High expenses are associated with international investment arbitration. To save the additional expenditure of the adjudication, parties typically prefer sponsored third-party ar bitration proceedings. On the other hand, the third-party funder is interested in funding the arbitration to benefit significantly from the dispute’s resolution. Interestingly, the arbitrators should be able to overlook the Third-Party Funding [TPF] issue to gain the necessary compe tency. Their competence is limited to disputes between the foreign investor and the host state only. This article discusses the concept and legal status of the third-party funder in arbitration. Keywords: Arbitration, third-party funding, expenses, adjudication, disputes, dispute resolution.
{"title":"INDIA: THIRD-PARTY FUNDING IN PRACTICE OF INTERNATIONAL ARBITRATION","authors":"Vikas H. Gandhi","doi":"10.24193/csq.46.2","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.24193/csq.46.2","url":null,"abstract":"High expenses are associated with international investment arbitration. To save the additional expenditure of the adjudication, parties typically prefer sponsored third-party ar bitration proceedings. On the other hand, the third-party funder is interested in funding the arbitration to benefit significantly from the dispute’s resolution. Interestingly, the arbitrators should be able to overlook the Third-Party Funding [TPF] issue to gain the necessary compe tency. Their competence is limited to disputes between the foreign investor and the host state only. This article discusses the concept and legal status of the third-party funder in arbitration. Keywords: Arbitration, third-party funding, expenses, adjudication, disputes, dispute resolution.","PeriodicalId":55922,"journal":{"name":"Conflict Studies Quarterly","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.3,"publicationDate":"2024-01-15","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"140507619","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Although internal displacement of persons has been witnessed in Kenya over the years, the 2007/08 episode was the most severe. This study was conducted to examine the socio-eco nomic characteristics of the internally displaced population (IDPs) and to assess the nature of the initial resettlement among the displaced population at the Nakuru Pipeline Complex, Nakuru County, Kenya. The study used a survey design and sampled 260 households from the resettle ment register. Questionnaires which included the household displacement deprivation scale and key informant guide were used. Indicators that were rated worst (i.e., severely or rarely available or accessible) at the time of the initial settlement in 2008 included loss of self-esteem (82%), loss of income (82%), loss of employment (78%), lack of shelter (81%) and loss of property (71%). By 2018, there were considerable improvements (recovery) that included housing (72.0%), food access (63.0%), water (57.0%), and clothing (54.0%) compared to the initial crisis periods. Given the occurrence of processes that induce disasters and displacement, social development efforts should be directed to the reduction of vulnerabilities, including socio-ecological vulnerabilities. Such measures will ensure that when disasters and displacements occur, it will be possible for the people, and citizens, to recover, adapt to new environments, and continue with their liveli hoods. Reduction of severity in magnitude and duration will need to be an integral part of the social development planning. Keywords: Resilience, internally displaced pop ulation, displacement, Nakuru Pipeline, deprivation.
{"title":"KENYA: ESTABLISHING THE NATURE AND RATE OF RESILIENCE (RECOVERY) AMONG THE DISPLACED POPULATION IN NAKURU COUNTY","authors":"Eric ISRAEL-OKERE","doi":"10.24193/csq.46.3","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.24193/csq.46.3","url":null,"abstract":"Although internal displacement of persons has been witnessed in Kenya over the years, the 2007/08 episode was the most severe. This study was conducted to examine the socio-eco nomic characteristics of the internally displaced population (IDPs) and to assess the nature of the initial resettlement among the displaced population at the Nakuru Pipeline Complex, Nakuru County, Kenya. The study used a survey design and sampled 260 households from the resettle ment register. Questionnaires which included the household displacement deprivation scale and key informant guide were used. Indicators that were rated worst (i.e., severely or rarely available or accessible) at the time of the initial settlement in 2008 included loss of self-esteem (82%), loss of income (82%), loss of employment (78%), lack of shelter (81%) and loss of property (71%). By 2018, there were considerable improvements (recovery) that included housing (72.0%), food access (63.0%), water (57.0%), and clothing (54.0%) compared to the initial crisis periods. Given the occurrence of processes that induce disasters and displacement, social development efforts should be directed to the reduction of vulnerabilities, including socio-ecological vulnerabilities. Such measures will ensure that when disasters and displacements occur, it will be possible for the people, and citizens, to recover, adapt to new environments, and continue with their liveli hoods. Reduction of severity in magnitude and duration will need to be an integral part of the social development planning. Keywords: Resilience, internally displaced pop ulation, displacement, Nakuru Pipeline, deprivation.","PeriodicalId":55922,"journal":{"name":"Conflict Studies Quarterly","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.3,"publicationDate":"2024-01-15","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"140506968","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
The main purpose of this article is to investigate the foundations of relations between Türkiye and the US and to analyze the impact of the Iraq War on relations between the two coun tries. The relations that developed in the context of security after the Cold War were naturally supported by economic aid. Although there were many problems in the fragile relations during the Cold War, the ties between the two countries were never completely severed. While frequent occurrences strengthened Türkiye’s significance in the area, the divergent interests of the two nations have only recently begun to come into focus. The developments taking place in Türkiye’s neighboring countries also attract the attention of the United States, and the repercussions of events in these regions are reflected in Türkiye, especially concerning conflicts involving Russia. In this context, although the relations between the two countries are often touted as an alliance, it highlights the fact that it leans more towards a necessity. At this point, the Iraq War has had a significant impact on the relations between the two countries and has led to the emergence and increase of problems between the two countries. Keywords: Türkiye, United States, alliance, necessity, economy.
