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Online Dispute Resolution and Justice System Integration: British Columbia's Civil Resolution Tribunal 在线纠纷解决与司法系统整合:不列颠哥伦比亚省民事解决法庭
Pub Date : 2017-12-01 DOI: 10.22329/WYAJ.V34I1.5008
S. Salter
This article undertakes a brief comparison of private and public online dispute resolution [ODR] systems before providing an overview of the Civil Resolution Tribunal [CRT], Canada’s first online tribunal, and its ODR processes. The article discusses why the CRT has come to be, how it has been implemented, as well as its implications for civil justice reform more broadly. A main proposition is that the transformational potential of ODR will only be realized when ODR is fully integrated with public justice processes. This proposition is not without its difficulties, as the CRT’s experience illustrates. To this end, the article also provides an introduction to some of the opportunities and challenges offered by an integrated ODR system like the CRT as well as some of the steps the CRT has taken to meet these demands as transparently and collaboratively as possible.
本文简要比较了私人和公共在线争议解决系统,然后概述了加拿大第一个在线法庭民事解决法庭及其在线争议解决程序。这篇文章讨论了CRT为什么会出现,它是如何实施的,以及它对更广泛的民事司法改革的影响。一个主要主张是,只有当网上解决与公共司法程序充分结合时,网上解决的转型潜力才能实现。正如CRT的经验所表明的那样,这一主张并非没有困难。为此,本文还介绍了CRT等集成ODR系统所带来的一些机遇和挑战,以及CRT为尽可能透明和协作地满足这些需求而采取的一些步骤。
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引用次数: 19
PRAXIS AND THE INTERNATIONAL (HUMAN RIGHTS) LAW SCHOLAR: TOWARD THE INTENSIFICATION OF TWAILIAN DRAMATURGY 实践与国际(人权)法学者:走向西西里戏剧化
Pub Date : 2017-05-01 DOI: 10.22329/WYAJ.V33I3.4885
O. Okafor
The article critically reflects on the role of the TWAILian international (human rights) law scholar in the socio-economic and political struggles which take place outside the academe; focusing, for the most part, on our role as scholars in advancing struggles in favour of subaltern Third World peoples from within or in concert with international institutions and various kinds of what I will refer to in this paper as “on-the-ground” activist groups (such as social movements and NGOs). The article begins by examining some of the various ideas and conceptions of praxis, so as to be clear from the outset as to the sense in which that key term is used in this context. The question of the ends or goals for which we do praxis is also discussed at this point. The discussion then moves on to the important question of what it means to enact TWAIL praxis and to do so within or in relation to international institutions or “on-the-ground” groups, and a conceptual/normative framework for such activity is offered. The paper then focuses on a relatively brief analysis of some of the experiences that the author has had as a TWAILian international (human rights) law scholar who has also been closely engaged in some way with international institutions and on-the-ground groups. Following this, a reflection on the promise and perils of such close engagement with this kind of praxis is offered. The article ends with some concluding remarks. Dans cet article, on fait une reflexion critique sur le role du chercheur TWAILien en droit international specialise dans les droits de la personne dans les luttes socioeconomiques et politiques qui se deroulent a l’exterieur des milieux universitaires; on se polarise en majeure partie sur le role que jouent les universitaires dans l’impulsion des combats en faveur des peuples subalternes du tiers monde, de l’interieur ou de concert avec des institutions internationales et divers types de ce que l’auteur appelle groupes militants « sus-terrains » (comme les mouvements sociaux et les ONG). L’article commence par un examen de certaines des idees et conceptions diverses de l’action pour etablir clairement des le depart le sens dans lequel ce terme cle est utilise dans ce contexte. La question des fins ou des buts de l’action fait egalement l’objet du debat a ce point. L’article porte ensuite sur une analyse relativement breve de quelques experiences vecues par l’auteur en tant que chercheur TWAILien en droit international specialise dans les droits de la personne qui a egalement ete associe de pres d’une quelconque maniere aux institutions internationales et aux groupes « sus-terrains ». L’auteur propose ensuite une reflexion sur la promesse et les dangers d’une participation aussi intime a ce genre d’action. L’article se termine par quelques commentaires.
