Rohingya, an ethnic minority group in the Rakhine state of Myanmar, has been levelled as one of the most persecuted ethnic groups in contemporary time. For the last five decades, they have been undergoing systematic torture ranging from deprivation of citizenship to mass killing and forceful eviction from their inhabitants. The army of Myanmar spearheads this persecution, which is deemed as genocidal. However, the engagement of radical Buddhist groups and support from the local Burmese population worsened the situation. Along with army inter-vention and ethnic differences, some economic and geostrategic question is highlighted behind this inhuman situation. But Myanmar consists of more than 100 ethnic groups, and there are other similar areas with similar economic and geostrategic importance. Though there are several instances of conflict in some of those areas, they are almost unparalleled comparing that of the Rakhine state. Having acknowledged the multiple genealogies of this conflict, this paper focuses more on the state/nation building process of Myanmar to understand the exceptionalism of Rohingya persecution. We want to argue that rather than ethnic tension or geostrategic interest, the nation/state-building of Myanmar in different phases of its history can put more light on the unique suffering of the Rohingya population in Myanmar. Analyzing the key historical transition of Myanmar, we attempt to trace the gradual exclusivity of the Rohingya people in the evolution of State manufactured discourse on the question of nation and their deliberate enactment of speciϐic identity while alienating the other. Keywords: Rohingya, Myanmar, Nationalism, Identity, State/Nation-Building.
{"title":"MYANMAR: ETHNIC CLEANSING OF ROHINGYA. FROM ETHNIC NATIONALISM TO ETHNO-RELIGIOUS NATIONALISM","authors":"Ahmad Sabbir, Abdulla Al MAHMUD, A. Bilgin","doi":"10.24193/csq.39.6","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.24193/csq.39.6","url":null,"abstract":"Rohingya, an ethnic minority group in the Rakhine state of Myanmar, has been levelled as one of the most persecuted ethnic groups in contemporary time. For the last five decades, they have been undergoing systematic torture ranging from deprivation of citizenship to mass killing and forceful eviction from their inhabitants. The army of Myanmar spearheads this persecution, which is deemed as genocidal. However, the engagement of radical Buddhist groups and support from the local Burmese population worsened the situation. Along with army inter-vention and ethnic differences, some economic and geostrategic question is highlighted behind this inhuman situation. But Myanmar consists of more than 100 ethnic groups, and there are other similar areas with similar economic and geostrategic importance. Though there are several instances of conflict in some of those areas, they are almost unparalleled comparing that of the Rakhine state. Having acknowledged the multiple genealogies of this conflict, this paper focuses more on the state/nation building process of Myanmar to understand the exceptionalism of Rohingya persecution. We want to argue that rather than ethnic tension or geostrategic interest, the nation/state-building of Myanmar in different phases of its history can put more light on the unique suffering of the Rohingya population in Myanmar. Analyzing the key historical transition of Myanmar, we attempt to trace the gradual exclusivity of the Rohingya people in the evolution of State manufactured discourse on the question of nation and their deliberate enactment of speciϐic identity while alienating the other. Keywords: Rohingya, Myanmar, Nationalism, Identity, State/Nation-Building.","PeriodicalId":55922,"journal":{"name":"Conflict Studies Quarterly","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.3,"publicationDate":"2022-05-04","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"42780107","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Tajikistan, a country overloaded with the horriϐic memory of bloody civil war, an increasingly devastated economy, and the ineradicable misfortune of having long borders with Afghanistan and Uzbekistan, has been reigning consistently by the Emomali Rahmon’s regime for three decades with wide-scale surveillance and draconian acts. Taking advantage of the weak governance, poor military infrastructure and porous border, Islamic extremists and cross border terrorist groups have also been seen persistently deepening their inϐluence in the region either by perpetrating a series of terrorist activities in the terrain or joining Tajik national into their organizations. This paper presents a detailed analysis of how and to what extent terrorism has posed security threats to Tajikistan through examining the Global Terrorism Database and RAND database that includes the numbers and intensity of the terrorist incidents in the territory since independence. It systematically analyses the prominent terrorist groups and, more particularly, the Islamic State of Iraq and Levant (ISIL), which has widened its network in the region. The paper also makes a sincere effort to evaluate the counter-terrorism acts adopted and implemented by Tajikistan. Moreover, the article also examines how the Tajik’s authority constructs state discourse on terrorism by delegitimising social acceptance of the terrorist on the one hand and projecting the state as the severe victim of terrorism on the other. Keywords: Terrorism, Tajikistan, Terrorist Attacks, Counter-terrorism Act, Taliban