{"title":"TURKIYE: THE IMPLICATION OF IRAQ CONFLICT ON THE US–TÜRKIYE STRATEGIC RELATIONSHIP","authors":"Levent Duman, M. E. Erendor","doi":"10.24193/csq.46.1","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.24193/csq.46.1","url":null,"abstract":"The main purpose of this article is to investigate the foundations of relations between Türkiye and the US and to analyze the impact of the Iraq War on relations between the two coun tries. The relations that developed in the context of security after the Cold War were naturally supported by economic aid. Although there were many problems in the fragile relations during the Cold War, the ties between the two countries were never completely severed. While frequent occurrences strengthened Türkiye’s significance in the area, the divergent interests of the two nations have only recently begun to come into focus. The developments taking place in Türkiye’s neighboring countries also attract the attention of the United States, and the repercussions of events in these regions are reflected in Türkiye, especially concerning conflicts involving Russia. In this context, although the relations between the two countries are often touted as an alliance, it highlights the fact that it leans more towards a necessity. At this point, the Iraq War has had a significant impact on the relations between the two countries and has led to the emergence and increase of problems between the two countries. Keywords: Türkiye, United States, alliance, necessity, economy.","PeriodicalId":55922,"journal":{"name":"Conflict Studies Quarterly","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.3,"publicationDate":"2024-01-15","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"140507031","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
The conflict in Syria quickly escalated into a complex and prolonged civil war where states outside the conflict fueled rebel groups to fight. The onset of multiple proxy wars befell Syria. Proxy war happens when a ruler of a state devises and facilitates the provision of support to a rebel group that is engaged in carrying out violent activities in another state. Thus, an external state can influence the outcome of a civil war without having to bear the heavy costs of sending its army forces. States that wage proxy wars risk a potential conflict escalation, and gamble with provoking retaliation by either the offending state or its allies. Furthermore, inadvertent conse quences of backing rebel forces are also possible such as international condemnation. So, why does a state choose to form a relationship with a proxy group, instead of intervening directly? Why invest money and military power in a third party that could lead to a prolonged conflict? The analysis highlights that the political survival of regimes in the Middle East caused leaders to support rebel groups in Syria. I present a causal mechanism that is based on transnational threats to explain the phenomenon of proxy war in the Syrian civil war. Keywords: Syria, proxy war, Middle East, qualitative analysis, foreign policy.
{"title":"SYRIA: PROXY WARS IN THE MIDDLE EAST","authors":"Natalia Tellidou","doi":"10.24193/csq.46.5","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.24193/csq.46.5","url":null,"abstract":"The conflict in Syria quickly escalated into a complex and prolonged civil war where states outside the conflict fueled rebel groups to fight. The onset of multiple proxy wars befell Syria. Proxy war happens when a ruler of a state devises and facilitates the provision of support to a rebel group that is engaged in carrying out violent activities in another state. Thus, an external state can influence the outcome of a civil war without having to bear the heavy costs of sending its army forces. States that wage proxy wars risk a potential conflict escalation, and gamble with provoking retaliation by either the offending state or its allies. Furthermore, inadvertent conse quences of backing rebel forces are also possible such as international condemnation. So, why does a state choose to form a relationship with a proxy group, instead of intervening directly? Why invest money and military power in a third party that could lead to a prolonged conflict? The analysis highlights that the political survival of regimes in the Middle East caused leaders to support rebel groups in Syria. I present a causal mechanism that is based on transnational threats to explain the phenomenon of proxy war in the Syrian civil war. Keywords: Syria, proxy war, Middle East, qualitative analysis, foreign policy.","PeriodicalId":55922,"journal":{"name":"Conflict Studies Quarterly","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.3,"publicationDate":"2024-01-15","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"140507050","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Abstract: The Super League is a project competition thought of as an alternative to the present Champions League. In this regard, this new competition was designed to operate independently of FIFA and UEFA, which are the governing bodies of football worldwide and in Europe respectively, and would feature a semi-closed group of European teams (15 permanent and five selected based on their domestic results) from England, Spain and Italy (teams from France and Germany were also on the list but the selected clubs, PSG, Bayern München, and Borussia Dortmund declined the offer to join). This move made FIFA and UEFA condemn the proposed Super League, arguing against the ex-clusiveness of this closed league and considering a dangerous precedent that can be followed by other football clubs. The disagreement has escalated to legal actions and sanctions from FIFA and UEFA against the clubs that joined the Super League which, in turn, have started their own legal actions against the two international bodies. Even if the project seems to be abandoned, the situation is still ongoing and it’s difficult to predict the future of sport management after this bold move of several football clubs against the two governing bodies. The present article tries to analyze the situation using conflict analysis in order to find out future scenarios for all the actors involved. Keywords: Super League, FIFA, UEFA, conflict, sports governance.