文章批判性地反思了吐温国际(人权)法律学者在学术界以外的社会经济和政治斗争中的作用;在很大程度上,重点是我们作为学者在推进有利于次交替第三世界人民的斗争中的作用,无论是在国际机构内部还是与国际机构和各种各样的活动团体(如社会运动和非政府组织)合作。本文首先研究了实践的一些不同想法和概念,以便从总体上清楚地了解在这种情况下使用关键术语的含义。在这一点上还讨论了我们实践的目的或目标问题。讨论随后转向了一个重要问题,即在国际机构或“实地”团体内部或与之相关的情况下,这意味着什么,以及为这项活动提供了一个概念/规范框架。该论文随后侧重于对作者作为吐温国际(人权)法律学者的一些经验的相对简要分析,他也以某种方式与国际机构和实地团体密切接触。在此之后,对这种密切参与实践的承诺和风险进行了反思。文章以一些结论性评论结束。本文批判性地反思了吐温国际人权法学者在学术界以外的社会经济和政治斗争中的作用;在很大程度上,学术界在推动有利于第三世界下层人民的斗争中所起的作用是两极分化的,无论是在国内,还是与国际机构和作者所称的各种“地下”激进团体(如社会运动和非政府组织)合作。本文首先回顾了行动的一些不同想法和概念,以便从一开始就清楚地确定这一关键术语在本文中的含义。在这一点上,行动的目的或目的问题也是辩论的主题。然后,本文对作者作为一名专门研究国际人权法的吐温学者的一些经验进行了相对简短的分析,他也以某种方式与国际机构和“地下”团体有联系。然后,作者对这种密切参与此类行动的承诺和危险进行了反思。文章以一些评论结束。
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引用次数: 3
TWAIL’S OTHERS: A CASTE CRITIQUE OF TWAILERS AND THEIR FIELD OF ANALYSIS 吐温的他者:对吐温及其分析领域的种姓批判
Pub Date : 2017-05-01 DOI: 10.22329/WYAJ.V33I3.4892
Srinivas Burra
Third World Approaches to International Law [TWAIL] constitutes a significant method of analysis of contemporary international law. TWAIL as a methodological framework continues the tradition of critical scholarship in international law. Arguably it can be considered as a major methodological framework emerged in international law after the end of the cold war. Unlike some other critical traditions of international law scholarship, TWAIL claims to accommodate varying conceptual standpoints to reflect on international law critically. This feature of TWAIL scholarship seems to reflect the prevailing suspicion of conceptual metanarratives at the time when TWAIL as a methodological framework was emerging. A noteworthy feature of the TWAIL framework is that it broadly defines its field of analysis by claiming to represent the concerns of the global south.  However, a dispassionate interrogation arguably reveals that TWAIL, despite coming as a response to the colonialist and post-colonial hegemonic frameworks of international law, does not seem to capture the concerns of all the margins. In other words, TWAIL does not seem to reflect the multitude of mainstream international law’s others in terms of their subjective participation in knowledge production as well as in terms of their lived experiences becoming subjects of analysis. An example of this in the South Asian context is the marginalization of peoples of lower castes and indigenous peoples, who are historically kept away from knowledge production and whose lived experiences only recently received the attention as subjects of serious analysis. TWAIL scholarship does not seem to reflect this glaring reality. An attempt is made to analyze the probable reasons behind this exclusion, looking at the social being of the TWAIL intellectual, and to emphasize on the need of the organic TWAIL intellectual. Le mouvement Third World Approaches to International Law (TWAIL) constitue une importante methode d’analyse du droit international contemporain. En tant que cadre methodologique, TWAIL poursuit la tradition de la recherche universitaire critique en droit international. On peut considerer TWAIL comme un cadre methodologique majeur qui a vu le jour dans le