Abstract: The Super League is a project competition thought of as an alternative to the present Champions League. In this regard, this new competition was designed to operate independently of FIFA and UEFA, which are the governing bodies of football worldwide and in Europe respectively, and would feature a semi-closed group of European teams (15 permanent and five selected based on their domestic results) from England, Spain and Italy (teams from France and Germany were also on the list but the selected clubs, PSG, Bayern München, and Borussia Dortmund declined the offer to join). This move made FIFA and UEFA condemn the proposed Super League, arguing against the ex-clusiveness of this closed league and considering a dangerous precedent that can be followed by other football clubs. The disagreement has escalated to legal actions and sanctions from FIFA and UEFA against the clubs that joined the Super League which, in turn, have started their own legal actions against the two international bodies. Even if the project seems to be abandoned, the situation is still ongoing and it’s difficult to predict the future of sport management after this bold move of several football clubs against the two governing bodies. The present article tries to analyze the situation using conflict analysis in order to find out future scenarios for all the actors involved. Keywords: Super League, FIFA, UEFA, conflict, sports governance.
{"title":"THE SUPER LEAGUE CONFLICT: WHY EVERYONE IS UPSET WITH THIS PROJECT?","authors":"Ciprian SANDU","doi":"10.24193/csq.45.3","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.24193/csq.45.3","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract: The Super League is a project competition thought of as an alternative to the present Champions League. In this regard, this new competition was designed to operate independently of FIFA and UEFA, which are the governing bodies of football worldwide and in Europe respectively, and would feature a semi-closed group of European teams (15 permanent and five selected based on their domestic results) from England, Spain and Italy (teams from France and Germany were also on the list but the selected clubs, PSG, Bayern München, and Borussia Dortmund declined the offer to join). This move made FIFA and UEFA condemn the proposed Super League, arguing against the ex-clusiveness of this closed league and considering a dangerous precedent that can be followed by other football clubs. The disagreement has escalated to legal actions and sanctions from FIFA and UEFA against the clubs that joined the Super League which, in turn, have started their own legal actions against the two international bodies. Even if the project seems to be abandoned, the situation is still ongoing and it’s difficult to predict the future of sport management after this bold move of several football clubs against the two governing bodies. The present article tries to analyze the situation using conflict analysis in order to find out future scenarios for all the actors involved. Keywords: Super League, FIFA, UEFA, conflict, sports governance.","PeriodicalId":55922,"journal":{"name":"Conflict Studies Quarterly","volume":"18 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-10-05","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"135547185","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Abstract: This article aims to build upon the existing neoclassical realist analysis of Russia’s foreign policy in Ukraine during 2022. By introducing a comprehensive analytical framework grounded in neoclassical realism, it seeks to delve into the influence of specific developments and priorities within Russia on its foreign policy conduct towards Ukraine. Contrary to the commonly perceived image of a more assertive and aggressive Russia, recent trends in both foreign and domestic policy reveal an internally conflicted, introspective, and reactive Russia, demonstrating its lack of preparedness to embrace an evolving international role. Through this analysis, it becomes apparent that Putin’s uncertainty in effectively addressing the multifaceted challenges and inevitable tensions, whether of domestic or international nature, emerges as a direct consequence of Russian mismanagement in handling foreign policy matters related to Ukraine. Unraveling the complexities and contradictions shaping Russia’s actions in the region, this article provides deep insights into the dynamics governing the Ukrainian crisis and its wider implications for global geopolitics. Keywords: Russian foreign policy, conflict management, the Ukrainian crisis, Putin, neoclassical realism
{"title":"ASSESING THE RUSSO-UKRAINIAN CONFLICT OF 2022: UNRAVELING THE PUTIN DOCTRINE IN THE RUSSIAN FOREIGN POLICY","authors":"Rinata TERKULOVA","doi":"10.24193/csq.45.4","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.24193/csq.45.4","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract: This article aims to build upon the existing neoclassical realist analysis of Russia’s foreign policy in Ukraine during 2022. By introducing a comprehensive analytical framework grounded in neoclassical realism, it seeks to delve into the influence of specific developments and priorities within Russia on its foreign policy conduct towards Ukraine. Contrary to the commonly perceived image of a more assertive and aggressive Russia, recent trends in both foreign and domestic policy reveal an internally conflicted, introspective, and reactive Russia, demonstrating its lack of preparedness to embrace an evolving international role. Through this analysis, it becomes apparent that Putin’s uncertainty in effectively addressing the multifaceted challenges and inevitable tensions, whether of domestic or international nature, emerges as a direct consequence of Russian mismanagement in handling foreign policy matters related to Ukraine. Unraveling the complexities and contradictions shaping Russia’s actions in the region, this article provides deep insights into the dynamics governing the Ukrainian crisis and its wider implications for global geopolitics. Keywords: Russian foreign policy, conflict management, the Ukrainian crisis, Putin, neoclassical realism","PeriodicalId":55922,"journal":{"name":"Conflict Studies Quarterly","volume":"57 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-10-05","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"135547184","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Abstract: Conflicts constitute some negative influences on households’ economic activities. In Nigeria, the past few years have witnessed progressive crises in some states and the growing level of insecurity is affecting households’ economic livelihoods. This paper analyzed the determi nants of food insecurity indicator in conflict-affected regions in Nigeria. The data were collected in 2017 from 582 respondents in the North East, North-central, and South-South zones. The data were analyzed with Principal Component Analysis (PCA) and heteroscedasticity consistent Tobit regression. The results showed that in the combined data, the average number of days per week that respondents relied on less preferred food, limited food portions, and reduced the number of meal per day were 3.42, 2.68 and 2.33, respectively. The PCA was used to generate indicator of food insecurity, with North-East, Northcentral, and South-South zones having average indices of 0.16, -0.09 and -0.02, respectively. The Tobit regression results revealed that in the combined data, food insecurity was promoted by household size, urban residence and receipt of remittances, but reduced by unchanged income, credit purchase and reliance on food aid. In north central, food insecurity was promoted by receipt of remittances, but reduced by ability to grow own crops. In the north eastern zone, food insecurity was promoted by urban residence, income increased, and increase in food prices, but declined by income unchanged, and pension income. In the South-South zone, food insecurity was promoted by household size, urban residence and receipt of remittance income, but declined by credit purchase and unchanged income. It was concluded that addressing food insecurity among residents in conflict-affected areas requires preferential assistances to large families, urban residents, and those with high dependence on remittances. However, the promotion of initiatives for credit purchase, food aid the and ability to grow own crops are potentially able to reduce food insecurity. Keywords: Food insecurity, conflict, remittances, food aid, credit, Nigeria.
{"title":"NIGERIA: COMPOSITE INDICATOR OF FOOD INSECURITY IN ITS CONFLICT AFFECTED REGIONS AND ITS DETERMINANTS. A HETEROSCEDASTICITY CONSISTENT TOBIT MODEL","authors":"Tolulope Olayemi OYEKALE, Abayomi Samuel OYEKALE","doi":"10.24193/csq.45.2","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.24193/csq.45.2","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract: Conflicts constitute some negative influences on households’ economic activities. In Nigeria, the past few years have witnessed progressive crises in some states and the growing level of insecurity is affecting households’ economic livelihoods. This paper analyzed the determi nants of food insecurity indicator in conflict-affected regions in Nigeria. The data were collected in 2017 from 582 respondents in the North East, North-central, and South-South zones. The data were analyzed with Principal Component Analysis (PCA) and heteroscedasticity consistent Tobit regression. The results showed that in the combined data, the average number of days per week that respondents relied on less preferred food, limited food portions, and reduced the number of meal per day were 3.42, 2.68 and 2.33, respectively. The PCA was used to generate indicator of food insecurity, with North-East, Northcentral, and South-South zones having average indices of 0.16, -0.09 and -0.02, respectively. The Tobit regression results revealed that in the combined data, food insecurity was promoted by household size, urban residence and receipt of remittances, but reduced by unchanged income, credit purchase and reliance on food aid. In north central, food insecurity was promoted by receipt of remittances, but reduced by ability to grow own crops. In the north eastern zone, food insecurity was promoted by urban residence, income increased, and increase in food prices, but declined by income unchanged, and pension income. In the South-South zone, food insecurity was promoted by household size, urban residence and receipt of remittance income, but declined by credit purchase and unchanged income. It was concluded that addressing food insecurity among residents in conflict-affected areas requires preferential assistances to large families, urban residents, and those with high dependence on remittances. However, the promotion of initiatives for credit purchase, food aid the and ability to grow own crops are potentially able to reduce food insecurity. Keywords: Food insecurity, conflict, remittances, food aid, credit, Nigeria.","PeriodicalId":55922,"journal":{"name":"Conflict Studies Quarterly","volume":"100 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-10-05","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"135547182","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
The paper discusses local communities’ initiatives and challenges in resolving the Anglophone conflict in the South West Region of Cameroon between 2016 and 2023. The con flict that began in September 2016 as the Anglophone teachers and lawyers strike soon vitiated into calls for secession of the Anglophone regions of the country due to marginalization by the Francophone majority. By early 2017, the employability of arms by separatists alongside other tactics like ghost towns, kidnappings, and the maiming of civilians had prompted a gov ernment military response leading to a massive humanitarian crisis. While the conflict is still on, the situation seems to be returning to normalcy in some communities owing, not to the government approach to solving the problem but to various indigenous community initiatives. Informed by primary and secondary data, the study investigates the strategies adopted by local communities in resolving the Anglophone conflict in the southwest region of Cameroon. The paper also concedes the persistence of the crisis despite these initiatives and questions factors that mitigate against indigenous conflict resolution mechanisms that local communities have been propagating. It concludes that the anglophone crises far from serving as a platform for the English-speaking people of Cameroon to express their grievances was an opportunity for local communities to understand the complexities of war and a chance to re-initiate indigenous con flict resolution mechanisms which were rife in the pre-colonial days. Keywords: Anglophone, Cameroon, conflict resolution, local community.
