This article has a twin mission: examining the impact of party merger on the federal arrangement and its association with the current conflicts in Ethiopia. The 1995 federal constitution of Ethiopia devolves powers to regional states. Since then, each regional state was fused with its distinct ruling party that created a coalition at the federal level. This state-party fused federal arrangement faced serious challenges with the rise of intra coalition disagreements since 2016 following the protest movements in the country, which further plunged Ethiopia into a devastating civil war since November 2020. This article asks what caused the conflicts. While recognizing the multidimensional roots of the conflicts, this article uses a political party-driven theory of federalism in order to identify the political processes that led to the conflicts. It argues that in a multiethnic federation such as Ethiopia where there is state-party fusion, a ruling party’s metamorphosis from a coalition to a union may not only centralize power but could also result in both de facto merger of that fragile federation and conflicts. Delinking the state from the party through inclusive national negotiations and democratic elections within a federal arrangement might help transition Ethiopia to a stable country. Keywords: Civil war, conflicts, political parties, Ethiopian federalism, Prosperity Party, power centralization, Abiy Ahmed.
{"title":"ETHIOPIA: FEDERALISM, PARTY MERGER AND CONFLICTS","authors":"M. Gemechu","doi":"10.24193/csq.42.2","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.24193/csq.42.2","url":null,"abstract":"This article has a twin mission: examining the impact of party merger on the federal arrangement and its association with the current conflicts in Ethiopia. The 1995 federal constitution of Ethiopia devolves powers to regional states. Since then, each regional state was fused with its distinct ruling party that created a coalition at the federal level. This state-party fused federal arrangement faced serious challenges with the rise of intra coalition disagreements since 2016 following the protest movements in the country, which further plunged Ethiopia into a devastating civil war since November 2020. This article asks what caused the conflicts. While recognizing the multidimensional roots of the conflicts, this article uses a political party-driven theory of federalism in order to identify the political processes that led to the conflicts. It argues that in a multiethnic federation such as Ethiopia where there is state-party fusion, a ruling party’s metamorphosis from a coalition to a union may not only centralize power but could also result in both de facto merger of that fragile federation and conflicts. Delinking the state from the party through inclusive national negotiations and democratic elections within a federal arrangement might help transition Ethiopia to a stable country. Keywords: Civil war, conflicts, political parties, Ethiopian federalism, Prosperity Party, power centralization, Abiy Ahmed.","PeriodicalId":55922,"journal":{"name":"Conflict Studies Quarterly","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.3,"publicationDate":"2023-01-05","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"48655071","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Starting the inception of the 2010s, Ethiopia’s relations with Egypt have been experiencing one of the deepest crises in the relationship of the two countries’ history. Ethiopia, one of the upper riparian states of the Nile River not only theoretically challenged the exclusive veto power of Egypt over the Nile River but also practically start constructing one of Africa’s largest hydropower dams on the Blue Nile since 2011. The challenging behavior of Ethiopia over the Nile River worried the long-standing regional hegemon, Egypt. Against this background, this paper aims to forward a new insight into how and why Ethiopia challenged the long-standing superior-subordinate Egypt-led order over the Nile River. Moreover, in its discussion, the paper tries to address key drives, challenges, and prospects of Ethiopia-Egypt water diplomacy. The paper also illustrates how and why the Ethio-Egypt water diplomacy strain becomes a cross-cut on the two nation’s foreign policy matters. The paper has also attempted to understand how the superior-subordinate power duality approach works over the Nile River against the new balancer. Keywords: Ethiopia, Egypt, Relation, Nile River, Challenges, Prospects