droit international apres la fin de la guerre froide. Contrairement a certaines autres traditions critiques de la recherche universitaire, TWAIL pretend concilier des points de vue conceptuels varies pour avoir une reflexion critique sur le droit international. Cette caracteristique de la mission de recherche de TWAIL semble cristalliser le soupcon predominant de l’existence de metadiscours conceptuels a l’epoque ou TWAIL emergeait en tant que cadre methodologique. Une des particularites dignes de mention du cadre de TWAIL est qu’il definit  son champ d’analyse en affirmant representer les preoccupations du Sud. Toutefois, un questionnement depassionne revele peut-etre que bien que TWAIL soit une reponse aux cadres hegemoniques colonialistes et postcolon
第三世界的国际法研究方法(TWAIL)是分析当代国际法的重要方法。TWAIL作为一种方法论框架延续了国际法批判性学术的传统。可以说,它可以被视为冷战结束后国际法中出现的一个主要方法框架。与其他一些国际法学术的批判性传统不同,TWAIL主张容纳不同的概念立场,以批判性地反思国际法。TWAIL学术的这一特征似乎反映了在TWAIL作为一种方法论框架出现时,对概念元叙事的普遍怀疑。TWAIL框架的一个值得注意的特点是,它通过声称代表全球南方的关切来广泛定义其分析领域。然而,一个冷静的审讯可以说揭示了TWAIL,尽管作为对殖民主义和后殖民主义霸权国际法框架的回应,似乎并没有捕捉到所有边缘的关注。换句话说,TWAIL似乎并没有反映出众多主流国际法的他人对知识生产的主观参与,以及他们的生活经验成为分析的主题。这方面在南亚的一个例子是低种姓人民和土著人民的边缘化,他们历来被排除在知识生产之外,他们的生活经历直到最近才作为认真分析的对象受到注意。TWAIL的学术研究似乎并没有反映出这一鲜明的现实。本文试图分析这种排斥背后的可能原因,并从TWAIL知识分子的社会存在出发,强调有机TWAIL知识分子的必要性。第三世界研究国际法的方法(TWAIL)是当代国际法理分析的一种重要方法。在干部方法论上,TWAIL追求传统的大学研究与国际权利批判。在此之前,请考虑一下TWAIL的主要方法论,它将为您提供更多的国际权利,并为您提供更多的国际权利。矛盾的是,某些作者的传统批评的研究大学,TWAIL假装和解的观点,价值概念的不同,而不是一个反思的批评,在国际权利。研究任务的特征、元话语概念的存在的特征、元话语概念的存在的特征、元话语方法的存在的特征、元话语方法的存在的特征、元话语方法的存在的特征、元话语方法的存在的特征、元话语概念的存在的特征、元话语方法的存在的特征、元话语概念的存在的特征、元话语概念的存在的特征、元话语概念的存在的特征、元话语方法的存在的特征。如果没有特别的尊严,那就没有特别的尊严;如果没有特别的尊严,那就没有特别的尊严,没有特别的尊严,没有特别的尊严。毫无疑问,这是一场激烈的斗争,一场对霸权主义、殖民主义和后殖民主义的反应,一场对国际权利的反应,一场运动,一场对社会主义、社会主义和边缘主义的关注。行政管理、行政管理、行政管理、行政管理、行政管理、行政管理、行政管理、行政管理、行政管理、行政管理、行政管理、行政管理、行政管理、行政管理、行政管理、行政管理、行政管理、行政管理、行政管理、行政管理、行政管理、行政管理、行政管理、行政管理、行政管理、行政管理、行政管理、行政管理、行政管理、行政管理、行政管理、行政管理等。例如,“南方的亚洲”、“人民的边缘化”、“种姓的访谈”、“土著人民的边缘化”、“生产的中心”、“生产的中心”、“兴趣的中心”、“经验的中心”、“分析的中心”、“分析的中心”。我的使命是研究一件事,那就是完成一件事,完成一件事。在“分析者的理由”的范围内,“可能的理由”是“排除性的理由”,“倾向性的理由”是“社会性的理由”,“知识性的理由”是“技术性的理由”,“强调性的理由”是“知识性的组织性的理由”。
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引用次数: 3
LEGAL SCHOLACTIVISTS IN THE THIRD WORLD: BETWEEN AMBITION, ALTRUISM AND ACCESS 第三世界的法律学者:在野心、利他主义和获取之间
Pub Date : 2017-05-01 DOI: 10.22329/WYAJ.V33I3.4887
Cynthia Farid
This article argues that legal agents from the Third World play an important role in facilitating and advancing subaltern claims by operating as “scholactivists”. The mediums they use for such advances necessarily require leveraging of the international legal discourse and various international forums. However, their success is constrained by the dynamics of the international legal field and the ability to assimilate within a global cosmopolitan class. Legal scholactivists are examined here from a place-based perspective, locating their praxis in the geographical Third World. In so doing, this article traces the life and work of Dr. Kamal Hossain, a celebrated Bangladeshi lawyer with many accolades at home and abroad. In his long and illustrious career, Hossain has voiced subaltern and Third