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2区 哲学 Q2 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2023-03-30 DOI: 10.1163/15685195-30010000
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引用次数: 0
An Unbeliever Can Rule Dār al-Islām: Ḥanafī Law in the Wake of the Mongol Invasion 一个不信道的人可以在蒙古入侵后统治Dār al-Islām:ḤanafīLaw
IF 0.5 2区 哲学 Q2 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2023-03-28 DOI: 10.1163/15685195-bja10039
Edith X. Chen
Prior to the Mongol invasion of Iran in the 7th/13th century, Ḥanafī jurists had adopted two definitions of Islamic lands (dār al-islām): according to a “lenient” definition attributed to Abū Ḥanīfa, an unbelieving ruler may rule over dār al-islām, and according to a “strict” definition attributed to Abū Yūsuf and al-Shaybānī, he may not. As the Mongols overran Central Asia and Iran, later Ḥanafīs began to favor the lenient definition so that lands under non-Muslim occupation might retain the status of dār al-islām as long as Muslims had security and the freedom to worship. In this article, I evaluate the assumptions about Mongol rule that underpin the lenient definition. Persian historians such as Waṣṣāf and Shabānkāraʾī report that the Mongols permitted self-rule, and Muslims were adjudicated in their own courts according to Islamic law. Local histories support the claim that Islamic life can continue under occupation by nonbelievers.
在7/13世纪蒙古入侵伊朗之前,Ḥanafī法学家对伊斯兰土地(dār al-islām)采用了两种定义:根据AbāḤ一个不信教的统治者可能会统治dār al-islām,根据AbúYúsuf和al-Shaybānī的“严格”定义,他可能不会。后来蒙古人占领了中亚和伊朗Ḥanafīs开始赞成宽松的定义,这样,只要穆斯林有安全和礼拜自由,非穆斯林占领下的土地就可以保留dār al-islām的地位。在这篇文章中,我评估了关于蒙古统治的假设,这些假设是宽容定义的基础。Wa等波斯历史学家ṣṣāf和Shabānkāraʾī报告说,蒙古人允许自治,穆斯林根据伊斯兰法律在自己的法庭上得到裁决。当地历史支持这样一种说法,即伊斯兰生活可以在非信徒的占领下继续。
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引用次数: 0
Ašhab b. ʿAbd al-ʿAzīz (m. 204/820) et l’évolution du maḏhab mālikite (iiie-vie/Ixe-xiie siècle) b .šhab。ʿAbd al -ʿAz 204/820 (zīm)和我国的发展ḏhab mā(iiie-vie likite / Ixe-xiie世纪)
IF 0.5 2区 哲学 Q2 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2023-03-28 DOI: 10.1163/15685195-bja10040
Clément Salah
Bien que reconnu comme une autorité juridique importante de l’époque de formation de la doctrine juridique mālikite (iie-iiie/viiie-ixe siècle), Ašhab b. ʿAbd al-ʿAzīz (m. 204/820) est dépeint dans les sources narratives postérieures au ive/xe siècle comme un savant ayant divergé voire contredit la doctrine du « maître fondateur » Mālik b. Anas (m. 179/795). Cet article interroge l’apparente divergence et indépendance d’Ašhab par l’analyse de sept anecdotes consignées dans la littérature biographique mālikite entre le ive/xe et le vie/xiie siècle. En replaçant ces anecdotes dans leurs contextes politiques, sociaux et doctrinaux de rédaction nous soulignons que : 1. la divergence d’Ašhab est une construction historique qui est 2. le corollaire de l’évolution de la doctrine juridique mālikite entre le iiie/ixe et le vie/xiie siècle. In fine, nous montrons qu’une interconnexion existe entre la tradition biographique construite sur Ašhab et l’évolution du maḏhab (école de doctrinale de droit) mālikite.
