This research sought to explore the Indigenous Conflict Resolution Mechanism (ICRM) of Shekacho people in Sheka Zone, South West Ethiopia. The ICRM of Shekacho has organized procedure, structure, and actors who actively participate in the system. The procedures in ICRM of Shekacho people pass through two sequential phases of conflict resolution—intervention and resolution. However, despite this reality, it has no strong or formal relationship with the modern conflict adjudication system. Thus, this research ague for the provision of support from the government and establishing an enabling system for building a working relationship between the indigenous system and the modern adjudication system. Furthermore, higher academic institutions need to play their role by giving awareness-raising training for concerned stakeholders regarding the role of indigenous knowledge in modern governance. Keywords: conflict, indigenous conflict resolution, clan leaders, elders, mikirecho.
{"title":"ETHIOPIA: INDIGENOUS CONFLICT RESOLUTION MECHANISM OF SHEKACHO PEOPLE AND ITS ROLE IN PROMOTING PEACE AND GOOD GOVERNANCE","authors":"W. Bekele, Admasu Adraro Akako","doi":"10.24193/csq.38.1","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.24193/csq.38.1","url":null,"abstract":"This research sought to explore the Indigenous Conflict Resolution Mechanism (ICRM) of Shekacho people in Sheka Zone, South West Ethiopia. The ICRM of Shekacho has organized procedure, structure, and actors who actively participate in the system. The procedures in ICRM of Shekacho people pass through two sequential phases of conflict resolution—intervention and resolution. However, despite this reality, it has no strong or formal relationship with the modern conflict adjudication system. Thus, this research ague for the provision of support from the government and establishing an enabling system for building a working relationship between the indigenous system and the modern adjudication system. Furthermore, higher academic institutions need to play their role by giving awareness-raising training for concerned stakeholders regarding the role of indigenous knowledge in modern governance. Keywords: conflict, indigenous conflict resolution, clan leaders, elders, mikirecho.","PeriodicalId":55922,"journal":{"name":"Conflict Studies Quarterly","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.3,"publicationDate":"2022-01-05","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"41704695","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
This paper is a conceptual analysis of Islamic radicalization. Islamic radicalization refers to the process of persuading individuals (e.g., often new or potential Muslim recruits) that jihad is the answer to contemporary problems that have undermined the existence or progress of Islam on a global scale. This topic is important because visualizing the issue in this manner enhances our understanding of the Islamic radicalization process. An important conclusion is that such radicalization is efficient because it has been shown to inspire a wide spectrum of individuals to fight the enemies of Islam in Holy War and die for Allah. Keywords: Caliphate; communication; framing; fundamentalism; internet; Islam; Islamic radicalization; jihad; Social Movement Theory; terrorism.
{"title":"ISLAMIC RADICALIZATION: A CONCEPTUAL RADICALIZATION","authors":"Jonathan Matusitz","doi":"10.24193/csq.38.2","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.24193/csq.38.2","url":null,"abstract":"This paper is a conceptual analysis of Islamic radicalization. Islamic radicalization refers to the process of persuading individuals (e.g., often new or potential Muslim recruits) that jihad is the answer to contemporary problems that have undermined the existence or progress of Islam on a global scale. This topic is important because visualizing the issue in this manner enhances our understanding of the Islamic radicalization process. An important conclusion is that such radicalization is efficient because it has been shown to inspire a wide spectrum of individuals to fight the enemies of Islam in Holy War and die for Allah. Keywords: Caliphate; communication; framing; fundamentalism; internet; Islam; Islamic radicalization; jihad; Social Movement Theory; terrorism.","PeriodicalId":55922,"journal":{"name":"Conflict Studies Quarterly","volume":"1 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.3,"publicationDate":"2022-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"69192108","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
The study critically analyses the effects of the Libyan arms proliferation, with a focus on the Small Arms and Light Weapons (SALW) in the region. It traces the proliferation of arms occasioned by the Civil War in Libya and establishes an empirical link to some of the regional security challenges to the proliferation. Relevant theoretical perspectives, such as the Security Dilemma and the Security Complex Theory, are adopted to explain the resulting effects of the proliferation such as the increased deadly violence of the rebel forces in the region and the neighboring Middle East region. Innovative arms control has been presented as the opportunity for the region to address the security challenges which are quickly evolving into a proliferation of advanced sophisticated weapons, some of them in the rebel-controlled territories. The study concludes that the regional security challenges partly originate from the Libyan arms proliferation which have also worsened security challenges in different parts of the world. Keywords: Arms proliferation, Security Dilemma, Libya, Regional Security Complex, arms control, Disarmament, Demobilization and Re-integration.
