbabwe. For instance, it is not clear how the cultural concept of Ubuntu/ Unhu should be implemented to establish a formal and structured way of dealing with the issue of Gukurahundi. Among other issues of concern, the “forgive and forget” approach also poses its own problems, one of them being a too simple and casual approach to a much disturbing issue which has affected thousands of lives up to this day. With the aid of an example of how the post-World War II West Germany under the leadership of Willy Brandt addressed the issue of reconciliation and the history of holocaust, this article argues that justice should be the primary vehicle of the transition to reconciliation. Keywords: Gukurahundi, Zimbabwe, Ubuntu, conflict resolution","PeriodicalId":55922,"journal":{"name":"Conflict Studies Quarterly","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.3,"publicationDate":"2022-05-04","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"43501271","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
A new way in which China has tried to expand its control over the South China Sea for the past decade has been to engage paramilitary forces in its territorial disputes. These forces acted as auxiliary devices for the People`s Liberation Army, applying tactics specific to asymmetric conflicts, such as rapid and low-intensity attacks on foreign ships. The leading role was assumed by the People`s Armed Forces Maritime Militia, a structure made up of civilian personnel with military training and fishing vessels equipped with surveillance technology. These actions are part of China’s strategy to attribute its maritime aggression to civilian entities to hinder possible military responses from other countries and in particular from the United States. Using collective case studies, this article illustrated the dynamics of the coercive activities of the Chinese naval forces and the inability of affected states to deal with these unconventional threats. Keywords: South China Sea, asymmetric conflicts, paramilitary forces, maritime aggression, People’s Republic of China
{"title":"SOUTH CHINA SEA: ASYMMETRIC CONFLICTS. THE ROLE OF CHINESE PARAMILITARY FORCES","authors":"Tudor Cherhaț","doi":"10.24193/csq.39.2","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.24193/csq.39.2","url":null,"abstract":"A new way in which China has tried to expand its control over the South China Sea for the past decade has been to engage paramilitary forces in its territorial disputes. These forces acted as auxiliary devices for the People`s Liberation Army, applying tactics specific to asymmetric conflicts, such as rapid and low-intensity attacks on foreign ships. The leading role was assumed by the People`s Armed Forces Maritime Militia, a structure made up of civilian personnel with military training and fishing vessels equipped with surveillance technology. These actions are part of China’s strategy to attribute its maritime aggression to civilian entities to hinder possible military responses from other countries and in particular from the United States. Using collective case studies, this article illustrated the dynamics of the coercive activities of the Chinese naval forces and the inability of affected states to deal with these unconventional threats. Keywords: South China Sea, asymmetric conflicts, paramilitary forces, maritime aggression, People’s Republic of China","PeriodicalId":55922,"journal":{"name":"Conflict Studies Quarterly","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.3,"publicationDate":"2022-05-04","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"44671210","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
京公网安备 11010802042870号
京ICP备2023020795号-1
扫码关注我们
求助内容：
应助结果提醒方式：