{"title":"Prelims Informal Challenges to Mediterranean Politics","authors":"Special Issue Informal Challenges to Me Politics","doi":"10.21599/ATJIR.51967","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.21599/ATJIR.51967","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":7411,"journal":{"name":"Alternatives: Turkish Journal of International Relations","volume":"520 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2013-08-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"77207141","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
The use of informal politics, which have always remained as an integral part of the Turkish politics, highly increased during the rule of Uzal governments in the 1980s. In addition to those that have been widely used throughout the republican era, such as neopatrimonialism, clientelism and corruption, new forms of informal politics emerged during the so-called Uzal decade, such as circumvention of the parliament, violation of the rule of law, the involvement of the Uzal family to politics, and so on. Yet, the existing studies on this decade tend to neglect analyzing this phenomenon, failing to provide a complete and accurate picture of the dynamics of politics under the rule of Uzal's Motherland Party. This paper aims to understand why informal politics flourished and became more and more influential on political processes during the Uzal era. Taking the broader hegemonic structures into account, which is often neglected in the relevant literature, it argues that two parallel processes of change, which had radically re-structured the socio-political and economic system in Turkey in the 1980s, played a critical role in preparing the ground for the increasing role of the informal politics during the Uzal years. One was the neoliberal restructuration of the Turkish economy and the other was the transformation of the the socio-political system by the military. These two processes of change weakened formal institutions by creating instability, by decreasing their credibility, and by failing to develop effective mechanisms of enforcement. In addition to their weakness, the new political institutions were constituted in a way to exclude a number of social demands and interests. This environment provided the conditions for an ambitious and authoritarian leader like Uzal to turn to informal politics to carry out the reform process rapidly, to represent the interests and demands of some social groups that were excluded from the formal politics, as well as to pursue his publicly unacceptable goals.
{"title":"Informal Politics in Turkey During the Ozal Era (1983-1989)","authors":"H. Özen","doi":"10.21599/ATJIR.85402","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.21599/ATJIR.85402","url":null,"abstract":"The use of informal politics, which have always remained as an integral part of the Turkish politics, highly increased during the rule of Uzal governments in the 1980s. In addition to those that have been widely used throughout the republican era, such as neopatrimonialism, clientelism and corruption, new forms of informal politics emerged during the so-called Uzal decade, such as circumvention of the parliament, violation of the rule of law, the involvement of the Uzal family to politics, and so on. Yet, the existing studies on this decade tend to neglect analyzing this phenomenon, failing to provide a complete and accurate picture of the dynamics of politics under the rule of Uzal's Motherland Party. This paper aims to understand why informal politics flourished and became more and more influential on political processes during the Uzal era. Taking the broader hegemonic structures into account, which is often neglected in the relevant literature, it argues that two parallel processes of change, which had radically re-structured the socio-political and economic system in Turkey in the 1980s, played a critical role in preparing the ground for the increasing role of the informal politics during the Uzal years. One was the neoliberal restructuration of the Turkish economy and the other was the transformation of the the socio-political system by the military. These two processes of change weakened formal institutions by creating instability, by decreasing their credibility, and by failing to develop effective mechanisms of enforcement. In addition to their weakness, the new political institutions were constituted in a way to exclude a number of social demands and interests. This environment provided the conditions for an ambitious and authoritarian leader like Uzal to turn to informal politics to carry out the reform process rapidly, to represent the interests and demands of some social groups that were excluded from the formal politics, as well as to pursue his publicly unacceptable goals.","PeriodicalId":7411,"journal":{"name":"Alternatives: Turkish Journal of International Relations","volume":"45 1","pages":"77-91"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2013-08-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"80804887","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
This article examines a well-used informal institution in Turkish politics, the emanetcilik, which translates as 'proxy leadership'. The emanetci/proxy is the person who represents a political actor banished from public life and deprived of political rights. In so doing, the article presents several findings to observe how certain informal dynamics affect actors' behavior in Turkish politics. To analyze the case in more detail, the article also studies how several significant facts such as the bureaucratic-authoritarian system affect the rise of such informal institutions. Once the actors' purposes and the general political structure are identified, the emanetcilik emerges as the best-fit category of accommodating informal institutions. After presenting the operational logic of proxy leadership, the article concludes with explaining how such an informal mechanism is binding in politics.