{"title":"ETHIOPIA: THE CHANGING ASPECTS OF THE ETHIO-EGIPT WATER DIPLOMACY – KEY DRIVES, CHALLENGES AND PROSPECTS","authors":"Nigusu Adem Yimer","doi":"10.24193/csq.41.5","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.24193/csq.41.5","url":null,"abstract":"Starting the inception of the 2010s, Ethiopia’s relations with Egypt have been experiencing one of the deepest crises in the relationship of the two countries’ history. Ethiopia, one of the upper riparian states of the Nile River not only theoretically challenged the exclusive veto power of Egypt over the Nile River but also practically start constructing one of Africa’s largest hydropower dams on the Blue Nile since 2011. The challenging behavior of Ethiopia over the Nile River worried the long-standing regional hegemon, Egypt. Against this background, this paper aims to forward a new insight into how and why Ethiopia challenged the long-standing superior-subordinate Egypt-led order over the Nile River. Moreover, in its discussion, the paper tries to address key drives, challenges, and prospects of Ethiopia-Egypt water diplomacy. The paper also illustrates how and why the Ethio-Egypt water diplomacy strain becomes a cross-cut on the two nation’s foreign policy matters. The paper has also attempted to understand how the superior-subordinate power duality approach works over the Nile River against the new balancer. Keywords: Ethiopia, Egypt, Relation, Nile River, Challenges, Prospects","PeriodicalId":55922,"journal":{"name":"Conflict Studies Quarterly","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.3,"publicationDate":"2022-10-05","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"42604841","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
On July 12, 2016 an international tribunal (registered with The Hague Permanent Court of Arbitration) ruled against China`s territorial claims in the South China Sea, arguing that the Chinese historic rights within the Nine Dash-Line map have no valid effect under the United Nations Convention on the Law of the Sea (UNCLOS). The tribunal’s decision came at a time when tensions in the South China Sea had reached a very high level amid increasing maritime incidents caused by China and the Chinese government’s construction of artificial islands in the open sea. What was supposed to be a major victory against China for the US-backed states (Vietnam, Philippines), turned out to be only a symbolic success for the Philippines. China not only rejected the sentence, but continued to conduct provocative naval exercises, harass other foreign ships and build artificial islands for military purposes. Using historical research and comparative analysis, this paper illustrates how China’s rejection of the ruling was facilitated by a number of legal, economic and political factors that have diminished international reactions and pressures on the Chinese government: the non-ratification of UNCLOS by the US, the lack of coercive mechanisms to enforce international rulings, the economic interdependence between China and other regional states and the precedents set by other major powers. Keywords: South China Sea, Permanent Court of Arbitration, UNCLOS, maritime claims, historic rights.
{"title":"CHINA: THE STORY OF A MISSED OPPORTUNITY. HOW CHINA MANAGED TO DISREGARD THE SOUTH CHINA SEA RULING","authors":"Tudor Cherhaț","doi":"10.24193/csq.41.3","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.24193/csq.41.3","url":null,"abstract":"On July 12, 2016 an international tribunal (registered with The Hague Permanent Court of Arbitration) ruled against China`s territorial claims in the South China Sea, arguing that the Chinese historic rights within the Nine Dash-Line map have no valid effect under the United Nations Convention on the Law of the Sea (UNCLOS). The tribunal’s decision came at a time when tensions in the South China Sea had reached a very high level amid increasing maritime incidents caused by China and the Chinese government’s construction of artificial islands in the open sea. What was supposed to be a major victory against China for the US-backed states (Vietnam, Philippines), turned out to be only a symbolic success for the Philippines. China not only rejected the sentence, but continued to conduct provocative naval exercises, harass other foreign ships and build artificial islands for military purposes. Using historical research and comparative analysis, this paper illustrates how China’s rejection of the ruling was facilitated by a number of legal, economic and political factors that have diminished international reactions and pressures on the Chinese government: the non-ratification of UNCLOS by the US, the lack of coercive mechanisms to enforce international rulings, the economic interdependence between China and other regional states and the precedents set by other major powers. Keywords: South China Sea, Permanent Court of Arbitration, UNCLOS, maritime claims, historic rights.","PeriodicalId":55922,"journal":{"name":"Conflict Studies Quarterly","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.3,"publicationDate":"2022-10-05","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"41552893","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Third-party funding (TPF) is a species of the common law doctrine of maintenance and champerty. With the burgeoning of global trade, the