{"title":"CAMEROON: LOCAL COMMUNITIES AND CONFLICT RESOLUTION DURING THE ANGLOPHONE CONFLICT IN THE SOUTH WEST REGION. INITIATIVES AND CHALLENGES","authors":"Victor Ntui ATOM","doi":"10.24193/csq.45.1","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.24193/csq.45.1","url":null,"abstract":"The paper discusses local communities’ initiatives and challenges in resolving the Anglophone conflict in the South West Region of Cameroon between 2016 and 2023. The con flict that began in September 2016 as the Anglophone teachers and lawyers strike soon vitiated into calls for secession of the Anglophone regions of the country due to marginalization by the Francophone majority. By early 2017, the employability of arms by separatists alongside other tactics like ghost towns, kidnappings, and the maiming of civilians had prompted a gov ernment military response leading to a massive humanitarian crisis. While the conflict is still on, the situation seems to be returning to normalcy in some communities owing, not to the government approach to solving the problem but to various indigenous community initiatives. Informed by primary and secondary data, the study investigates the strategies adopted by local communities in resolving the Anglophone conflict in the southwest region of Cameroon. The paper also concedes the persistence of the crisis despite these initiatives and questions factors that mitigate against indigenous conflict resolution mechanisms that local communities have been propagating. It concludes that the anglophone crises far from serving as a platform for the English-speaking people of Cameroon to express their grievances was an opportunity for local communities to understand the complexities of war and a chance to re-initiate indigenous con flict resolution mechanisms which were rife in the pre-colonial days. Keywords: Anglophone, Cameroon, conflict resolution, local community.","PeriodicalId":55922,"journal":{"name":"Conflict Studies Quarterly","volume":"302 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-10-05","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"135547183","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
This paper discusses the nature of disagreement over the treatment of leopards between Ardo Sabga and the Fon of Babanki Tungo between 1937 and 1946 in the North-West Region of Cameroon. It argues that this was a result of differences in the cultural bac
{"title":"CAMEROON: LEOPARD AND CONFLICT BETWEEN ARDO SABGA AND FON OF BABANKI TUNGO, 1937-1946","authors":"Charles Tardzenyuy Jumbam, H. K. Kah","doi":"10.24193/csq.44.2","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.24193/csq.44.2","url":null,"abstract":"This paper discusses the nature of disagreement over the treatment of leopards between Ardo Sabga and the Fon of Babanki Tungo between 1937 and 1946 in the North-West Region of Cameroon. It argues that this was a result of differences in the cultural bac","PeriodicalId":55922,"journal":{"name":"Conflict Studies Quarterly","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.3,"publicationDate":"2023-07-05","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"45526841","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
The entanglements of Middle East states in the Horn of Africa are debilitating the politically volatile region. The Middle East states power projection schemes and the race to build up military bases have been threatening the security of the Horn region b
{"title":"MIDDLE EAST: STATES RIVALRY IN THE HORN OF AFRICA. KEY DRIVES, GEOPOLITICAL IMPLICATIONS, AND SECURITY CHALLENGES","authors":"Nigusu Adem Yimer, Hailu Gelana Erko","doi":"10.24193/csq.44.5","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.24193/csq.44.5","url":null,"abstract":"The entanglements of Middle East states in the Horn of Africa are debilitating the politically volatile region. The Middle East states power projection schemes and the race to build up military bases have been threatening the security of the Horn region b","PeriodicalId":55922,"journal":{"name":"Conflict Studies Quarterly","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.3,"publicationDate":"2023-07-05","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"47242314","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
The article examines the impact of the activity of the parties involved, as well as of third parties, on the effectiveness of strategic negotiations with non-state organizations. It affirms that third-party implication in the form of mediation has been a
{"title":"DETERMINANTS OF FAILURE IN A TWO-LEVEL NEGOTIATION GAME","authors":"Panagiotis Kalenis","doi":"10.24193/csq.44.3","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.24193/csq.44.3","url":null,"abstract":"The article examines the impact of the activity of the parties involved, as well as of third parties, on the effectiveness of strategic negotiations with non-state organizations. It affirms that third-party implication in the form of mediation has been a","PeriodicalId":55922,"journal":{"name":"Conflict Studies Quarterly","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.3,"publicationDate":"2023-07-05","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"46196492","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
In the Eastern Mediterranean, there are maritime territorial disputes between different states, particularly Türkiye and Greece. This study examines the impact of economic interdependence on the ongoing disputes in the Eastern Mediterranean, focusing on t