World concerns on the global stage through a variety of mediums including domestic and international legal practice, advocacy, international organizations and various non-profit, non-governmental and civil society organizational efforts. Although the references to Bangladesh may be very specific and are used as an illustration, it is hoped that the claims made in this paper will be generalizable and applicable to similarly situated countries. Dans cet article, l’auteure soutient que les acteurs juridiques du tiers monde contribuent largement a faciliter et a defendre les revendications subalternes en agissant en universitaires militants. Les moyens dont ceux-ci usent pour faire avancer ces causes exigent forcement l’utilisation du discours juridique international et de diverses tribunes internationales. Par contre, leur succes est limite par la dynamique du champ juridique international et la capacite d’assimiler au sein d’une classe cosmopolite mondiale. Les universitaires militants du droit sont etudies ici sous l’angle geographique : le lieu d’exercice de leurs activites se situe physiquement dans le tiers monde. Ainsi, l’auteure de l’article donne l’exemple d’un avocat du Bangladesh comme un cas d’ecole pour faire comprendre en quoi consiste exactement la defense des revendications subalternes. Il est question de la vie et de l’œuvre de Kamal Hossain, avocat bangladais repute qui a fait une brillante carriere a l’echelle nationale et internationale. Durant sa longue carriere, il a donne expression aux preoccupations subalternes et a celles du tiers monde a l’echelle planetaire par divers moyens, notamment par l’exercice du droit, dans son pays et a l’echelle internationale, en militant pour des causes, en faisant partie d’organisations internationales et en participant aux efforts d’organisation de divers organismes a but non lucratif ou non gouvernementaux et de la societe civile. Bien que les references au Bangladesh soient tres precises et servent d’exemple, on espere que les affirmations formulees dans cet article seront generalisables et applicables a des pays de la meme zone geographique.
本文认为,来自第三世界的法律代理人以“学者活动家”的身份,在促进和推进次等权利主张方面发挥了重要作用。他们用于这种进步的媒介必然需要利用国际法律话语和各种国际论坛。然而,它们的成功受到国际法律领域的动态和融入全球世界主义阶级的能力的限制。本文从地域视角考察法律学者,将他们的实践定位于地理上的第三世界。在此过程中,本文追溯了Kamal Hossain博士的生活和工作,这位著名的孟加拉国律师在国内外获得了许多荣誉。在他漫长而辉煌的职业生涯中,侯赛因通过各种媒介在全球舞台上表达了对次等社会和第三世界的关注,包括国内和国际法律实践,倡导,国际组织以及各种非营利,非政府和民间社会组织的努力。虽然提到孟加拉国可能是非常具体的,只是作为一种说明,但希望本文提出的主张可以普遍化,适用于情况类似的国家。根据这篇文章,《世界各层级司法行为者的法律责任》是一项促进和保护各层级司法行为者的法律责任,包括对大学武装分子的法律责任。国际司法体系的运用和不同的国际司法体系的运用引起了紧急的强制执行。相反,我们的成功在于我们对国际司法的动力和能力的限制,而不是我们对世界的能力的限制。Les universitaires激进分子du droit sonstudies sous l 'angle geography; le lieu d ' exercise de leurs activities se situe physiquement dans le tiers monde。在印度,《公约》、《公约》、《公约》、《公约》、《公约》、《公约》、《公约》、《公约》、《公约》、《公约》、《公约》、《公约》、《公约》、《公约》、《公约》、《公约》、《公约》、《公约》、《公约》、《公约》、《公约》、《公约》、《公约》、《公约》、《公约》、《公约》、《公约》、《公约》、《公约》、《公约》等。我想问问他的生活和生活œuvre德·卡迈勒·侯赛因,他是孟加拉国的一名杰出的政治家,无论是在国内还是在国际上。杜兰特sa舌头卡里埃,多恩表达式辅助职业中尉等一个杜细胞层monde l 'echelle planetaire潜水员办法,尤其是过du所有权,在儿子支付et l 'echelle国际歌,en激进倒des原因,en faisant一部分d 'organisations份et在参与者辅助努力d 'organisation de潜水员生物但非lucratif或者非gouvernementaux et de la法国civile。根据孟加拉国的参考资料,例如,根据特定的确认公式,第3条规定了一般情况和适用情况,并规定了地理区域的情况。