need for funding arbitral proceeding of high magnitude have witnessed an upward trend. TPF is a method wherein the impecunious party to the dispute enters into a contract with a third-party, who is not a party to the arbitration agreement, to finance the arbitration proceeding and run the risk of either paying or receiving the proceeds, costs, or award awarded against or in favor of such party. TPF, on one hand, provides a gateway to justice to the impecunious party and on the other hand, causes an impediment to the recognition and enforcement mechanism of arbitral awards. TPF flourishes as an alternative to support arbitral proceedings by acting as an investment for the financers but what impact it has on the market, in the long run, is still unclear. TPF assists the struggling party to appoint highly qualified specialists and a learned arbitrator through financial assistance but restricts the party autonomy and raises justifiable doubts as to the independence and impartiality of the arbitrator due to the leverage the financer holds in such an arrangement. Last but not least, TPF may also, at times, result in the disclosure of attorney-client communication to the financer. The present article is an analytical study of TPF as a mechanism in international commercial arbitration and what challenges it poses to its practice. Moreover, the article places reliance on the work of various scholars, and adopting the inductive approach of reasoning, reflects upon the plausible remedies for challenges that TPF poses to international commercial arbitration. Keywords: Third-Party Funding; Commercial Arbitration; International; Challenges; Regulation.
{"title":"THIRD-PARTY FOUNDING IN INTERNATIONAL COMMERCIAL ARBITRATION: IT IS ABOUT TIME FOR REGULATIONS","authors":"Shantanu Pachahara, Vikas H. Gandhi","doi":"10.24193/csq.41.4","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.24193/csq.41.4","url":null,"abstract":"Third-party funding (TPF) is a species of the common law doctrine of maintenance and champerty. With the burgeoning of global trade, the need for funding arbitral proceeding of high magnitude have witnessed an upward trend. TPF is a method wherein the impecunious party to the dispute enters into a contract with a third-party, who is not a party to the arbitration agreement, to finance the arbitration proceeding and run the risk of either paying or receiving the proceeds, costs, or award awarded against or in favor of such party. TPF, on one hand, provides a gateway to justice to the impecunious party and on the other hand, causes an impediment to the recognition and enforcement mechanism of arbitral awards. TPF flourishes as an alternative to support arbitral proceedings by acting as an investment for the financers but what impact it has on the market, in the long run, is still unclear. TPF assists the struggling party to appoint highly qualified specialists and a learned arbitrator through financial assistance but restricts the party autonomy and raises justifiable doubts as to the independence and impartiality of the arbitrator due to the leverage the financer holds in such an arrangement. Last but not least, TPF may also, at times, result in the disclosure of attorney-client communication to the financer. The present article is an analytical study of TPF as a mechanism in international commercial arbitration and what challenges it poses to its practice. Moreover, the article places reliance on the work of various scholars, and adopting the inductive approach of reasoning, reflects upon the plausible remedies for challenges that TPF poses to international commercial arbitration. Keywords: Third-Party Funding; Commercial Arbitration; International; Challenges; Regulation.","PeriodicalId":55922,"journal":{"name":"Conflict Studies Quarterly","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.3,"publicationDate":"2022-10-05","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"44906925","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
The Yemeni conflict is complicated due to the numerous internal crises and disputes in the country. In addition, the external correlations and their linkages to the internal actors have increased the intensity of the conflict. There is a need to identify these internal and external actors and analyze their role, impact, strengths, and weaknesses. This study identifies the internal and external actors of the conflict in Yemen, then examines their roles and impact and shows that the conflict resulted from internal conflicts between local actors and took on different dimensions through regional and international interventions. The political, ideological, and self-interest differences are the causes of the disunity among the elites and the political and military forces, and in turn, they led to the exacerbation of the conflict and the negative role in peacemaking. Keywords: Houthi; Legitimacy; Southern Movement; Tribal; Yemen Conflict.
