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European Legacy-Toward New Paradigms最新文献

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Field of Battle 战场
IF 0.2 4区 社会学 Q3 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2023-01-03 DOI: 10.1080/10848770.2022.2164477
K. Schweizer
involved. SCMOs are said to represent life-style alternatives and forms of resistance to the traditional marketplace and the ‘bedrock’ within Social Solidarity Economy. They include a “broad range of organizations that are distinguished from conventional for-profit enterprise, entrepreneurship, and informal economy as they have explicit economic, social and environmental objectives.” There is also the more general issue of how SCMOs relate to capitalism and the market. “SCMOs are alternative organizations which, while contesting around capitalism and markets, experiment with alternative ways of organizing. This is done in the attempt to revamp moral principles (such as equality, democracy, and sustainability) within society and to contrast growing extremism and populism sentiments.” There is though little, if anything, in this collection on how SCMOs relate to capitalism or to markets. Hence, questions of the financing of SCMOs and their ownership are not addressed, nor the possibilities that profits are sought by the controllers of SCMOs which may be disguised as additional salary payments and benefits in kind; or the evolving of SCMOs into capitalist organisations (consider the fate of UK building societies). SCMOs are largely viewed in terms of their internal organisation but rather little is said of how they relate to other organisations and people in general through what may be termed market type relationships. There is though mention of Alternative Exchange Networks (AENs) that are solidarity-based exchanges and cooperative structures founded on principles of social and ecological values, participation and cooperation.
卷入的SCMO据说代表了对传统市场的替代生活方式和抵抗形式,是社会团结经济的“基石”。它们包括“与传统营利性企业、创业和非正规经济不同的广泛组织,因为它们有明确的经济、社会和环境目标。”还有一个更普遍的问题,即SCMO与资本主义和市场的关系。“SCMO是一种另类组织,在围绕资本主义和市场进行竞争的同时,尝试其他组织方式。这样做是为了改变社会内部的道德原则(如平等、民主和可持续性),并与日益增长的极端主义和民粹主义情绪形成对比。”,关于SCMO与资本主义或市场的关系。因此,SCMO的资金筹措及其所有权问题没有得到解决,SCMO控制人寻求利润的可能性也没有得到解决——利润可能被伪装成额外的工资和实物福利;或者SCMO向资本主义组织的演变(想想英国建筑协会的命运)。SCMO在很大程度上是从其内部组织的角度来看待的,但很少涉及他们如何通过所谓的市场型关系与其他组织和人们建立联系。但也提到了替代交换网络,这是基于社会和生态价值观、参与与合作原则的基于团结的交流和合作结构。
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引用次数: 0
Taste: A Book of Small Bites 品味:一本咬一小口的书
IF 0.2 4区 社会学 Q3 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2023-01-02 DOI: 10.1080/10848770.2022.2163777
Hans J. Rindisbacher
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引用次数: 0
Ulysses and Faust: Tradition and Modernism from Homer Till the Present 尤利西斯与浮士德:从荷马到现在的传统与现代主义
IF 0.2 4区 社会学 Q3 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2023-01-02 DOI: 10.1080/10848770.2022.2163774
Wayne Cristaudo
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引用次数: 0
Augusto Del Noce and Eric Voegelin on the eidos of History: A Comparative Analysis 奥古斯托·德尔·诺伊斯与埃里克·沃格林关于历史之谜的比较分析
IF 0.2 4区 社会学 Q3 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2022-12-28 DOI: 10.1080/10848770.2022.2160096
Giuliana Parotto
ABSTRACT In his critique of Modernity and the modern Gnosis, the prominent Italian Catholic philosopher Augusto Del Noce was particularly influenced by Eric Voegelin’s use of the two concepts in his political theory. The aim of this article is to present the various aspects of the idea of history proposed by Voegelin followed by Del Noce’s response and interpretation of them in order to show the similarities and differences between their views. More specifically, the comparison between Voegelin and Del Noce centers on the question of the eidos or “form” of history and on the difference, important for Del Noce, between ancient and modern Gnosis.