尽管在马利克法律学说形成时期(公元2-3/8-9世纪),阿沙布·阿卜杜·阿兹(公元204/820年)被公认为重要的法律权威,但在4/10世纪后的叙事资料中,他被描绘成一位学者,与“创始大师”马利克·阿纳斯(公元179/795年)的学说不同,甚至相矛盾。本文通过分析4/10世纪和6/12世纪之间的毛利传记文献中记录的七个轶事,质疑了阿沙布明显的分歧和独立性。通过将这些轶事置于其政治、社会和理论写作背景中,我们强调:1。Ašhab的分歧是一个历史结构,即2。3/9世纪至6/12世纪之间马利基法律学说演变的必然结果。最后,我们表明,建立在阿沙布基础上的传记传统与马利基主义法律理论学派的演变之间存在着相互联系。
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引用次数: 0
Imām Mālik b. Anas, al-Muwaṭṭa’ [The Recension of Yaḥyā b. Yaḥyā al-Laythī (d. 234/848)] Imem Malik b.Anas,al-Muwa
IF 0.5 2区 哲学 Q2 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2023-02-02 DOI: 10.1163/15685195-20230001
Nour-Eddine Qaouar
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引用次数: 0
A House of Worship for Every Religious Community: The History of a Mālikī Fatwā 每个宗教团体的礼拜堂:毛利基·法特瓦的历史
IF 0.5 2区 哲学 Q2 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2023-01-30 DOI: 10.1163/15685195-bja10034
Janina M. Safran
This essay traces the incorporation of a sixth/twelfth century fatwā supporting the construction of churches in North Africa in the Mālikī madhhab and provides insight into practices of Mālikī legal interpretation in the Maghrib in the ninth/fifteenth century. In his fatwā, the Cordoban jurist Ibn al-Ḥājj (d. 529/1134) addressed a novel situation involving the relocation of Christians from al-Andalus. This fatwā was selected by the Tunisian jurist al-Burzulī (d. 841/1438) for commentary in his Jāmiʿ masāʾil al-aḥkām. He discussed Ibn al-Ḥājj’s opinions with reference to al-Mudawwana and al-Wāḍiḥa, and later commentaries, and made a connection to church building in Tunis. In the late ninth/fifteenth century, three jurists writing in response to anti-Jewish attacks in Tamanṭīṭ, in the Tuwāt oasis (Algeria), cited Ibn al-Ḥājj’s fatwā, as redacted by al-Burzulī, in their opinions on the destruction of a local synagogue. Each jurist treated Ibn al-Ḥājj’s fatwā as a relevant legal precedent. At the same time, each reevaluated the parameters of Mālikī debate about non-Muslim houses of worship to assert his distinct opinion about the synagogue of Tamanṭīṭ and the position of the Mālikī madhhab on non-Muslim houses of worship in Muslim lands.
本文追溯了第6 / 12世纪在Mālikī madhhab中支持北非教堂建设的法特瓦伊的结合,并提供了对第9 / 15世纪Mālikī马格里布法律解释实践的见解。科尔多瓦法学家伊本·al·-Ḥājj(公元529/1134年)在他的法特瓦伊中谈到了一个涉及从安达卢斯重新安置基督徒的新情况。突尼斯法学家al- burzuli(公元841/1438年)将这一教法选为他的Jāmi《教法》al-aḥkām的注释。他参照al- mudawwana和al-Wāḍiḥa讨论了Ibn al-Ḥājj的观点,以及后来的评论,并将其与突尼斯的教堂建设联系起来。在9世纪末/ 15世纪,三位法学家在回应Tuwāt绿洲(阿尔及利亚)Tamanṭīṭ的反犹太人袭击时,引用了伊本-Ḥājj的法特瓦伊(由al- burzuli编辑),在他们关于摧毁当地犹太教堂的观点中。每个法学家都把伊本-Ḥājj的法特瓦伊视为相关的法律先例。与此同时,每个人都重新评估Mālikī关于非穆斯林礼拜场所辩论的参数,以表明他对Tamanṭīṭ的犹太教堂和Mālikī madhhab对穆斯林土地上非穆斯林礼拜场所的立场的独特看法。
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引用次数: 0
Facing Mecca from Java: Two Treatises on the Establishment of the qibla, and Their Scholarly and Social Context 从爪哇面对麦加:两篇关于启卜拉建立及其学术和社会语境的论文
IF 0.5 2区 哲学 Q2 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2023-01-24 DOI: 10.1163/15685195-20220001
P. Bruckmayr
Between the 1870s and 1902, the Jakarta-based Sayyid ʽUthmān b. ʽAbd Allāh al-ʽAlawī wrote two epistles on the correct establishment of the qibla. Questions on the qibla and, controversially, on correcting the faulty direction of prayer in several mosques in Southeast Asia, surfaced in the late 18th century and reappeared periodically until well into the 20th century. Seeking to change the established qibla of a mosque represented not only a strong claim to religious authority, but also a direct assault on the legitimacy of local religious leaders. Thus, Sayyid ʽUthmān’s epistles were aimed not only at cementing his scholarly status, but also at intervening in the social cleavages of the time. This contribution will analyze the author’s two treatises on the qibla and situate them within their scholarly and social context.