{"title":"YEMEN: ROLES AND IMPACT OF LOCAL, REGIONAL AND INTERNATIONAL ACTORS","authors":"Adeb Abdulelah Abdulwahid Al-Tamimi, Uddagatti Venkatesha","doi":"10.24193/csq.41.2","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.24193/csq.41.2","url":null,"abstract":"The Yemeni conflict is complicated due to the numerous internal crises and disputes in the country. In addition, the external correlations and their linkages to the internal actors have increased the intensity of the conflict. There is a need to identify these internal and external actors and analyze their role, impact, strengths, and weaknesses. This study identifies the internal and external actors of the conflict in Yemen, then examines their roles and impact and shows that the conflict resulted from internal conflicts between local actors and took on different dimensions through regional and international interventions. The political, ideological, and self-interest differences are the causes of the disunity among the elites and the political and military forces, and in turn, they led to the exacerbation of the conflict and the negative role in peacemaking. Keywords: Houthi; Legitimacy; Southern Movement; Tribal; Yemen Conflict.","PeriodicalId":55922,"journal":{"name":"Conflict Studies Quarterly","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.3,"publicationDate":"2022-10-05","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"41252328","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
In Sub-Saharan Africa, no terrorist group has been as lethal as Boko Haram, under the leadership of Abubakar Shekau. Barely more than a decade, since the group’s inception, the entire Sub-Saharan Africa has been engulfed by deadly activities of the dreaded terrorist group. From evidence, more than 40,000 people have been killed, over 2 million people have been displaced, scores of forced migrants have been scattered across West Africa, properties worth billions of dollars have been destroyed, and governance in the sub-region has, essentially, been ineffective since 2009, when the group launched its violent campaign. Although there were responses both at the local front and regional front to hold back the menace of Boko Haram, these efforts were repeatedly met with repression under Shekau. However, on June 7th, 2021, there was a turn of events, as Abu Musab Al-Banawi, leader of the Islamic State of West Africa Province (ISWAP), confirmed the death of Shekau arising from a confrontation with this rival group. The question posed by this atypical occurrence is, ‘can we convincingly say Shekau’s death means the end of the road for terrorism in Sub-Saharan Africa?’ This article argues the opposite. Rejigging the memory of Mohammed Yusuf’s extermination by the police, Shekau’s influence, and the dominance of the Islamic State of West Africa Province (ISWAP), as the radical points of departure, the paper sees Shekau’s death as an alleyway for dynamic terrorism in Sub-Saharan Africa. Keywords: Shekau, Halcyon, Nadir, Lethal, Terrorism, Sub-Saharan, Africa.
{"title":"BOKO HARAM: SHEKAU’S DEMISE – HALCYON OR NADIR FOR SUB-SAHARAN AFRICA’S FIGHT AGAINST TERRORISM?","authors":"B. M. Ajiboye","doi":"10.24193/csq.41.1","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.24193/csq.41.1","url":null,"abstract":"In Sub-Saharan Africa, no terrorist group has been as lethal as Boko Haram, under the leadership of Abubakar Shekau. Barely more than a decade, since the group’s inception, the entire Sub-Saharan Africa has been engulfed by deadly activities of the dreaded terrorist group. From evidence, more than 40,000 people have been killed, over 2 million people have been displaced, scores of forced migrants have been scattered across West Africa, properties worth billions of dollars have been destroyed, and governance in the sub-region has, essentially, been ineffective since 2009, when the group launched its violent campaign. Although there were responses both at the local front and regional front to hold back the menace of Boko Haram, these efforts were repeatedly met with repression under Shekau. However, on June 7th, 2021, there was a turn of events, as Abu Musab Al-Banawi, leader of the Islamic State of West Africa Province (ISWAP), confirmed the death of Shekau arising from a confrontation with this rival group. The question posed by this atypical occurrence is, ‘can we convincingly say Shekau’s death means the end of the road for terrorism in Sub-Saharan Africa?’ This article argues the opposite. Rejigging the memory of Mohammed Yusuf’s extermination by the police, Shekau’s influence, and the dominance of the Islamic State of West Africa Province (ISWAP), as the radical points of departure, the paper sees Shekau’s death as an alleyway for dynamic terrorism in Sub-Saharan Africa. Keywords: Shekau, Halcyon, Nadir, Lethal, Terrorism, Sub-Saharan, Africa.","PeriodicalId":55922,"journal":{"name":"Conflict Studies Quarterly","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.3,"publicationDate":"2022-10-05","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"41462272","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
In Ethiopia, many ethnic groups have developed their own conflict resolution mechanisms. The ethnic group of Yem in south-western Ethiopia is one of those with its own conflict resolution mechanism (the Chalo judicial system). The objective of the study was exploring the practice through which the studied community deals with conflicts by using the Chalo judicial system and its implication for peace, security and good governance. A qualitative research design was employed under which, key informants’ interviews, focus group discussion, document analysis and observations were conducted and the data was analyzed qualitatively. The finding of the study revealed that, the Chalo judicial system plays an important role in maintaining the peace and security of the community. The Chalo judicial system has its own execution time, process, and actors involved. Theft and betrayal, inheritance, boundary conflict, and divorce are some of the sorts of conflict that are presented and handled in the Chalo judiciary. Besides, the study revealed that, while it is used to resolve a wide range of conflicts on the ground, it is not adequately recognized by national law and lacks a strong link with the formal court system. Therefore, this research recommend that the members of the community, the woreda culture and tourism office, higher educational institutions, and the government shall collaborate in order to conserve and pass on this sort of indigenous conflict resolution mechanism which upholds community peace and security to future generations. Keywords: Chalo, elders, indigenous conflict resolution, governance, peace, security.
{"title":"ETHIOPIA: CHALO – INDIGENOUS CONFLICT RESOLUTION MECHANISM OF YEM PEOPLE AND ITS IMPLICATION ON PEACE, SECURITY, AND GOOD GOVERNANCE","authors":"Yitagesu Bekele Nigatu, Birtuneh Degife Jobir","doi":"10.24193/csq.40.2","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.24193/csq.40.2","url":null,"abstract":"In Ethiopia, many ethnic groups have developed their own conflict resolution mechanisms. The ethnic group of Yem in south-western Ethiopia is one of those with its own conflict resolution mechanism (the Chalo judicial system). The objective of the study was exploring the practice through which the studied community deals with conflicts by using the Chalo judicial system and its implication for peace, security and good governance. A qualitative research design was employed under which, key informants’ interviews, focus group discussion, document analysis and observations were conducted and the data was analyzed qualitatively. The finding of the study revealed that, the Chalo judicial system plays an important role in maintaining the peace and security of the community. The Chalo judicial system has its own execution time, process, and actors involved. Theft and betrayal, inheritance, boundary conflict, and divorce are some of the sorts of conflict that are presented and handled in the Chalo judiciary. Besides, the study revealed that, while it is used to resolve a wide range of conflicts on the ground, it is not adequately recognized by national law and lacks a strong link with the formal court system. Therefore, this research recommend that the members of the community, the woreda culture and tourism office, higher educational institutions, and the government shall collaborate in order to conserve and pass on this sort of indigenous conflict resolution mechanism which upholds community peace and security to future generations. Keywords: Chalo, elders, indigenous conflict resolution, governance, peace, security.","PeriodicalId":55922,"journal":{"name":"Conflict Studies Quarterly","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.3,"publicationDate":"2022-07-05","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"42430129","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