{"title":"TAJIKISTAN: AN EVALUATION OF TERRORISM AND COUNTER-TERRORISM POLICIES SINCE INDEPENDENCE","authors":"Tribedi Chutia","doi":"10.24193/csq.39.3","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.24193/csq.39.3","url":null,"abstract":"Tajikistan, a country overloaded with the horriϐic memory of bloody civil war, an increasingly devastated economy, and the ineradicable misfortune of having long borders with Afghanistan and Uzbekistan, has been reigning consistently by the Emomali Rahmon’s regime for three decades with wide-scale surveillance and draconian acts. Taking advantage of the weak governance, poor military infrastructure and porous border, Islamic extremists and cross border terrorist groups have also been seen persistently deepening their inϐluence in the region either by perpetrating a series of terrorist activities in the terrain or joining Tajik national into their organizations. This paper presents a detailed analysis of how and to what extent terrorism has posed security threats to Tajikistan through examining the Global Terrorism Database and RAND database that includes the numbers and intensity of the terrorist incidents in the territory since independence. It systematically analyses the prominent terrorist groups and, more particularly, the Islamic State of Iraq and Levant (ISIL), which has widened its network in the region. The paper also makes a sincere effort to evaluate the counter-terrorism acts adopted and implemented by Tajikistan. Moreover, the article also examines how the Tajik’s authority constructs state discourse on terrorism by delegitimising social acceptance of the terrorist on the one hand and projecting the state as the severe victim of terrorism on the other. Keywords: Terrorism, Tajikistan, Terrorist Attacks, Counter-terrorism Act, Taliban","PeriodicalId":55922,"journal":{"name":"Conflict Studies Quarterly","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.3,"publicationDate":"2022-05-04","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"43525924","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
This article explores the challenges which emanate from the discourse of reconciliation in Zimbabwe as it relates to the Gukurahundi atrocities of the post-independence Zimbabwean era. Since most of the efforts to address this nation’s ugly past have been inϐluenced mainly by cultural (African) and religious (Christian) concepts such as the Bantu concept of Ubuntu and the Christian religion approach to conϐlict resolution which is based on the “forgive and forget” concept, this article will critique these concepts, demonstrating their unviability in bringing reconciliation in Zimbabwe. The article argues that without legal frameworks which can facilitate justice as a primary vehicle to reconciliation, the cultural and religious approaches may not make much impact in reconciliation efforts in Zimbabwe. For instance, it is not clear how the cultural concept of Ubuntu/ Unhu should be implemented to establish a formal and structured way of dealing with the issue of Gukurahundi. Among other issues of concern, the “forgive and forget” approach also poses its own problems, one of them being a too simple and casual approach to a much disturbing issue which has affected thousands of lives up to this day. With the aid of an example of how the post-World War II West Germany under the leadership of Willy Brandt addressed the issue of reconciliation and the history of holocaust, this article argues that justice should be the primary vehicle of the transition to reconciliation. Keywords: Gukurahundi, Zimbabwe, Ubuntu, conflict resolution
{"title":"ZIMBABWE: CRITIQUING THE CHALLENGES OF CULTURAL AND RELIGIOUS CONCEPTS SUCH AS UBUNTU AND THE “FORGIVE AND FORGET” APPROACH TO THE GUKURAHUNDI GENOCIDE","authors":"Alfred Ndhlovu","doi":"10.24193/csq.39.4","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.24193/csq.39.4","url":null,"abstract":"This article explores the challenges which emanate from the discourse of reconciliation in Zimbabwe as it relates to the Gukurahundi atrocities of the post-independence Zimbabwean era. Since most of the efforts to address this nation’s ugly past have been inϐluenced mainly by cultural (African) and religious (Christian) concepts such as the Bantu concept of Ubuntu and the Christian religion approach to conϐlict resolution which is based on the “forgive and forget” concept, this