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引用次数: 3
CARBON COLONIALISM OR CLIMATE JUSTICE? INTERROGATING THE INTERNATIONAL CLIMATE REGIME FROM A TWAIL PERSPECTIVE 碳殖民主义还是气候正义?从双重视角审视国际气候机制
Pub Date : 2017-05-01 DOI: 10.22329/WYAJ.V33I3.4893
J. Dehm
This article provides a TWAIL critique of the United Nations Framework Convention on Climate Change [UNFCCC] in the aftermath of the 21st Conference of the Parties in Paris in December 2015. It engages with criticisms from the social and climate justice movement that the UNFCCC is promoting forms of “carbon colonialism” or “CO2lonialism” through its support for and establishment of international carbon trading and offsetting strategies. It proposes that using a jurisdictional approach to examine how the authority of the UNFCCC is authorized can provide key analytical tools to understand the regime. The article examines the way in which the regime is authorized by an invocation of “common concern” even as it promotes policies that marginalize the interests of those already most vulnerable to climate change. It concludes by suggesting that climate justice movements already are building different forms of commonality and that these alternative commonalties represent important new ways of thinking about global action on climate change.
本文对2015年12月在巴黎举行的第21次缔约方会议之后的《联合国气候变化框架公约》(UNFCCC)进行了TWAIL式的批评。社会和气候正义运动批评《联合国气候变化框架公约》通过支持和建立国际碳交易和抵消战略,促进了各种形式的“碳殖民主义”或“殖民主义”。它提出,使用司法方法来审查《联合国气候变化框架公约》的权威是如何被授权的,可以为理解该制度提供关键的分析工具。这篇文章考察了该政权是如何以“共同关注”为名获得授权的,尽管它推行的政策将那些本已最容易受到气候变化影响的人的利益边缘化。报告最后指出,气候正义运动已经在构建不同形式的共同性,这些替代性的共同性代表了思考全球气候变化行动的重要新方式。
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引用次数: 24
HISTORICIZING THE ENCOUNTER BETWEEN STATE, CORPORATE, AND INDIGENOUS AUTHORITIES ON GITXSAN LANDS 将国家、企业和土著当局在吉特桑土地上的遭遇历史化
Pub Date : 2017-05-01 DOI: 10.22329/WYAJ.V33I3.4896
Tyler McCreary
This essay charts the shifting assemblage of the conduct of state, corporate, and Indigenous authority through four historical moments: mercantilism, settler colonialism, Indigenous resurgence, and corporate reconciliation. With reference to Gitxsan territories, it makes a series of interrelated arguments. The development of colonial territorial claims and regimes of governance overlapped pre-existent and ongoing Indigenous territorial relationships. The historical division between the political and economic domain reshaped the relationship between state and corporate authorities, the state deferring to corporate actors to manage relations in the economic domain. The conduct of state and corporate authorities has constrained and modified the exercise of Indigenous jurisdiction. Nevertheless, Indigenous resurgence has opened space for renegotiating the colonial legal order, including relations between extractive resource companies and Indigenous authorities. Emergent corporate practices of contracting with Indigenous authorities over development, however, reflect a reconfiguration rather than rupture of the settler colonial legal order. Corporate-Indigenous agreements rely upon colonial modes of organizing lawful political and economic conduct, and continue to block more radical and anti-colonial expressions of Indigenous jurisdiction. To expand possibilities for articulating forms of Indigenous jurisdiction that refuse the categories of colonial political economy, it is necessary to problematize the relationship between colonial state and corporate authority.  