It is incontrovertible that mono-causal analysis of conflict is no longer tenable, as conflict is caused by a confluence of factors. Over the years, intra-ethnic conflict in Ebiraland has attracted scholarly works. However, amid the myriad of variables accentuating conflict in Ebiraland, clan politics seems to be dominant but the intensity of the conflict has reduced since Governor Yahaya Bello’s administration in Kogi state in 2015. Hence the relative peace in an area hitherto embroiled with hostilities. Anchored on conflict management theory, with reliance on primary and secondary data sources, the study attempts to answer the following questions: What was the state of the conflict in Ebiraland before the Yahaya Bello’s regime? What conflict resolution mechanisms did the Governor deploy to achieve the relative peace in that part of the state? What measures should be in place towards sustaining the prevailing peaceful atmosphere in the area even at the expiration of the tenure of the curent administration? These, among other issues,constitute the theme of this study. Keywords: Intra-ethnic conflict, clan politics, Ebiraland, Kogi State, Nigeria
{"title":"NIGERIA: MANAGING INTER-ETHNIC CONFLICTS IN EBIRALAND, KOGI STATE","authors":"S. Joshua, Rotimi Ajayi","doi":"10.24193/csq.40.1","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.24193/csq.40.1","url":null,"abstract":"It is incontrovertible that mono-causal analysis of conflict is no longer tenable, as conflict is caused by a confluence of factors. Over the years, intra-ethnic conflict in Ebiraland has attracted scholarly works. However, amid the myriad of variables accentuating conflict in Ebiraland, clan politics seems to be dominant but the intensity of the conflict has reduced since Governor Yahaya Bello’s administration in Kogi state in 2015. Hence the relative peace in an area hitherto embroiled with hostilities. Anchored on conflict management theory, with reliance on primary and secondary data sources, the study attempts to answer the following questions: What was the state of the conflict in Ebiraland before the Yahaya Bello’s regime? What conflict resolution mechanisms did the Governor deploy to achieve the relative peace in that part of the state? What measures should be in place towards sustaining the prevailing peaceful atmosphere in the area even at the expiration of the tenure of the curent administration? These, among other issues,constitute the theme of this study. Keywords: Intra-ethnic conflict, clan politics, Ebiraland, Kogi State, Nigeria","PeriodicalId":55922,"journal":{"name":"Conflict Studies Quarterly","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.3,"publicationDate":"2022-07-05","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"46395157","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Among the issues of governance confronting Nigeria, security is generally regarded as crucial. There is no doubt about the strong relationship between security and development. This paper takes an opposing view to the dominant approach of a colonially-foisted statist and law-and-order conception of security by successive administrations in Nigeria. The paper emphasizes certain small things that matter for securing the lives of Nigerians, and ensuring sustainable development in the country. These include socio-cultural, economic and political factors that should catalyze citizens’ participation in the national security architecture and in the country’s development aspirations and goals. Data is drawn from secondary sources for the conceptual and theoretical sections of the paper. Primary data is drawn from events analyses, interviews with selected experts in University of Ibadan and from content analyses of selected documents on contemporary politics, economy and society in Nigeria. This is supported by interactions with respondents in selected markets and locations around the country. Political culture, with focus on the prebendalist perspective, is deployed for the paper’s analytic frame. Keywords: Security threats, Endemic corruption, Political culture, Citizens’ participation.