{"title":"THE SUPER LEAGUE CONFLICT: WHY EVERYONE IS UPSET WITH THIS PROJECT?","authors":"Ciprian SANDU","doi":"10.24193/csq.45.3","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.24193/csq.45.3","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract: The Super League is a project competition thought of as an alternative to the present Champions League. In this regard, this new competition was designed to operate independently of FIFA and UEFA, which are the governing bodies of football worldwide and in Europe respectively, and would feature a semi-closed group of European teams (15 permanent and five selected based on their domestic results) from England, Spain and Italy (teams from France and Germany were also on the list but the selected clubs, PSG, Bayern München, and Borussia Dortmund declined the offer to join). This move made FIFA and UEFA condemn the proposed Super League, arguing against the ex-clusiveness of this closed league and considering a dangerous precedent that can be followed by other football clubs. The disagreement has escalated to legal actions and sanctions from FIFA and UEFA against the clubs that joined the Super League which, in turn, have started their own legal actions against the two international bodies. Even if the project seems to be abandoned, the situation is still ongoing and it’s difficult to predict the future of sport management after this bold move of several football clubs against the two governing bodies. The present article tries to analyze the situation using conflict analysis in order to find out future scenarios for all the actors involved. Keywords: Super League, FIFA, UEFA, conflict, sports governance.","PeriodicalId":55922,"journal":{"name":"Conflict Studies Quarterly","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-10-05","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"135547185","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Abstract: This article aims to build upon the existing neoclassical realist analysis of Russia’s foreign policy in Ukraine during 2022. By introducing a comprehensive analytical framework grounded in neoclassical realism, it seeks to delve into the influence of specific developments and priorities within Russia on its foreign policy conduct towards Ukraine. Contrary to the commonly perceived image of a more assertive and aggressive Russia, recent trends in both foreign and domestic policy reveal an internally conflicted, introspective, and reactive Russia, demonstrating its lack of preparedness to embrace an evolving international role. Through this analysis, it becomes apparent that Putin’s uncertainty in effectively addressing the multifaceted challenges and inevitable tensions, whether of domestic or international nature, emerges as a direct consequence of Russian mismanagement in handling foreign policy matters related to Ukraine. Unraveling the complexities and contradictions shaping Russia’s actions in the region, this article provides deep insights into the dynamics governing the Ukrainian crisis and its wider implications for global geopolitics. Keywords: Russian foreign policy, conflict management, the Ukrainian crisis, Putin, neoclassical realism
{"title":"ASSESING THE RUSSO-UKRAINIAN CONFLICT OF 2022: UNRAVELING THE PUTIN DOCTRINE IN THE RUSSIAN FOREIGN POLICY","authors":"Rinata TERKULOVA","doi":"10.24193/csq.45.4","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.24193/csq.45.4","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract: This article aims to build upon the existing neoclassical realist analysis of Russia’s foreign policy in Ukraine during 2022. By introducing a comprehensive analytical framework grounded in neoclassical realism, it seeks to delve into the influence of specific developments and priorities within Russia on its foreign policy conduct towards Ukraine. Contrary to the commonly perceived image of a more assertive and aggressive Russia, recent trends in both foreign and domestic policy reveal an internally conflicted, introspective, and reactive Russia, demonstrating its lack of preparedness to embrace an evolving international role. Through this analysis, it becomes apparent that Putin’s uncertainty in effectively addressing the multifaceted challenges and inevitable tensions, whether of domestic or international nature, emerges as a direct consequence of Russian mismanagement in handling foreign policy matters related to Ukraine. Unraveling the complexities and contradictions shaping Russia’s actions in the region, this article provides deep insights into the dynamics governing the Ukrainian crisis and its wider implications for global geopolitics. Keywords: Russian foreign policy, conflict management, the Ukrainian crisis, Putin, neoclassical realism","PeriodicalId":55922,"journal":{"name":"Conflict Studies Quarterly","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-10-05","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"135547184","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Abstract: Conflicts constitute some negative influences on households’ economic activities. In Nigeria, the past few years have witnessed progressive crises in some states and the growing level of insecurity is affecting households’ economic livelihoods. This paper analyzed the determi nants of food insecurity indicator in conflict-affected regions in Nigeria. The data were collected in 2017 from 582 respondents in the North East, North-central, and South-South zones. The data were analyzed with Principal Component Analysis (PCA) and heteroscedasticity consistent Tobit regression. The results showed that in the combined data, the average number of days per week that respondents relied on less preferred food, limited food