L’auteur de cet essai decrit l’evolution imbriquee de la conduite des instances de l’Etat, du monde des affaires et des peuples autochtones a travers quatre periodes de reference : le mercantilisme, le colonialisme de peuplement, la resurgence autochtone et la reconciliation avec le monde des affaires. En evoquant les territoires des Gitxsan, l’auteur presente plusieurs theses liees entre elles. La constitution de revendications territoriales et de regimes de gouvernement coloniaux a empiete sur les relations preexistantes de longue date des peuples autochtones avec leur territoire. La division historique entre les domaines politique et economique a transforme les relations entre les instances de l’Etat et celles du monde des affaires, l’Etat s’en remettant aux acteurs du monde des affaires pour gerer les relations dans le domaine de l’economie. La conduite des instances de l’Etat et du monde des affaires a cree des contraintes pour l’exercice du pouvoir autochtone, qui s’en est trouve modifie. Toutefois, la resurgence autochtone a ouvert une possibilite de renegocier l’ordre juridique colonial etabli, notamment de changer les relations entre les entreprises extractives et les responsables autochtones. Par contre, les pratiques toutes recentes du monde des affaires, qui consistent a conclure des marches avec les responsables autochtones concernant le developpement, temoignent d’une reconfig
这篇文章记录了四个历史时刻国家、企业和土著当局行为的变化:重商主义、定居者殖民主义、土著复兴和企业和解。关于Gitxsan地区,它提出了一系列相互关联的论点。殖民地领土主张和治理制度的发展重叠了以前存在和正在进行的土著领土关系。政治和经济领域之间的历史分歧重塑了国家和公司当局之间的关系,国家在管理经济领域关系方面对公司行为者的疏远。国家和公司当局的行为限制和修改了土著管辖权的行使。无休止,土著复兴为重新融入殖民地法律秩序开辟了空间,包括采掘资源公司与土著当局之间的关系。然而,与土著当局签订发展合同的新兴公司做法反映了一种重组,而不是打破定居者殖民地法律秩序。公司-土著协议依赖于组织合法政治和经济行为的殖民模式,并继续阻止土著管辖权的更激进和反殖民表达。为了扩大阐明拒绝殖民地政治经济类别的土著管辖权形式的可能性,有必要对殖民地国家与公司当局之间的关系提出问题。本文作者描述了国家当局、商业世界和土著人民在四个参考时期的行为的相互关联的演变:重商主义、定居者殖民主义、土著复兴以及与商业世界的和解。在提到Gitxsan的领土时,作者提出了一些相互关联的论文。领土要求和殖民统治制度的建立侵犯了土著人民与其领土的长期关系。政治和经济领域之间的历史性划分改变了国家机构与商界之间的关系,国家依靠商界的参与者来管理经济领域的关系。国家当局和商界的行为对土著权力的行使造成了限制,并因此发生了变化。然而,土著复兴为重新谈判已建立的殖民地法律秩序提供了机会,包括改变采掘公司与土著领导人之间的关系。然而,最近的商业实践,包括与土著领导人就发展问题举行游行,表明了既定殖民地法律秩序的重组,而不是崩溃。企业与土著人民之间的协议以合法的殖民地经济和政治行为组织方式为基础,并继续阻碍更激进和反殖民的土著权力表达方式。为了扩大不属于殖民地政治经济范畴的土著权力形式的表达可能性,有必要提出殖民地国家当局与商界当局之间的关系问题。
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引用次数: 4
UMMNI KHAN, VICARIOUS KINKS: S/M IN THE SOCIO-LEGAL IMAGINARY Ummni khan,替代性的扭结:社会法律想象中的s / m
Pub Date : 2017-05-01 DOI: 10.22329/WYAJ.V33I3.4970
Rebecca Bromwich
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引用次数: 0
CONSTITUTIONAL CHALLENGES OF THE SOUTH: INDIGENOUS WATER RIGHTS IN CHILE - ANOTHER STEP IN THE “CIVILIZING MISSION? 南方的宪法挑战:智利的土著水权——“文明使命”的又一步?