{"title":"NIGERIA: THE IMPERATIVES OF INTERNAL SECURITY AND DEVELOPMENT – PROBLEMS AND PROSPECTS","authors":"D. Yagboyaju","doi":"10.24193/csq.40.4","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.24193/csq.40.4","url":null,"abstract":"Among the issues of governance confronting Nigeria, security is generally regarded as crucial. There is no doubt about the strong relationship between security and development. This paper takes an opposing view to the dominant approach of a colonially-foisted statist and law-and-order conception of security by successive administrations in Nigeria. The paper emphasizes certain small things that matter for securing the lives of Nigerians, and ensuring sustainable development in the country. These include socio-cultural, economic and political factors that should catalyze citizens’ participation in the national security architecture and in the country’s development aspirations and goals. Data is drawn from secondary sources for the conceptual and theoretical sections of the paper. Primary data is drawn from events analyses, interviews with selected experts in University of Ibadan and from content analyses of selected documents on contemporary politics, economy and society in Nigeria. This is supported by interactions with respondents in selected markets and locations around the country. Political culture, with focus on the prebendalist perspective, is deployed for the paper’s analytic frame. Keywords: Security threats, Endemic corruption, Political culture, Citizens’ participation.","PeriodicalId":55922,"journal":{"name":"Conflict Studies Quarterly","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.3,"publicationDate":"2022-07-05","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"47425310","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Every community has its own indigenous institutions meant to deal with its social, political, economic and peacemaking endeavors. Focus of this article is Asha indigenous conflict resolution institution of the Me’en community. For the studied community, Asha, signifies a payment for ‘blood’ and exhibits ritual restitution. Ritual restitution within Asha is administered by ritual chiefs known as Komoruts. Objective of this article is exploring the Asha approach for conflict resolution. To realize this objective, the researcher employed qualitative research design enhanced with twelve key-informant interview and two Focus Group Discussions (FGDs). Built up on such data, findings of the study revealed four conclusions. First, irrespective of the fact that Asha is an approach owned by Me’en communities, adjoining communities abide by it. Secondly, Asha is the only approach potent to solve conflicts that end up with human demise. Thirdly, notwithstanding the endeavor by local and regional governments to make Asha compatible with notion of human right principles, there is trivial acceptance by the study community members, especially by lowlanders. Fourthly, the research finding unpacked that Asha has weakness when it comes to promoting human right of the teenage girl given for reconciliation. Additionally, Asha also botched to respect due process of law. Generally speaking, the article concluded that Asha is as a doubled edged sword, vivacious and viral. On one side, Asha is the only approach for restoring broken social relationships and reconciling conflict cases that end up with human demise. On the other side, Asha is an approach that contravenes human right of the teenage girl. In glimpse of these, the researcher recommends neither deserting nor romanticizing Ethiopian indigenous conflict resolution mechanisms such as Asha without further research and remedial measures to make them compatible with Universal Human Right principles. Keywords: Asha, conflict, conflict resolution, Me’en, indigenous conflict resolution.
{"title":"ETHIOPIA: ASHA INDIGENOUS CONFLICT RESOLUTION APPARATUS OF THE ME’EN COMMUNITY","authors":"Wondimu Shanko Tagel","doi":"10.24193/csq.40.3","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.24193/csq.40.3","url":null,"abstract":"Every community has its own indigenous institutions meant to deal with its social, political, economic and peacemaking endeavors. Focus of this article is Asha indigenous conflict resolution institution of the Me’en community. For the studied community, Asha, signifies a payment for ‘blood’ and exhibits ritual restitution. Ritual restitution within Asha is administered by ritual chiefs known as Komoruts. Objective of this article is exploring the Asha approach for conflict resolution. To realize this objective, the researcher employed qualitative research design enhanced with twelve key-informant interview and two Focus Group Discussions (FGDs). Built up on such data, findings of the study revealed four conclusions. First, irrespective of the fact that Asha is an approach owned by Me’en communities, adjoining communities abide by it. Secondly, Asha is the only approach potent to solve conflicts that end up with human demise. Thirdly, notwithstanding the endeavor by local and regional governments to make Asha compatible with notion of human right principles, there is trivial acceptance by the study community members, especially by lowlanders. Fourthly, the research finding unpacked that Asha has weakness when it comes to promoting human right of the teenage girl given for reconciliation. Additionally, Asha also botched to respect due process of law. Generally speaking, the article concluded that Asha is as a doubled edged sword, vivacious and viral. On one side, Asha is the only approach for restoring broken social relationships and reconciling conflict cases that end up with human demise. On the other side, Asha is an approach that contravenes human right of the teenage girl. In glimpse of these, the researcher recommends neither deserting nor romanticizing Ethiopian indigenous conflict resolution mechanisms such as Asha without further research and remedial measures to make them compatible with Universal Human Right principles. Keywords: Asha, conflict, conflict resolution, Me’en, indigenous conflict resolution.","PeriodicalId":55922,"journal":{"name":"Conflict Studies Quarterly","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.3,"publicationDate":"2022-07-05","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"48561819","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
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