article will critique these concepts, demonstrating their unviability in bringing reconciliation in Zimbabwe. The article argues that without legal frameworks which can facilitate justice as a primary vehicle to reconciliation, the cultural and religious approaches may not make much impact in reconciliation efforts in Zimbabwe. For instance, it is not clear how the cultural concept of Ubuntu/ Unhu should be implemented to establish a formal and structured way of dealing with the issue of Gukurahundi. Among other issues of concern, the “forgive and forget” approach also poses its own problems, one of them being a too simple and casual approach to a much disturbing issue which has affected thousands of lives up to this day. With the aid of an example of how the post-World War II West Germany under the leadership of Willy Brandt addressed the issue of reconciliation and the history of holocaust, this article argues that justice should be the primary vehicle of the transition to reconciliation. Keywords: Gukurahundi, Zimbabwe, Ubuntu, conflict resolution","PeriodicalId":55922,"journal":{"name":"Conflict Studies Quarterly","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.3,"publicationDate":"2022-05-04","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"43501271","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
A new way in which China has tried to expand its control over the South China Sea for the past decade has been to engage paramilitary forces in its territorial disputes. These forces acted as auxiliary devices for the People`s Liberation Army, applying tactics specific to asymmetric conflicts, such as rapid and low-intensity attacks on foreign ships. The leading role was assumed by the People`s Armed Forces Maritime Militia, a structure made up of civilian personnel with military training and fishing vessels equipped with surveillance technology. These actions are part of China’s strategy to attribute its maritime aggression to civilian entities to hinder possible military responses from other countries and in particular from the United States. Using collective case studies, this article illustrated the dynamics of the coercive activities of the Chinese naval forces and the inability of affected states to deal with these unconventional threats. Keywords: South China Sea, asymmetric conflicts, paramilitary forces, maritime aggression, People’s Republic of China
{"title":"SOUTH CHINA SEA: ASYMMETRIC CONFLICTS. THE ROLE OF CHINESE PARAMILITARY FORCES","authors":"Tudor Cherhaț","doi":"10.24193/csq.39.2","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.24193/csq.39.2","url":null,"abstract":"A new way in which China has tried to expand its control over the South China Sea for the past decade has been to engage paramilitary forces in its territorial disputes. These forces acted as auxiliary devices for the People`s Liberation Army, applying tactics specific to asymmetric conflicts, such as rapid and low-intensity attacks on foreign ships. The leading role was assumed by the People`s Armed Forces Maritime Militia, a structure made up of civilian personnel with military training and fishing vessels equipped with surveillance technology. These actions are part of China’s strategy to attribute its maritime aggression to civilian entities to hinder possible military responses from other countries and in particular from the United States. Using collective case studies, this article illustrated the dynamics of the coercive activities of the Chinese naval forces and the inability of affected states to deal with these unconventional threats. Keywords: South China Sea, asymmetric conflicts, paramilitary forces, maritime aggression, People’s Republic of China","PeriodicalId":55922,"journal":{"name":"Conflict Studies Quarterly","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.3,"publicationDate":"2022-05-04","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"44671210","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
This research sought to explore the Indigenous Conflict Resolution Mechanism (ICRM) of Shekacho people in Sheka Zone, South West Ethiopia. The ICRM of Shekacho has organized procedure, structure, and actors who actively participate in the system. The procedures in ICRM of Shekacho people pass through two sequential phases of conflict resolution—intervention and resolution. However, despite this reality, it has no strong or formal relationship with the modern conflict adjudication system. Thus, this research ague for the provision of support from the government and establishing an enabling system for building a working relationship between the indigenous system and the modern adjudication system. Furthermore, higher academic institutions need to play their role by giving awareness-raising training for concerned stakeholders regarding the role of indigenous knowledge in modern governance. Keywords: conflict, indigenous conflict resolution, clan leaders, elders, mikirecho.