portions, and reduced the number of meal per day were 3.42, 2.68 and 2.33, respectively. The PCA was used to generate indicator of food insecurity, with North-East, Northcentral, and South-South zones having average indices of 0.16, -0.09 and -0.02, respectively. The Tobit regression results revealed that in the combined data, food insecurity was promoted by household size, urban residence and receipt of remittances, but reduced by unchanged income, credit purchase and reliance on food aid. In north central, food insecurity was promoted by receipt of remittances, but reduced by ability to grow own crops. In the north eastern zone, food insecurity was promoted by urban residence, income increased, and increase in food prices, but declined by income unchanged, and pension income. In the South-South zone, food insecurity was promoted by household size, urban residence and receipt of remittance income, but declined by credit purchase and unchanged income. It was concluded that addressing food insecurity among residents in conflict-affected areas requires preferential assistances to large families, urban residents, and those with high dependence on remittances. However, the promotion of initiatives for credit purchase, food aid the and ability to grow own crops are potentially able to reduce food insecurity. Keywords: Food insecurity, conflict, remittances, food aid, credit, Nigeria.
{"title":"NIGERIA: COMPOSITE INDICATOR OF FOOD INSECURITY IN ITS CONFLICT AFFECTED REGIONS AND ITS DETERMINANTS. A HETEROSCEDASTICITY CONSISTENT TOBIT MODEL","authors":"Tolulope Olayemi OYEKALE, Abayomi Samuel OYEKALE","doi":"10.24193/csq.45.2","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.24193/csq.45.2","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract: Conflicts constitute some negative influences on households’ economic activities. In Nigeria, the past few years have witnessed progressive crises in some states and the growing level of insecurity is affecting households’ economic livelihoods. This paper analyzed the determi nants of food insecurity indicator in conflict-affected regions in Nigeria. The data were collected in 2017 from 582 respondents in the North East, North-central, and South-South zones. The data were analyzed with Principal Component Analysis (PCA) and heteroscedasticity consistent Tobit regression. The results showed that in the combined data, the average number of days per week that respondents relied on less preferred food, limited food portions, and reduced the number of meal per day were 3.42, 2.68 and 2.33, respectively. The PCA was used to generate indicator of food insecurity, with North-East, Northcentral, and South-South zones having average indices of 0.16, -0.09 and -0.02, respectively. The Tobit regression results revealed that in the combined data, food insecurity was promoted by household size, urban residence and receipt of remittances, but reduced by unchanged income, credit purchase and reliance on food aid. In north central, food insecurity was promoted by receipt of remittances, but reduced by ability to grow own crops. In the north eastern zone, food insecurity was promoted by urban residence, income increased, and increase in food prices, but declined by income unchanged, and pension income. In the South-South zone, food insecurity was promoted by household size, urban residence and receipt of remittance income, but declined by credit purchase and unchanged income. It was concluded that addressing food insecurity among residents in conflict-affected areas requires preferential assistances to large families, urban residents, and those with high dependence on remittances. However, the promotion of initiatives for credit purchase, food aid the and ability to grow own crops are potentially able to reduce food insecurity. Keywords: Food insecurity, conflict, remittances, food aid, credit, Nigeria.","PeriodicalId":55922,"journal":{"name":"Conflict Studies Quarterly","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-10-05","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"135547182","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
The paper discusses local communities’ initiatives and challenges in resolving the Anglophone conflict in the South West Region of Cameroon between 2016 and 2023. The con flict that began in September 2016 as the Anglophone teachers and lawyers strike soon vitiated into calls for secession of the Anglophone regions of the country due to marginalization by the Francophone majority. By early 2017, the employability of arms by separatists alongside other tactics like ghost towns, kidnappings, and the maiming of civilians had prompted a gov ernment military response leading to a massive humanitarian crisis. While the conflict is still on, the situation seems to be returning to normalcy in some communities owing, not to the government approach to solving the problem but to various indigenous community initiatives. Informed by primary and secondary data, the study investigates the strategies adopted by local communities in resolving the Anglophone conflict in the southwest region of Cameroon. The paper also concedes the persistence of the crisis despite these initiatives and questions factors that mitigate against indigenous conflict resolution mechanisms that local communities have been propagating. It concludes that the anglophone crises far from serving as a platform for the English-speaking people of Cameroon to express their grievances was an opportunity for local communities to understand the complexities of war and a chance to re-initiate indigenous con flict resolution mechanisms which were rife in the pre-colonial days. Keywords: Anglophone, Cameroon, conflict resolution, local community.