19世纪70年代至1902年间,总部位于雅加达的SayyidʽUthmān b。关于奇布拉的问题,以及有争议的是,关于纠正东南亚几座清真寺错误的祈祷方向的问题,在18世纪末浮出水面,并周期性地再次出现,直到20世纪。试图改变清真寺的既定奇布拉不仅是对宗教权威的强烈要求,也是对当地宗教领袖合法性的直接攻击。因此,SayyidʽUthmān的书信不仅旨在巩固他的学术地位,还旨在干预当时的社会分裂。这篇文章将分析作者关于齐布拉的两篇论文,并将其置于学术和社会背景下。
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引用次数: 0
Salafi-Jihadi Online Communication in Israel: Forging a Community Through an “Enclave” Mindset 以色列的萨拉菲-圣战在线交流:通过“飞地”心态打造社区
IF 0.5 2区 哲学 Q2 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2023-01-24 DOI: 10.1163/15685195-bja10036
Eli Alshech
The article explores the ways in which online posting by contemporary Salafi-jihadis in Israel create an enclave mentality that serves to transform Salafi-jihadis into an insular community. Because Salafi-jihadis can no longer by law advocate active jihad on social media in Israel, their posts focus on three Islamic legal themes: The dichotomy between God’s devotees and God’s enemies; the untrustworthiness of Muslim rulers, official Muslim scholars, and “impious” Muslim associations like the Muslim Brothers; and the obligation to apply the doctrine of takfīr against Muslims and deviant Muslim rulers. Although seemingly innocuous, social media posts encourage Salafi-jihadis to take actions that result in their segregation from other Muslims in Israel, particularly Salafi-Taqlidis, and, at the same time, create and maintain a networked community of like-minded individuals willing to implement the Salafi-jihadi creed when the time is ripe.
这篇文章探讨了当代以色列萨拉菲圣战分子在网上发帖的方式,这些帖子创造了一种飞地心态,将萨拉菲圣战分子转变为一个孤立的社区。因为根据法律,萨拉菲圣战分子不能再在以色列的社交媒体上倡导积极的圣战,他们的帖子集中在三个伊斯兰法律主题上:上帝的奉献者和上帝的敌人之间的二分法;穆斯林统治者、官方穆斯林学者和“不虔诚”的穆斯林协会(如穆斯林兄弟会)的不可信;以及对穆斯林和离经叛道的穆斯林统治者应用伊斯兰教义的义务。虽然看似无害,但社交媒体上的帖子鼓励萨拉菲派圣战分子采取行动,导致他们与以色列的其他穆斯林(尤其是萨拉菲派-塔基利迪派)隔离,同时,创建并维持一个志同道合的人组成的网络社区,这些人愿意在时机成熟时实施萨拉菲派圣战信条。
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引用次数: 0
Moumtaz, Nada. God’s Property: Islam, Charity, and the Modern State Moumtaz,没有什么结果。真主的财产:伊斯兰教、慈善和现代国家
IF 0.5 2区 哲学 Q2 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2023-01-20 DOI: 10.1163/15685195-bja10037
Elizabeth Lhost
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引用次数: 0
Taqyīd al-Mubāḥ and Tobacco: Between Administrative and Legislative Authority Taqyīd al-Mubāḥ 与烟草:行政与立法之间
IF 0.5 2区 哲学 Q2 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2023-01-20 DOI: 10.1163/15685195-bja10038
Umar Shareef
This article identifies the seventeenth-century Ottoman legal debate over the permissibility of tobacco as an early instance in which jurists such as Najm al-Dīn al-Ghazzī and Ibrāhīm al-Laqānī, and ʿAlāʾ al-Dīn al-Haṣkafī refer to the ‘ruler’s right to restrict the permissible’ (taqyīd al-mubāḥ) to justify sultan Murād iv’s restriction of smoking. In response, jurists such as ʿAbd al-Ghanī al-Nābulsī and ʿAlī b. Muḥammad al-Ajhūrī contested the application of taqyīd al-mubāḥ to tobacco on the grounds that it did not satisfy the required condition of securing public well-being (maṣlaḥa). My findings show that the jurists agreed on the administrative privilege of the ruler to restrict the permissible but disagreed over whether the ban against tobacco was based on maṣlaḥa or if an accidental property could temporarily prohibit the performance of a permissible act. This paper sheds light on the diversity of juristic positions with regard to the valid exercise of political power, the scope of the ruler’s legal jurisdiction, and the relationship between political and religious authorities.