{"title":"ETHIOPIA: INDIGENOUS CONFLICT RESOLUTION MECHANISM OF SHEKACHO PEOPLE AND ITS ROLE IN PROMOTING PEACE AND GOOD GOVERNANCE","authors":"W. Bekele, Admasu Adraro Akako","doi":"10.24193/csq.38.1","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.24193/csq.38.1","url":null,"abstract":"This research sought to explore the Indigenous Conflict Resolution Mechanism (ICRM) of Shekacho people in Sheka Zone, South West Ethiopia. The ICRM of Shekacho has organized procedure, structure, and actors who actively participate in the system. The procedures in ICRM of Shekacho people pass through two sequential phases of conflict resolution—intervention and resolution. However, despite this reality, it has no strong or formal relationship with the modern conflict adjudication system. Thus, this research ague for the provision of support from the government and establishing an enabling system for building a working relationship between the indigenous system and the modern adjudication system. Furthermore, higher academic institutions need to play their role by giving awareness-raising training for concerned stakeholders regarding the role of indigenous knowledge in modern governance. Keywords: conflict, indigenous conflict resolution, clan leaders, elders, mikirecho.","PeriodicalId":55922,"journal":{"name":"Conflict Studies Quarterly","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.3,"publicationDate":"2022-01-05","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"41704695","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
This paper is a conceptual analysis of Islamic radicalization. Islamic radicalization refers to the process of persuading individuals (e.g., often new or potential Muslim recruits) that jihad is the answer to contemporary problems that have undermined the existence or progress of Islam on a global scale. This topic is important because visualizing the issue in this manner enhances our understanding of the Islamic radicalization process. An important conclusion is that such radicalization is efficient because it has been shown to inspire a wide spectrum of individuals to fight the enemies of Islam in Holy War and die for Allah. Keywords: Caliphate; communication; framing; fundamentalism; internet; Islam; Islamic radicalization; jihad; Social Movement Theory; terrorism.
{"title":"ISLAMIC RADICALIZATION: A CONCEPTUAL RADICALIZATION","authors":"Jonathan Matusitz","doi":"10.24193/csq.38.2","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.24193/csq.38.2","url":null,"abstract":"This paper is a conceptual analysis of Islamic radicalization. Islamic radicalization refers to the process of persuading individuals (e.g., often new or potential Muslim recruits) that jihad is the answer to contemporary problems that have undermined the existence or progress of Islam on a global scale. This topic is important because visualizing the issue in this manner enhances our understanding of the Islamic radicalization process. An important conclusion is that such radicalization is efficient because it has been shown to inspire a wide spectrum of individuals to fight the enemies of Islam in Holy War and die for Allah. Keywords: Caliphate; communication; framing; fundamentalism; internet; Islam; Islamic radicalization; jihad; Social Movement Theory; terrorism.","PeriodicalId":55922,"journal":{"name":"Conflict Studies Quarterly","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.3,"publicationDate":"2022-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"69192108","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
The study critically analyses the effects of the Libyan arms proliferation, with a focus on the Small Arms and Light Weapons (SALW) in the region. It traces the proliferation of arms occasioned by the Civil War in Libya and establishes an empirical link to some of the regional security challenges to the proliferation. Relevant theoretical perspectives, such as the Security Dilemma and the Security Complex Theory, are adopted to explain the resulting effects of the proliferation such as the increased deadly violence of the rebel forces in the region and the neighboring Middle East region. Innovative arms control has been presented as the opportunity for the region to address the security challenges which are quickly evolving into a proliferation of advanced sophisticated weapons, some of them in the rebel-controlled territories. The study concludes that the regional security challenges partly originate from the Libyan arms proliferation which have also worsened security challenges in different parts of the world. Keywords: Arms proliferation, Security Dilemma, Libya, Regional Security Complex, arms control, Disarmament, Demobilization and Re-integration.