{"title":"ECONOMIC INTERDEPENDENCE AND CONFLICT IN EASTERN MEDITERRANEAN: THE CASE OF THE MARITIME CONFLICT BETWEEN TURKIYE AND GREECE","authors":"Meysune Yaşar, Hilal ZORBA BAYRAKTAR","doi":"10.24193/csq.44.4","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.24193/csq.44.4","url":null,"abstract":"In the Eastern Mediterranean, there are maritime territorial disputes between different states, particularly Türkiye and Greece. This study examines the impact of economic interdependence on the ongoing disputes in the Eastern Mediterranean, focusing on t","PeriodicalId":55922,"journal":{"name":"Conflict Studies Quarterly","volume":"1 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.3,"publicationDate":"2023-07-05","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"42769494","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
The development of socially diverse societies depends on social cohesiveness. Yet the subject has remained mainly understudied. This article discusses the level of social cohesion in Nigeria and its consequences for policy. Using primary and secondary dat
{"title":"NIGERIA: THE STATE OF SOCIAL COHESION. IMPLICATIONS FOR POLICY","authors":"F. Allen, Kialee Nyiayaana","doi":"10.24193/csq.44.1","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.24193/csq.44.1","url":null,"abstract":"The development of socially diverse societies depends on social cohesiveness. Yet the subject has remained mainly understudied. This article discusses the level of social cohesion in Nigeria and its consequences for policy. Using primary and secondary dat","PeriodicalId":55922,"journal":{"name":"Conflict Studies Quarterly","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.3,"publicationDate":"2023-07-05","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"46850056","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
The fight against insurgency, terrorism, banditry, militancy, and other forms of criminality has been viewed from two major perspectives by scholars, security analysts and security experts in the existing literature. While some argued in favor of the kinetic approach, others supported the adoption of both kinetic and non-kinetic approaches. The main thrust of this paper is to interrogate both the kinetic and non-kinetic approaches initiated by Dr. Goodluck Jonathan led Federal Government to placate Boko Haram terrorists in the North East geo-political zone of Nigeria between 2011 and 2015. Before the adoption of the non-kinetic approach, the government made use of a military or kinetic approach in its response to the nefarious activities of Boko Haram between 2009 and 2011. It argues that the inability of the kinetic approach to successfully address the menace of the Boko Haram insurgency forced the government to adopt a non-kinetic approach or carrot option, which took several forms such as the establishment of dialogue committees and Countering Violent Extremism (CVE) agency. It submits that none of these kinetic and non-kinetic measures were able to curtail the heightened disruptive activities of the insurgent group as a result of inept political leadership, failure of good governance, problem of sabotage, lack of strong political will and commitment and so on. Keywords: Non-kinetic, government, Boko Haram, Insurgency, North-East, Nigeria.
{"title":"NIGERIA: INTERROGATING THE KINETIC AND NON-KINETIC APPROACHES OF THE FEDERAL GOVERNMENT TOWARDS BOKO HARAM INSURGENCY IN THE NORTH-EAST, 2009-2015","authors":"S. Adesote, Sunday Adekunle Akande","doi":"10.24193/csq.43.1","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.24193/csq.43.1","url":null,"abstract":"The fight against insurgency, terrorism, banditry, militancy, and other forms of criminality has been viewed from two major perspectives by scholars, security analysts and security experts in the existing literature. While some argued in favor of the kinetic approach, others supported the adoption of both kinetic and non-kinetic approaches. The main thrust of this paper is to interrogate both the kinetic and non-kinetic approaches initiated by Dr. Goodluck Jonathan led Federal Government to placate Boko Haram terrorists in the North East geo-political zone of Nigeria between 2011 and 2015. Before the adoption of the non-kinetic approach, the government made use of a military or kinetic approach in its response to the nefarious activities of Boko Haram between 2009 and 2011. It argues that the inability of the kinetic approach to successfully address the menace of the Boko Haram insurgency forced the government to adopt a non-kinetic approach or carrot option, which took several forms such as the establishment of dialogue committees and Countering Violent Extremism (CVE) agency. It submits that none of these kinetic and non-kinetic measures were able to curtail the heightened disruptive activities of the insurgent group as a result of inept political leadership, failure of good governance, problem of sabotage, lack of strong political will and commitment and so on. Keywords: Non-kinetic, government, Boko Haram, Insurgency, North-East, Nigeria.","PeriodicalId":55922,"journal":{"name":"Conflict Studies Quarterly","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.3,"publicationDate":"2023-04-05","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"45271595","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
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