{"title":"LIBYA: ARMS PROLIFERATION AND ARMED GROUPS. THE LIBYAN CONFLICT REVISED","authors":"Felix Shihundu","doi":"10.24193/csq.38.4","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.24193/csq.38.4","url":null,"abstract":"The study critically analyses the effects of the Libyan arms proliferation, with a focus on the Small Arms and Light Weapons (SALW) in the region. It traces the proliferation of arms occasioned by the Civil War in Libya and establishes an empirical link to some of the regional security challenges to the proliferation. Relevant theoretical perspectives, such as the Security Dilemma and the Security Complex Theory, are adopted to explain the resulting effects of the proliferation such as the increased deadly violence of the rebel forces in the region and the neighboring Middle East region. Innovative arms control has been presented as the opportunity for the region to address the security challenges which are quickly evolving into a proliferation of advanced sophisticated weapons, some of them in the rebel-controlled territories. The study concludes that the regional security challenges partly originate from the Libyan arms proliferation which have also worsened security challenges in different parts of the world. Keywords: Arms proliferation, Security Dilemma, Libya, Regional Security Complex, arms control, Disarmament, Demobilization and Re-integration.","PeriodicalId":55922,"journal":{"name":"Conflict Studies Quarterly","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.3,"publicationDate":"2022-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"41484012","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Among many various conflict analysis methods, Dennis J. D. Sandole’s three pillar model presents a systematic road-map to identify the main issues, causes, and conditions of conflicts, as well as third-party conflict intervention approach. Three pillar model is also well suited to the analysis of complex conflict in Burundi and its intervention process by the third parties during the 1990s. This paper touches on the issues, causes, and conditions of Burundian conflict as Sandole’s first and second pillars suggest, but primarily focuses on the intervention aspect in line with the third pillar of the model. In this context, the conflict intervention framework in Burundi is examined based on the regionally launched Arusha peace process, which resulted in a peace agreement. Following that, given the multi-level nature of the conflict in Burundi, it is discussed how an effective conflict intervention can be designed in order to resolve conflicts and ensure positive peace in the country. Keywords: Burundi, conflict analysis, Sandole’s Three Pillar Model, conflict intervention.