摘要意大利著名天主教哲学家奥古斯托·德尔·诺塞斯在其对现代性和现代Gnosis的批判中,特别受到埃里克·沃格林在其政治理论中对这两个概念的运用的影响。本文的目的是介绍沃格林提出的历史观的各个方面,以及德尔·诺伊斯对他们的回应和解释,以显示他们观点的异同。更具体地说,Voegelin和Del Noce之间的比较集中在历史的eidos或“形式”问题上,以及古代和现代Gnosis之间的差异,这对Del Nose来说很重要。
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引用次数: 0
Actor Training in Anglophone Countries: Past, Present, and Future 英语国家的演员培训:过去、现在和未来
IF 0.2 4区 社会学 Q3 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2022-12-28 DOI: 10.1080/10848770.2022.2163472
A. Rosenthal
argued, but they did so by making people see ordinary objects differently. Duchamp exhibited a snow shovel. He did not frame his writings and exhibit them. This point brings me to an aspect of Danto’s analysis that underlies much that is said in the conversations but is never made explicit. One of the major implications of the break that Duchamp and Warhol introduced was to question the relationship between art and craft. I mean by craft the complex power to make, to fashion objects out of raw material. The British sculptor Antony Gormley once described making as “physical thinking” (I saw this comment at an exhibition of his works at the Tate Britain gallery in 2018). But the sort of conceptual art that followed in the wake of the separation of artworks and aesthetic criteria opened the field of art to artists who had no talent for making things from paint or clay. On one level that opening of the field of artistic practice to new forms and styles is consistent with the history of human creativity. If art is the highest and freest expression of that creativity then it can never remain confined to a few canonical forms. On the other hand, one might worry that too wide an opening of artistic practice to include anything anyone recognized as an artist decides to present as art threatens Danto’s definition of artworks as “embodied meanings.” As he says: “Formalism cannot define art. You need meaning . . . and embodiment” (62). If both sides are essential, then the collapse of the sensuous materiality of artworks into ideas would prove to be a loss for art and the human sensorium it enlivens and challenges.
争论,但他们是通过让人们对普通物体有不同的看法来实现的。杜尚展出了一把雪铲。他没有把自己的作品裱起来展出。这一点把我带到了丹托分析的一个方面,这个方面隐藏了很多对话中所说的内容,但从来没有明确地说出来。杜尚和沃霍尔带来的突破的主要影响之一是质疑艺术与工艺之间的关系。我说的工艺是指用原材料制作、制作物品的复杂能力。英国雕塑家安东尼·戈姆利(Antony Gormley)曾将制作描述为“身体思维”(我在2018年泰特英国美术馆(Tate Britain)他的作品展览上看到了这一评论)。但是,随着艺术作品和审美标准的分离,随之而来的观念艺术为那些没有用颜料或粘土制作东西的天赋的艺术家打开了艺术领域。在一个层面上,艺术实践领域向新形式和新风格的开放与人类创造力的历史是一致的。如果艺术是创造力的最高和最自由的表达,那么它就永远不能局限于几种规范的形式。另一方面,人们可能会担心,艺术实践的开放过于广泛,以至于不包括任何被认为是艺术家的人决定作为艺术呈现的东西,这会威胁到丹托对艺术作品“体现意义”的定义。正如他所说:“形式主义不能定义艺术。你需要意义……和具体化”(62)。如果这两方面都是必要的,那么艺术作品的感性物质性的崩溃将被证明是艺术和它所激活和挑战的人类感官的损失。
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引用次数: 0
In Search of the Soul: A Philosophical Essay 寻找灵魂:一篇哲学论文
IF 0.2 4区 社会学 Q3 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2022-12-28 DOI: 10.1080/10848770.2022.2161176
L. Johnson
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引用次数: 0
The Inhumanity of Right 权利的不人道
IF 0.2 4区 社会学 Q3 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2022-12-28 DOI: 10.1080/10848770.2022.2163471
E. Andrew
dants do not have the same rights as the Danish-speaking majority for permanent residency, education, and work opportunities. Deep down, this is rooted in the fact that language is a critical means of government manipulation, and thus that language planning is ideologically-driven and politically-motivated. With more immigrants dwelling in Denmark, Faingold calls for re-evaluating “the view that language rights of indigenous minorities necessarily supersede the language rights of minority immigrants” (119). In Chapter 6, Faingold recapitulates the significant research findings and proposes directions for future research. He points out that as time goes by, the potential impacts of Brexit on the development of regional minority languages are also worth investigating. Faingold offers a thorough understanding of linguistic minorities’ language rights in the EU by situating his analyses in various legal, political and social settings. However, his study would have been more effective if he had incorporated other EU member states besides Spain and Denmark into a more comprehensive discussion of language policies. Besides, since the EU member states are given the exclusive right to determine the rights of national minorities, the protections of minority language speakers are subject to political considerations, social factors, and historical circumstances. In other words, proper contextualization is a prerequisite for conceptualizing language rights of indigenous and immigrant minorities in the EU. Despite some imperfections, the book provokes thoughts about possible solutions to address LPP issues in a context of linguistic diversity, such as the author’s own suggestion of making cautious adjustments to language laws and policies to help facilitate the linguistic integration of minorities into the EU.