{"title":"LIBYA: ARMS PROLIFERATION AND ARMED GROUPS. THE LIBYAN CONFLICT REVISED","authors":"Felix Shihundu","doi":"10.24193/csq.38.4","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.24193/csq.38.4","url":null,"abstract":"The study critically analyses the effects of the Libyan arms proliferation, with a focus on the Small Arms and Light Weapons (SALW) in the region. It traces the proliferation of arms occasioned by the Civil War in Libya and establishes an empirical link to some of the regional security challenges to the proliferation. Relevant theoretical perspectives, such as the Security Dilemma and the Security Complex Theory, are adopted to explain the resulting effects of the proliferation such as the increased deadly violence of the rebel forces in the region and the neighboring Middle East region. Innovative arms control has been presented as the opportunity for the region to address the security challenges which are quickly evolving into a proliferation of advanced sophisticated weapons, some of them in the rebel-controlled territories. The study concludes that the regional security challenges partly originate from the Libyan arms proliferation which have also worsened security challenges in different parts of the world. Keywords: Arms proliferation, Security Dilemma, Libya, Regional Security Complex, arms control, Disarmament, Demobilization and Re-integration.","PeriodicalId":55922,"journal":{"name":"Conflict Studies Quarterly","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.3,"publicationDate":"2022-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"41484012","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Among many various conflict analysis methods, Dennis J. D. Sandole’s three pillar model presents a systematic road-map to identify the main issues, causes, and conditions of conflicts, as well as third-party conflict intervention approach. Three pillar model is also well suited to the analysis of complex conflict in Burundi and its intervention process by the third parties during the 1990s. This paper touches on the issues, causes, and conditions of Burundian conflict as Sandole’s first and second pillars suggest, but primarily focuses on the intervention aspect in line with the third pillar of the model. In this context, the conflict intervention framework in Burundi is examined based on the regionally launched Arusha peace process, which resulted in a peace agreement. Following that, given the multi-level nature of the conflict in Burundi, it is discussed how an effective conflict intervention can be designed in order to resolve conflicts and ensure positive peace in the country. Keywords: Burundi, conflict analysis, Sandole’s Three Pillar Model, conflict intervention.
在众多的冲突分析方法中，Dennis J. D. Sandole的三支柱模型提供了一个系统的路线图来识别冲突的主要问题、原因和条件，以及第三方冲突干预方法。三支柱模式也非常适合于对1990年代布隆迪复杂冲突及其第三方干预进程的分析。本文触及了Sandole的第一和第二支柱所提出的布隆迪冲突的问题、原因和条件，但主要侧重于与该模型的第三支柱相一致的干预方面。在这方面，根据区域发起的阿鲁沙和平进程审查布隆迪的冲突干预框架，该进程导致了一项和平协定。随后，鉴于布隆迪冲突的多层次性质，讨论了如何设计有效的冲突干预，以解决冲突并确保该国的积极和平。关键词:布隆迪，冲突分析，桑多勒三支柱模型，冲突干预
{"title":"BURUNDI: A CONFLICT INTERVENTION DESIGN DURING THE 1990S","authors":"Sezai Ozcelik, Belma ENGIN GUDER","doi":"10.24193/csq.38.3","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.24193/csq.38.3","url":null,"abstract":"Among many various conflict analysis methods, Dennis J. D. Sandole’s three pillar model presents a systematic road-map to identify the main issues, causes, and conditions of conflicts, as well as third-party conflict intervention approach. Three pillar model is also well suited to the analysis of complex conflict in Burundi and its intervention process by the third parties during the 1990s. This paper touches on the issues, causes, and conditions of Burundian conflict as Sandole’s first and second pillars suggest, but primarily focuses on the intervention aspect in line with the third pillar of the model. In this context, the conflict intervention framework in Burundi is examined based on the regionally launched Arusha peace process, which resulted in a peace agreement. Following that, given the multi-level nature of the conflict in Burundi, it is discussed how an effective conflict intervention can be designed in order to resolve conflicts and ensure positive peace in the country. Keywords: Burundi, conflict analysis, Sandole’s Three Pillar Model, conflict intervention.","PeriodicalId":55922,"journal":{"name":"Conflict Studies Quarterly","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.3,"publicationDate":"2022-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"41948050","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
"This paper highlights the Economic Community of West African States [ECOWAS] mode of response to the Malian conflict between 2012 and 2021 and identifies various gaps therein. It seeks to explain why ECOWAS has found it difficult to resolve the Malian conflict in spite of its commitment and experience in conflict resolution in the subregion. Secondary data are used for the study and presented qualitatively. The study reveals that the towering interest of Algeria and other neighbors in the chaotic northern Mali, as well as French interest in its former colony hindered ECOWAS initiative and its effectiveness in resolving the conflict. The paper recommends ECOWAS’ involvement in negotiations at the next peace agreement, and the drawing up of a roadmap for implementing such agreement. Besides, ECOWAS needs to address governance deficits in Mali and elsewhere in the subregion through peer review mechanism and increase its capacity to respond to violent conflicts beyond microstates and Anglophone enclaves in the region. Keywords: ECOWAS, Malian conflict, military coup, Tuareg, Jihad."