在众多的冲突分析方法中，Dennis J. D. Sandole的三支柱模型提供了一个系统的路线图来识别冲突的主要问题、原因和条件，以及第三方冲突干预方法。三支柱模式也非常适合于对1990年代布隆迪复杂冲突及其第三方干预进程的分析。本文触及了Sandole的第一和第二支柱所提出的布隆迪冲突的问题、原因和条件，但主要侧重于与该模型的第三支柱相一致的干预方面。在这方面，根据区域发起的阿鲁沙和平进程审查布隆迪的冲突干预框架，该进程导致了一项和平协定。随后，鉴于布隆迪冲突的多层次性质，讨论了如何设计有效的冲突干预，以解决冲突并确保该国的积极和平。关键词:布隆迪，冲突分析，桑多勒三支柱模型，冲突干预
{"title":"BURUNDI: A CONFLICT INTERVENTION DESIGN DURING THE 1990S","authors":"Sezai Ozcelik, Belma ENGIN GUDER","doi":"10.24193/csq.38.3","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.24193/csq.38.3","url":null,"abstract":"Among many various conflict analysis methods, Dennis J. D. Sandole’s three pillar model presents a systematic road-map to identify the main issues, causes, and conditions of conflicts, as well as third-party conflict intervention approach. Three pillar model is also well suited to the analysis of complex conflict in Burundi and its intervention process by the third parties during the 1990s. This paper touches on the issues, causes, and conditions of Burundian conflict as Sandole’s first and second pillars suggest, but primarily focuses on the intervention aspect in line with the third pillar of the model. In this context, the conflict intervention framework in Burundi is examined based on the regionally launched Arusha peace process, which resulted in a peace agreement. Following that, given the multi-level nature of the conflict in Burundi, it is discussed how an effective conflict intervention can be designed in order to resolve conflicts and ensure positive peace in the country. Keywords: Burundi, conflict analysis, Sandole’s Three Pillar Model, conflict intervention.","PeriodicalId":55922,"journal":{"name":"Conflict Studies Quarterly","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.3,"publicationDate":"2022-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"41948050","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
"This paper highlights the Economic Community of West African States [ECOWAS] mode of response to the Malian conflict between 2012 and 2021 and identifies various gaps therein. It seeks to explain why ECOWAS has found it difficult to resolve the Malian conflict in spite of its commitment and experience in conflict resolution in the subregion. Secondary data are used for the study and presented qualitatively. The study reveals that the towering interest of Algeria and other neighbors in the chaotic northern Mali, as well as French interest in its former colony hindered ECOWAS initiative and its effectiveness in resolving the conflict. The paper recommends ECOWAS’ involvement in negotiations at the next peace agreement, and the drawing up of a roadmap for implementing such agreement. Besides, ECOWAS needs to address governance deficits in Mali and elsewhere in the subregion through peer review mechanism and increase its capacity to respond to violent conflicts beyond microstates and Anglophone enclaves in the region. Keywords: ECOWAS, Malian conflict, military coup, Tuareg, Jihad."
{"title":"MALI: ECOWAS RESPONSES TO THE CONFLICT IN MALI (2012-2021)","authors":"Enoch Ndem Okon","doi":"10.24193/csq.37.3","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.24193/csq.37.3","url":null,"abstract":"\"This paper highlights the Economic Community of West African States [ECOWAS] mode of response to the Malian conflict between 2012 and 2021 and identifies various gaps therein. It seeks to explain why ECOWAS has found it difficult to resolve the Malian conflict in spite of its commitment and experience in conflict resolution in the subregion. Secondary data are used for the study and presented qualitatively. The study reveals that the towering interest of Algeria and other neighbors in the chaotic northern Mali, as well as French interest in its former colony hindered ECOWAS initiative and its effectiveness in resolving the conflict. The paper recommends ECOWAS’ involvement in negotiations at the next peace agreement, and the drawing up of a roadmap for implementing such agreement. Besides, ECOWAS needs to address governance deficits in Mali and elsewhere in the subregion through peer review mechanism and increase its capacity to respond to violent conflicts beyond microstates and Anglophone enclaves in the region. Keywords: ECOWAS, Malian conflict, military coup, Tuareg, Jihad.\"","PeriodicalId":55922,"journal":{"name":"Conflict Studies Quarterly","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.3,"publicationDate":"2021-10-05","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"47983762","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
The theory of consociationalism has been extensively discussed in literature; however, its feasibility in managing conflicts in deeply divided societies is heavily contested. The few studies that have examined how the theory applies in real-world situations remain inconclusive. The present work, therefore, explored the prospect of consociational power-sharing model in addressing the problem of under-representation, political exclusion, and marginalization in Nigeria. This is against the backdrop of the incessant separatist agitations in Nigeria, which has undermined the peace, stability, and unity of the country. Using qualitatively analyzed data from secondary sources, this study argues that even though Nigeria does not meet any of the favorable conditions of consociationalism set out by Lijphart (1985), it would still benefit from consociational power-sharing. The study proposes the adoption of semi-presidentialism based on the principle of grand coalition and proportionality and gives an assessment of how it could work for Nigeria. It contends that the rotation of power among the six geo-political zones in the country and the adoption of proportional sequential mechanism would facilitate elite cooperation and inclusion of all segments of the society in the political process, thereby easing the fear of sectional domination in Nigeria. Keywords: power-sharing, consociationalism, separatist agitation, under-representation, political exclusion, Nigeria.