{"title":"CAMEROON: LOCAL COMMUNITIES AND CONFLICT RESOLUTION DURING THE ANGLOPHONE CONFLICT IN THE SOUTH WEST REGION. INITIATIVES AND CHALLENGES","authors":"Victor Ntui ATOM","doi":"10.24193/csq.45.1","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.24193/csq.45.1","url":null,"abstract":"The paper discusses local communities’ initiatives and challenges in resolving the Anglophone conflict in the South West Region of Cameroon between 2016 and 2023. The con flict that began in September 2016 as the Anglophone teachers and lawyers strike soon vitiated into calls for secession of the Anglophone regions of the country due to marginalization by the Francophone majority. By early 2017, the employability of arms by separatists alongside other tactics like ghost towns, kidnappings, and the maiming of civilians had prompted a gov ernment military response leading to a massive humanitarian crisis. While the conflict is still on, the situation seems to be returning to normalcy in some communities owing, not to the government approach to solving the problem but to various indigenous community initiatives. Informed by primary and secondary data, the study investigates the strategies adopted by local communities in resolving the Anglophone conflict in the southwest region of Cameroon. The paper also concedes the persistence of the crisis despite these initiatives and questions factors that mitigate against indigenous conflict resolution mechanisms that local communities have been propagating. It concludes that the anglophone crises far from serving as a platform for the English-speaking people of Cameroon to express their grievances was an opportunity for local communities to understand the complexities of war and a chance to re-initiate indigenous con flict resolution mechanisms which were rife in the pre-colonial days. Keywords: Anglophone, Cameroon, conflict resolution, local community.","PeriodicalId":55922,"journal":{"name":"Conflict Studies Quarterly","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-10-05","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"135547183","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
This paper discusses the nature of disagreement over the treatment of leopards between Ardo Sabga and the Fon of Babanki Tungo between 1937 and 1946 in the North-West Region of Cameroon. It argues that this was a result of differences in the cultural bac
{"title":"CAMEROON: LEOPARD AND CONFLICT BETWEEN ARDO SABGA AND FON OF BABANKI TUNGO, 1937-1946","authors":"Charles Tardzenyuy Jumbam, H. K. Kah","doi":"10.24193/csq.44.2","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.24193/csq.44.2","url":null,"abstract":"This paper discusses the nature of disagreement over the treatment of leopards between Ardo Sabga and the Fon of Babanki Tungo between 1937 and 1946 in the North-West Region of Cameroon. It argues that this was a result of differences in the cultural bac","PeriodicalId":55922,"journal":{"name":"Conflict Studies Quarterly","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.3,"publicationDate":"2023-07-05","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"45526841","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
The entanglements of Middle East states in the Horn of Africa are debilitating the politically volatile region. The Middle East states power projection schemes and the race to build up military bases have been threatening the security of the Horn region b
{"title":"MIDDLE EAST: STATES RIVALRY IN THE HORN OF AFRICA. KEY DRIVES, GEOPOLITICAL IMPLICATIONS, AND SECURITY CHALLENGES","authors":"Nigusu Adem Yimer, Hailu Gelana Erko","doi":"10.24193/csq.44.5","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.24193/csq.44.5","url":null,"abstract":"The entanglements of Middle East states in the Horn of Africa are debilitating the politically volatile region. The Middle East states power projection schemes and the race to build up military bases have been threatening the security of the Horn region b","PeriodicalId":55922,"journal":{"name":"Conflict Studies Quarterly","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.3,"publicationDate":"2023-07-05","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"47242314","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
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