Pub Date : 2017-05-01 DOI: 10.22329/WYAJ.V33I3.4888
Amaya Alvez Marin
This article explores the struggles of indigenous rights based on the adoption of the 1980 Chilean Constitution, under an authoritarian frame, that resulted in water being considered as a commodity and, therefore, subject to radical market rules that serves as a relevant local example in conflict with ratified international treaties. The argument proposes a critical approach to establish a continuum of the recurring rejection of the ancestral beliefs of Indigenous People since colonial times. In light of the actual constituent process for drafting a new constitution in Chile (2015), the article evaluates the emancipatory potential of Chile’s early sovereignty proposal on natural resources and later articulations of water as a human right. The argument assesses the possibility of including alternative views in the constituent debate over water, under the light of Third World Approaches to International Law [TWAIL] and Latin American International Law [LAIL] legal scholarship, aiming to find space in the Chilean constitutional realm for non-extractive perspectives. Dans cet article, l’auteure analyse les combats lies aux droits des peuples indigenes en prenant pour base l’adoption par le Chili, dans un cadre autoritariste, de sa Constitution en 1980, dont il decoule que l’eau est consideree comme une marchandise et est, en consequence, assujettie a des lois du marche radicales. La Constitution chilienne est un exemple local pertinent de mesure incompatible avec les traites internationaux ratifies. La these de l’auteure propose une demarche critique visant a etablir la continuite du rejet systematique des croyances ancestrales des peuples autochtones depuis l’epoque coloniale. Dans le cadre de l’actuelle procedure constituante de refonte de la Constitution du Chili (2015), l’auteure evalue le potentiel emancipateur du premier projet de souverainete sur les ressources naturelles et les enonces posterieurs faisant de l’eau un droit de la personne humaine. Sa these porte sur la possibilite d’integrer les points de vue non conventionnels dans le debat constituant sur l’eau, a travers le prisme de la mission universitaire juridique de Third World Approaches to International Law (TWAIL) et de Latin American International Law (LAIL), dans le but de faire une place aux perspectives non orientees sur l’extraction dans le cadre constitutionnel chilien.
本文探讨了在权威框架下通过1980年《智利宪法》所产生的土著权利斗争,其结果是水被视为一种商品,因此受制于激进的市场规则,这些规则是与批准的国际条约冲突的相关地方例子。这一论点提出了一种批判性的方法,以建立殖民时代以来不断拒绝土著人民祖先信仰的连续性。根据智利起草新宪法的实际宪法进程(2015年),该条评估了智利早期主权关于自然资源和随后将水作为一项人权加以阐述的建议的解放潜力。该论点根据第三世界对国际法[TWAIL]和拉丁美洲国际法[LAIL]法律奖学金的做法,评估了在关于水的宪法辩论中纳入替代观点的可能性,目的是在智利宪法领域找到非榨取性观点的空间。在这篇文章中,作者分析了与土著人民权利有关的斗争,其基础是智利在威权框架内于1980年通过了《宪法》,其中他指出,水被视为一种商品,因此受到激进的市场法的约束。智利宪法是一个与已批准的国际条约不符的措施的相关地方例子。作者的论文提出了一个批判性的框架,旨在建立自殖民时代以来对土著人民祖先信仰的系统性拒绝的连续性。在目前修订《智利宪法》(2015年)的宪法程序框架内,作者评估了第一个自然资源主权项目的解放潜力,以及使水成为一项人权的事后声明。她的论文通过第三世界国际法方法(TWAIL)和拉丁美洲国际法(LAIL)的学术法律使命的棱镜,探讨了将非传统观点纳入关于水的宪法辩论的可能性,目的是在智利宪法框架中为采掘业的非导向观点腾出空间。
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引用次数: 5
LEARNING FROM BELOW: THEORISING GLOBAL GOVERNANCE THROUGH ETHNOGRAPHIES AND CRITICAL REFLECTIONS FROM THE GLOBAL SOUTH 从下面学习:通过民族志和来自全球南方的批判性反思来理论全球治理
Pub Date : 2017-05-01 DOI: 10.22329/WYAJ.V33I3.4918
Sujith Xavier