{"title":"NIGERIA: POWER-SHARING AND THE RESURGENCE OF SEPARATIST AGITATION. THE PROSPECT OF A CONSOCIATIONAL MODEL","authors":"Olusola Samuel Oyetunde","doi":"10.24193/csq.37.4","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.24193/csq.37.4","url":null,"abstract":"The theory of consociationalism has been extensively discussed in literature; however, its feasibility in managing conflicts in deeply divided societies is heavily contested. The few studies that have examined how the theory applies in real-world situations remain inconclusive. The present work, therefore, explored the prospect of consociational power-sharing model in addressing the problem of under-representation, political exclusion, and marginalization in Nigeria. This is against the backdrop of the incessant separatist agitations in Nigeria, which has undermined the peace, stability, and unity of the country. Using qualitatively analyzed data from secondary sources, this study argues that even though Nigeria does not meet any of the favorable conditions of consociationalism set out by Lijphart (1985), it would still benefit from consociational power-sharing. The study proposes the adoption of semi-presidentialism based on the principle of grand coalition and proportionality and gives an assessment of how it could work for Nigeria. It contends that the rotation of power among the six geo-political zones in the country and the adoption of proportional sequential mechanism would facilitate elite cooperation and inclusion of all segments of the society in the political process, thereby easing the fear of sectional domination in Nigeria. Keywords: power-sharing, consociationalism, separatist agitation, under-representation, political exclusion, Nigeria.","PeriodicalId":55922,"journal":{"name":"Conflict Studies Quarterly","volume":"1 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.3,"publicationDate":"2021-10-05","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"42075884","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
"Religious conflicts have increased interfaith suspicion between Christians and Muslims in Nigeria with each group being determined to outshine the other in the propagation of its religious beliefs. In fact, even Islamic sect Boko Haram was formed on the belief in the superiority of Islam as a monotheistic religion and with a divine mandate to purge Islam of Western influences. This paper examines the complex issues surrounding the advent of the Boko Haram sect in Nigeria. It argues that religious conflict in Nigeria results from the propagation of radicalized exegeses and the use of religious sentiments for gain political advantage. Government’s failure to act decisively also accounts for religious conflict in Nigeria and the Boko Haram in particular. Keywords: Boko Haram, conflict, religion, ideology, violence, Islam."