这篇文章将17世纪奥斯曼帝国关于烟草允许性的法律辩论确定为一个早期的例子,在这场辩论中,Najm al-Dīn al-Ghazzī和Ibrāhīm al-Laqānī和ʿalāʾal-Dān al-Ha等法学家ṣkafī指的是“统治者限制允许范围的权利”(taqyīd al-mubāḥ) 为苏丹穆拉德四世限制吸烟辩护。作为回应,Abd al-Ghanīal-Nābulsī和alīb.Mu等法学家ḥammad al-Ajhúrī对taqyīd al-mubā的申请提出质疑ḥ 以烟草不符合保障公众福祉的必要条件为由(马ṣlaḥa) 。我的调查结果表明,法学家们同意统治者的行政特权来限制允许的吸烟,但在禁烟是否基于ṣlaḥa或意外财产可能暂时禁止实施可允许的行为。本文揭示了在有效行使政治权力、统治者法律管辖范围以及政治和宗教当局之间关系方面法律立场的多样性。
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引用次数: 0
Ḥanafī Approaches to Copyright Ḥanafī版权方法
IF 0.5 2区 哲学 Q2 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2022-12-26 DOI: 10.1163/15685195-bja10033
Julie Lowe
Academic articles on Islamic law and intellectual property often mention that the Ḥanafī legal tradition is the only school that does not protect intellectual property. By examining Ḥanafī legal manuals and fatwās by contemporary Ḥanafī jurists, I argue that variant interpretations of Ḥanafī doctrine can result in a finding of compatibility or incompatibility between Ḥanafī law and copyright. Interpretations that recognize copyright protect Ḥanafīs from tension between state laws on intellectual property and religious practice. Whereas some Ḥanafī jurists hold that Ḥanafī law is fully compatible with copyright, others place restrictions on copyright or reject copyright entirely. Ḥanafī legal manuals grant some protection to intangible notions such as honour, confidentiality and sanctity. One interpretation of property rules accommodates intellectual property rights. The principles of public interest (ḥuqūq Allāh) and private rights (ḥuqūq al-ʿibād) may provide jurists who accept intellectual property with a means to better theorize aspects of copyright.
关于伊斯兰法律和知识产权的学术文章经常提到Ḥanafī法律传统是唯一一个不保护知识产权的学派。通过检查Ḥ当代的anafī法律手册和fatwāsḤanafī法学家,我认为对Ḥanafī学说可能导致在Ḥanafī法律和版权。承认版权保护的解释Ḥanafīs从国家知识产权法律和宗教实践之间的紧张关系。而有些Ḥanafī法学家认为Ḥanafīlaw与版权完全兼容,其他人则对版权施加限制或完全拒绝版权。Ḥanafī法律手册对荣誉、保密和神圣等无形概念给予了一些保护。对财产规则的一种解释涉及知识产权。公共利益原则(ḥ所有)和私人权利(ḥuqúq al-ʿibād)可能为接受知识产权的法学家提供一种更好地对版权各方面进行理论化的手段。
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引用次数: 0
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Islamic Law and Society
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