丹麦人在获得永久居留权、教育和工作机会方面与大多数讲丹麦语的人没有同等权利。从本质上讲,这源于这样一个事实,即语言是政府操纵的关键手段,因此语言规划是由意识形态驱动和政治动机驱动的。随着越来越多的移民居住在丹麦,费恩戈尔德呼吁重新评估“土著少数民族的语言权利必然取代少数民族移民的语言权利的观点”(119)。在第六章中,Faingold总结了重要的研究成果,并提出了未来的研究方向。他指出,随着时间的推移,英国脱欧对地区少数民族语言发展的潜在影响也值得研究。Faingold通过将他的分析置于各种法律、政治和社会环境中,对欧盟语言少数群体的语言权利有了深入的了解。然而,如果他将西班牙和丹麦以外的其他欧盟成员国纳入更全面的语言政策讨论,他的研究会更有效。此外,由于欧盟成员国被赋予决定少数民族权利的专属权利,对少数民族语言使用者的保护受到政治考虑、社会因素和历史环境的影响。换言之,适当的语境化是概念化欧盟土著和移民少数群体语言权利的先决条件。尽管存在一些缺陷,但这本书引发了人们对在语言多样性的背景下解决LPP问题的可能解决方案的思考,例如作者自己建议对语言法律和政策进行谨慎调整,以帮助少数民族在语言上融入欧盟。
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引用次数: 0
The Israel–Palestine Conflict: A History 以色列-巴勒斯坦冲突:一段历史
IF 0.2 4区 社会学 Q3 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2022-12-22 DOI: 10.1080/10848770.2022.2161177
M. Levin
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引用次数: 0
Romanticism, Skepticism, Liberalism: Reading Isaiah Berlin 浪漫主义、怀疑主义、自由主义——读以赛亚·伯林
IF 0.2 4区 社会学 Q3 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2022-12-20 DOI: 10.1080/10848770.2022.2157315
James G. Mellon
ABSTRACT The aim of this article is neither to challenge nor to defend Isaiah Berlin’s thought but rather to identify the main influences on his concept of liberalism. Berlin’s justification for liberalism is distinctive in that it reflects influences of Romanticism and Augustinianism. Unlike some liberals, his liberalism does not reflect unambiguous confidence in the products of the Enlightenment. Berlin valued the freedom of expression and identity, yet he feared that these freedoms faced potential threats from both left and right. These considerations led Berlin to found his liberalism on the notion of limited government, as is reflected in his bias towards negative, rather than positive, liberty. Negative liberty implies restraint on the part of the state in order to limit anything that might act as an impediment to individual freedom. In contrast, positive liberty implies that the state may have to be active even to the point of imposing restrictions on individual freedom in order to ameliorate effective limits on liberty imposed as a consequence of societal inequities. Berlin is justly deemed to have been one of the great political theorists of the twentieth century. Few, even among his critics, would deny this, and even those who disagree with Berlin’s conclusions would acknowledge that his framing of the questions and his references to history have elevated and enriched the debate on liberalism.
摘要本文的目的不是要对以赛亚·伯林的思想提出质疑,也不是要为其辩护,而是要找出对其自由主义思想的主要影响。柏林为自由主义辩护的独特之处在于它反映了浪漫主义和奥古斯丁主义的影响。与一些自由主义者不同,他的自由主义并没有反映出对启蒙运动产物的明确信心。柏林重视言论和身份自由,但他担心这些自由面临来自左翼和右翼的潜在威胁。这些考虑导致柏林在有限政府的概念上找到了他的自由主义,这反映在他对消极而非积极自由的偏见上。消极自由意味着国家方面的克制,以限制任何可能阻碍个人自由的行为。相比之下,积极的自由意味着国家可能必须积极主动,甚至对个人自由施加限制,以改善由于社会不平等而对自由施加的有效限制。柏林被认为是二十世纪最伟大的政治理论家之一。即使在他的批评者中,也很少有人会否认这一点,即使是那些不同意柏林结论的人也会承认,他对问题的阐述和对历史的引用提升并丰富了关于自由主义的辩论。
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引用次数: 0
Jean-François Lyotard: The Interviews and Debates 让-弗朗索瓦·利奥塔:访谈与辩论
IF 0.2 4区 社会学 Q3 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2022-12-15 DOI: 10.1080/10848770.2022.2157944
Dylan Vaughan
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引用次数: 0
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European Legacy-Toward New Paradigms
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