{"title":"NIGERIA: RELIGIOUS CONFLICT AND THE BOKO HARAM","authors":"Michael Aondona Chiangi","doi":"10.24193/csq.37.1","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.24193/csq.37.1","url":null,"abstract":"\"Religious conflicts have increased interfaith suspicion between Christians and Muslims in Nigeria with each group being determined to outshine the other in the propagation of its religious beliefs. In fact, even Islamic sect Boko Haram was formed on the belief in the superiority of Islam as a monotheistic religion and with a divine mandate to purge Islam of Western influences. This paper examines the complex issues surrounding the advent of the Boko Haram sect in Nigeria. It argues that religious conflict in Nigeria results from the propagation of radicalized exegeses and the use of religious sentiments for gain political advantage. Government’s failure to act decisively also accounts for religious conflict in Nigeria and the Boko Haram in particular. Keywords: Boko Haram, conflict, religion, ideology, violence, Islam.\"","PeriodicalId":55922,"journal":{"name":"Conflict Studies Quarterly","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.3,"publicationDate":"2021-10-05","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"48770948","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Since its independence, Uzbekistan has often portrayed terrorism as one of the gravest threats to its sovereignty, integrity, unity, and internal stability. Uzbekistan’s authoritarian regime has been perceived endorsing and executing a series of counter-terrorism policies to exorcise this hazardous threat that includes all possible tactics for eliminating terrorism from the respective region. Unlike the state’s proclamation about the increasing gravity of the terrorist threat, some international human right organizations and Central Asian experts depict an opposite picture of it. They are seen to be very critical of the state’s exaggerated version of the terrorist threat and question the state’s intention behind such projection. This paper makes a systematic effort to critically examine how Uzbekistan’s authoritarian leaders have constructed official discourse on terrorism, taking into consideration the social, political and economic context of the region. The paper also examines the authenticity of the state’s continuous projection of terrorism to be one of the gravest threats to the sovereignty and integrity of the region by incorporating and analyzing a detailed account of the terrorist acts that have taken place in Uzbekistan since 1991 to 2018. Finally, the paper also explains why the Uzbek authoritarian regime is keen to construct terrorism to be one of the most dangerous threats to the state. Keywords: terrorism, Uzbekistan, Counterterrorism Act, security, non-state actor
{"title":"UZBEKISTAN: A CRITICAL ANALYSIS OF THE OFFICIAL DISCOURSE ON TERRORISM","authors":"Tribedi Chutia","doi":"10.24193/csq.37.2","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.24193/csq.37.2","url":null,"abstract":"Since its independence, Uzbekistan has often portrayed terrorism as one of the gravest threats to its sovereignty, integrity, unity, and internal stability. Uzbekistan’s authoritarian regime has been perceived endorsing and executing a series of counter-terrorism policies to exorcise this hazardous threat that includes all possible tactics for eliminating terrorism from the respective region. Unlike the state’s proclamation about the increasing gravity of the terrorist threat, some international human right organizations and Central Asian experts depict an opposite picture of it. They are seen to be very critical of the state’s exaggerated version of the terrorist threat and question the state’s intention behind such projection. This paper makes a systematic effort to critically examine how Uzbekistan’s authoritarian leaders have constructed official discourse on terrorism, taking into consideration the social, political and economic context of the region. The paper also examines the authenticity of the state’s continuous projection of terrorism to be one of the gravest threats to the sovereignty and integrity of the region by incorporating and analyzing a detailed account of the terrorist acts that have taken place in Uzbekistan since 1991 to 2018. Finally, the paper also explains why the Uzbek authoritarian regime is keen to construct terrorism to be one of the most dangerous threats to the state. Keywords: terrorism, Uzbekistan, Counterterrorism Act, security, non-state actor","PeriodicalId":55922,"journal":{"name":"Conflict Studies Quarterly","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.3,"publicationDate":"2021-10-05","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"49154790","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