{"title":"MALI: ECOWAS RESPONSES TO THE CONFLICT IN MALI (2012-2021)","authors":"Enoch Ndem Okon","doi":"10.24193/csq.37.3","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.24193/csq.37.3","url":null,"abstract":"\"This paper highlights the Economic Community of West African States [ECOWAS] mode of response to the Malian conflict between 2012 and 2021 and identifies various gaps therein. It seeks to explain why ECOWAS has found it difficult to resolve the Malian conflict in spite of its commitment and experience in conflict resolution in the subregion. Secondary data are used for the study and presented qualitatively. The study reveals that the towering interest of Algeria and other neighbors in the chaotic northern Mali, as well as French interest in its former colony hindered ECOWAS initiative and its effectiveness in resolving the conflict. The paper recommends ECOWAS’ involvement in negotiations at the next peace agreement, and the drawing up of a roadmap for implementing such agreement. Besides, ECOWAS needs to address governance deficits in Mali and elsewhere in the subregion through peer review mechanism and increase its capacity to respond to violent conflicts beyond microstates and Anglophone enclaves in the region. Keywords: ECOWAS, Malian conflict, military coup, Tuareg, Jihad.\"","PeriodicalId":55922,"journal":{"name":"Conflict Studies Quarterly","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.3,"publicationDate":"2021-10-05","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"47983762","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
The theory of consociationalism has been extensively discussed in literature; however, its feasibility in managing conflicts in deeply divided societies is heavily contested. The few studies that have examined how the theory applies in real-world situations remain inconclusive. The present work, therefore, explored the prospect of consociational power-sharing model in addressing the problem of under-representation, political exclusion, and marginalization in Nigeria. This is against the backdrop of the incessant separatist agitations in Nigeria, which has undermined the peace, stability, and unity of the country. Using qualitatively analyzed data from secondary sources, this study argues that even though Nigeria does not meet any of the favorable conditions of consociationalism set out by Lijphart (1985), it would still benefit from consociational power-sharing. The study proposes the adoption of semi-presidentialism based on the principle of grand coalition and proportionality and gives an assessment of how it could work for Nigeria. It contends that the rotation of power among the six geo-political zones in the country and the adoption of proportional sequential mechanism would facilitate elite cooperation and inclusion of all segments of the society in the political process, thereby easing the fear of sectional domination in Nigeria. Keywords: power-sharing, consociationalism, separatist agitation, under-representation, political exclusion, Nigeria.
{"title":"NIGERIA: POWER-SHARING AND THE RESURGENCE OF SEPARATIST AGITATION. THE PROSPECT OF A CONSOCIATIONAL MODEL","authors":"Olusola Samuel Oyetunde","doi":"10.24193/csq.37.4","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.24193/csq.37.4","url":null,"abstract":"The theory of consociationalism has been extensively discussed in literature; however, its feasibility in managing conflicts in deeply divided societies is heavily contested. The few studies that have examined how the theory applies in real-world situations remain inconclusive. The present work, therefore, explored the prospect of consociational power-sharing model in addressing the problem of under-representation, political exclusion, and marginalization in Nigeria. This is against the backdrop of the incessant separatist agitations in Nigeria, which has undermined the peace, stability, and unity of the country. Using qualitatively analyzed data from secondary sources, this study argues that even though Nigeria does not meet any of the favorable conditions of consociationalism set out by Lijphart (1985), it would still benefit from consociational power-sharing. The study proposes the adoption of semi-presidentialism based on the principle of grand coalition and proportionality and gives an assessment of how it could work for Nigeria. It contends that the rotation of power among the six geo-political zones in the country and the adoption of proportional sequential mechanism would facilitate elite cooperation and inclusion of all segments of the society in the political process, thereby easing the fear of sectional domination in Nigeria. Keywords: power-sharing, consociationalism, separatist agitation, under-representation, political exclusion, Nigeria.","PeriodicalId":55922,"journal":{"name":"Conflict Studies Quarterly","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.3,"publicationDate":"2021-10-05","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"42075884","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
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