This paper explores the various means by which we can overcome the universalism imbedded in international law and international institutions. It asks: How can international lawyers and international law scholars learn from the Global South? This ‘how’ question prompts another, but related question: should we learn from the Global South?  There is a rich interdisciplinary body of literature that signals to the Global South, or Europe’s other, as a site of knowledge production. The eurocentrism of the social sciences can be identified by examining the various founding fathers of their respective theories (especially sociology). This paper builds on southern theory in order to learn from these diverse perspectives in theorising global governance. This paper is organised in three sections. First, it sets out the rationale for a reorientation towards the Global South by examining the current state of global governance theory. In the second section, this paper focus on the broad theoretical foundations of the Third World Approaches to International Law [TWAIL] movement. TWAIL scholarship is a reaction against the colonial and imperial projects of international law. Its main claims are set out and then there is an examination of its proposals as a means to arrive at an answer to the second question: should we learn from the Global South? In the final section, this paper explores the question of how we can learn from the Global South. In answering this question, the author offers two insights. The first is based on the premise of international law as a field of practice. The second attempts to problematise the ethics of international legal scholarship. Dans cet article, l’auteur examine les divers moyens par lesquels on peut surmonter l’universalisme dont le droit international et les institutions internationales sont petris. Il pose la question de savoir comment les avocats en droit international et les universitaires faisant des travaux en droit international peuvent apprendre quelque chose du Sud. Cette question en souleve une autre, qui est liee : celle de savoir si nous devrions apprendre quelque chose du Sud.  Il existe un riche corpus interdisciplinaire d’ecrits qui indiquent que le Sud ou l’autre peripherie de l’Europe sont des lieux de production de connaissances. On peut deceler l’eurocentrisme des sciences sociales en etudiant les differents peres fondateurs de leurs theories respectives (surtout en sociologie). Dans cet article, l’auteur  fait fond sur la theorie du Sud pour tirer des enseignements de ces diverses perspectives en formulant une theorie sur la gouvernance mondiale. Cet article est divise en trois parties. Dans la premiere, l’auteur expose la justification d’une reorientation vers le Sud en etudiant l’etat de la theorie de la gouvernance mondiale. La deuxieme partie porte sur les fondements theoriques generaux du mouvement Third World Approaches to International Law (TWAIL). La mission universitaire de TWAIL est une reaction con
本文探讨了克服国际法和国际制度中普遍主义的各种途径。它的问题是:国际律师和国际法律学者如何向全球南方学习?这个“如何”的问题引发了另一个相关的问题:我们应该向全球南方学习吗?有一个丰富的跨学科文献体系,向全球南方或欧洲其他国家发出了知识生产场所的信号。社会科学的欧洲中心主义可以通过考察其各自理论(尤其是社会学)的各种奠基人来识别。本文以南方理论为基础,从这些不同的视角学习全球治理理论。本文分为三个部分。首先,它通过考察全球治理理论的现状,阐述了向全球南方重新定位的基本原理。在第二部分中,本文重点介绍了第三世界国际法方法运动的广泛理论基础。TWAIL奖学金是对国际法的殖民主义和帝国主义计划的一种反应。它提出了主要主张,然后对其建议进行审查,作为回答第二个问题的一种手段:我们是否应该向全球南方学习?在最后一部分,本文探讨了我们如何向全球南方国家学习的问题。在回答这个问题时,作者提出了两点见解。第一种是基于国际法作为一个实践领域的前提。第二部分试图将国际法律学术的伦理问题化。在这篇文章中,作者考察了不同的动机,并对其进行了分析。作者认为,普遍主义不应该是国际权利,而应该是国际机构。我将提出我的问题,我的意见,我的意见,我的意见,我的意见,我的意见,我的意见,我的意见,我的意见,我的意见,我的意见。有个问题是解决了一个问题,那就是解决了一个问题,那就是解决了一个问题。将会有丰富的跨学科的、独立的、像南方、欧洲、周边、生产和经济等领域的学科。关于社会科学的欧洲中心主义,在不同的社会科学理论基础上(社会学基础)。在这篇文章中,作者认为,在制定一种世界治理理论的过程中,不同的观点是不同的。这篇文章分为三个党派。在《首映》中,《导演》揭露了《世界治理理论》中“重新定位”的正当性。第三世界对国际法的看法(第三世界对国际法的看法)。巴黎使命大学是对国际殖民者和帝国主义者的权利计划的反动控制。L 'auteur揭示了运动的原则断言,他将检验这些命题,并对第二个问题给出一个回答,quest de savoir si nous devrions appredre quelque选择了南方。“我的朋友,我的朋友,我的朋友,我的朋友,我的朋友,我的朋友,我的朋友,我的朋友,我的朋友,我的朋友。”作为答辩人,我将提出两种理论。La premiere est fondee sur La prese posant le droit international comme champ d ' practice。国际研究大学的伦理问题的解决办法。
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引用次数: 8
PLACING TWAIL SCHOLARSHIP AND PRAXIS 重视学术和实践
Pub Date : 2017-05-01 DOI: 10.22329/WYAJ.V33I3.4880
Sujith Xavier, Amar Bhatia, U. Natarajan, J. Reynolds
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引用次数: 1
期刊
Windsor Yearbook of Access to Justice
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