The general meaning of “proxy war” is the pursuit of one’s interests exploiting other actors. Measures to this end can be implemented in two ways: through hard and soft power. As far as countering the activities of terrorist organizations is concerned, it can be seen that self-interest is placed above efforts against terrorism. The civil war in Syria and the activities of terrorist organizations have become grounds for greater involvement of global powers in the struggle for gaining influence in the country. This paper aims to show the actions of global and regional powers and other state actors taken in an attempt to assert power and influence under the guise of the fight against terrorism. The paper is divided into two parts: theoretical and practical. The theoretical part discusses aspects related to Josepha Nye’s concept of “smart power” and the notions of “proxy war” and “proxy activities”. The practical part discusses the activities of international actors pursuing their interests through official involvement in the fight against Daesh in the Syrian territory. Keywords: proxy war, Middle East, soft power, hard power, Daesh, Syria
{"title":"SYRIA: TERRORISM AS A CATALYST FOR PROXY WAR – THE CASE OF THE CIVIL WAR","authors":"Patrycja Patrycja","doi":"10.24193/csq.36.2","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.24193/csq.36.2","url":null,"abstract":"The general meaning of “proxy war” is the pursuit of one’s interests exploiting other actors. Measures to this end can be implemented in two ways: through hard and soft power. As far as countering the activities of terrorist organizations is concerned, it can be seen that self-interest is placed above efforts against terrorism. The civil war in Syria and the activities of terrorist organizations have become grounds for greater involvement of global powers in the struggle for gaining influence in the country. This paper aims to show the actions of global and regional powers and other state actors taken in an attempt to assert power and influence under the guise of the fight against terrorism. The paper is divided into two parts: theoretical and practical. The theoretical part discusses aspects related to Josepha Nye’s concept of “smart power” and the notions of “proxy war” and “proxy activities”. The practical part discusses the activities of international actors pursuing their interests through official involvement in the fight against Daesh in the Syrian territory. Keywords: proxy war, Middle East, soft power, hard power, Daesh, Syria","PeriodicalId":55922,"journal":{"name":"Conflict Studies Quarterly","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.3,"publicationDate":"2021-07-05","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"48094693","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
The involvement of the United States in the negotiation process of the GERD was taken as a good step forward to end the belligerent water diplomacy between Egypt and Ethiopia. However, America’s peace proposal which is named ‘the Trump deal’ ends up further complicating the two countries water diplomacy. Trump’s securitization ‘speech act’ calling Egypt to ‘blow up’ Ethiopia’s dam further escalated the risk of water war between the two states. Eventually, the Trump lead negotiation eroded the perception that the United States would generate a good proposal to halt the belligerency of the Ethio-Egypt relations. This article is intended to chart a new insight on the following questions: given the unpleasant water diplomacy between Egypt and Ethiopia how ‘the Trump deal’ and securitization ‘speech act’ further complicated the matter? Why President Trump worked in securitizing the construction of the GERD on the Blue Nile? And how does the nature of securitization and counter-securitization activities worked in the water diplomacy between Egypt and Ethiopia? In the process of analysis the Copenhagen School (CS) concept of securitization is employed. Keywords: Egypt, Ethiopia, Nile, Dam, Trump, Securitization.
{"title":"ETHIOPIA: TRUMP’S SECURITIZATION ‘SPEECH ACT’ ON THE GRAND ETHIOPIAN RENAISSANCE DAM (GERD). A RISK ON THE ETHIOPIA-EGYPT WATER DIPLOMACY","authors":"Nigusu Adem Yimer, Turgut Subaşı","doi":"10.24193/csq.36.5","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.24193/csq.36.5","url":null,"abstract":"The involvement of the United States in the negotiation process of the GERD was taken as a good step forward to end the belligerent water diplomacy between Egypt and Ethiopia. However, America’s peace proposal which is named ‘the Trump deal’ ends up further complicating the two countries water diplomacy. Trump’s securitization ‘speech act’ calling Egypt to ‘blow up’ Ethiopia’s dam further escalated the risk of water war between the two states. Eventually, the Trump lead negotiation eroded the perception that the United States would generate a good proposal to halt the belligerency of the Ethio-Egypt relations. This article is intended to chart a new insight on the following questions: given the unpleasant water diplomacy between Egypt and Ethiopia how ‘the Trump deal’ and securitization ‘speech act’ further complicated the matter? Why President Trump worked in securitizing the construction of the GERD on the Blue Nile? And how does the nature of securitization and counter-securitization activities worked in the water diplomacy between Egypt and Ethiopia? In the process of analysis the Copenhagen School (CS) concept of securitization is employed. Keywords: Egypt, Ethiopia, Nile, Dam, Trump, Securitization.","PeriodicalId":55922,"journal":{"name":"Conflict Studies Quarterly","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.3,"publicationDate":"2021-07-05","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"42093319","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
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