{"title":"The Impact of Accommodating Informal Institutions in Turkish Politics: The Case of Proxy Leadership","authors":"Gokhan Bacik","doi":"10.21599/ATJIR.25330","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.21599/ATJIR.25330","url":null,"abstract":"This article examines a well-used informal institution in Turkish politics, the emanetcilik, which translates as 'proxy leadership'. The emanetci/proxy is the person who represents a political actor banished from public life and deprived of political rights. In so doing, the article presents several findings to observe how certain informal dynamics affect actors' behavior in Turkish politics. To analyze the case in more detail, the article also studies how several significant facts such as the bureaucratic-authoritarian system affect the rise of such informal institutions. Once the actors' purposes and the general political structure are identified, the emanetcilik emerges as the best-fit category of accommodating informal institutions. After presenting the operational logic of proxy leadership, the article concludes with explaining how such an informal mechanism is binding in politics.","PeriodicalId":7411,"journal":{"name":"Alternatives: Turkish Journal of International Relations","volume":"24 1","pages":"48-64"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2013-08-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"86441666","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Over the past decades, the Arab polities have witnessed some degree of political opening and the enhancement, the reactivation or the mere creation formal political institutions. This clearly forms part of the incumbents' endeavour to stabilise their authoritarian power through re-legitimization patterns. While many political activists'both from the regime-loyal and the opposition side'have been tempted to play by the new rules, others occasionally decide to stay away from that new formal arena of political engagement, preferring to concentrate on alternative patterns. However, rather than a mere black-and-white picture, political activity can also oscillate between formal and informal mechanisms, partly accepting the system's rules while rejecting some other elements. A specific tool used in this middle-course strategy is the device of boycott, which has been amply used in Middle Eastern polities in the past. Boycott both addresses the incumbents and the boycotters' constituencies and potential supporters. While it is certainly used as a tool of political bargaining with the incumbents, it also serves the purpose of upholding support from constituencies and international actors. Despite the amplitude of the phenomenon, however, literature on boycott within authoritarian regimes remains slender; the present study therefore seeks to add some conceptual reflections. This is attempted by conceptualizing the rationales involved and deepening our understanding of what motivates opposition activists to boycott elections, but also by categorizing the different forms of boycott.
{"title":"Conceptual Reflections on Boycott: Understanding and Interpreting Boycotts in the Arab World","authors":"Michael Schmidmayr","doi":"10.21599/ATJIR.99491","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.21599/ATJIR.99491","url":null,"abstract":"Over the past decades, the Arab polities have witnessed some degree of political opening and the enhancement, the reactivation or the mere creation formal political institutions. This clearly forms part of the incumbents' endeavour to stabilise their authoritarian power through re-legitimization patterns. While many political activists'both from the regime-loyal and the opposition side'have been tempted to play by the new rules, others occasionally decide to stay away from that new formal arena of political engagement, preferring to concentrate on alternative patterns. However, rather than a mere black-and-white picture, political activity can also oscillate between formal and informal mechanisms, partly accepting the system's rules while rejecting some other elements. A specific tool used in this middle-course strategy is the device of boycott, which has been amply used in Middle Eastern polities in the past. Boycott both addresses the incumbents and the boycotters' constituencies and potential supporters. While it is certainly used as a tool of political bargaining with the incumbents, it also serves the purpose of upholding support from constituencies and international actors. Despite the amplitude of the phenomenon, however, literature on boycott within authoritarian regimes remains slender; the present study therefore seeks to add some conceptual reflections. This is attempted by conceptualizing the rationales involved and deepening our understanding of what motivates opposition activists to boycott elections, but also by categorizing the different forms of boycott.","PeriodicalId":7411,"journal":{"name":"Alternatives: Turkish Journal of International Relations","volume":"5 1","pages":"20-34"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2013-08-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"89873538","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Turkey's role in the Iranian nuclear dossier is often portrayed as that of a 'facilitator' and 'mediator' in scholarly analyses. NATO member Turkey was seen as a potential bridge-builder between the Islamic Republic of Iran and the 'Western camp' of negotiators. During prime minister Erdogan's first legislature, however, Ankara's and Washington's foreign policy outlooks and strategic priorities started to diverge in the course of Turkey's new regional engagement in what has been theorized as a 'Middle-Easternization' of Turkish foreign policy. It is Turkey's location as a geostrategic hub in a politically instable region that informed Turkey's 'Zero problems with neighbors' policy and foreign minister Davutoglu's advocacy for a 'Strategic Depth' in Turkey's foreign and regional policies. Ankara emphasizes its need to uphold sound relations with its neighbors and publicly stresses an unwillingness to go along with Western pressure on Iran, and insists on the principle of non-interference and Iran's right to use nuclear power for peaceful purposes. All the same, Turkish-Iranian relations are undergoing a deterioration in the wake of the Syrian civil war at the time of writing, with both sides supporting diametrically opposite causes and factions. Turkish-Iranian fundamentally differing conceptions of regional order will also impact upon Turkey's leverage power to defuse the Iranian nuclear crisis. This paper therefore adds a timely contribution to our understanding of a multifaceted and nuanced Turkish foreign policy toward Iran that can be a critical complement to 'Western' diplomatic initiatives in the search for new paradigms for a new Middle East order.
{"title":"Turkish Foreign Policy toward the Iranian Nuclear Programme: In Search of a New Middle East Order after the Arab Spring and the Syrian Civil War","authors":"M. Pieper","doi":"10.21599/ATJIR.61080","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.21599/ATJIR.61080","url":null,"abstract":"Turkey's role in the Iranian nuclear dossier is often portrayed as that of a 'facilitator' and 'mediator' in scholarly analyses. NATO member Turkey was seen as a potential bridge-builder between the Islamic Republic of Iran and the 'Western camp' of negotiators. During prime minister Erdogan's first legislature, however, Ankara's and Washington's foreign policy outlooks and strategic priorities started to diverge in the course of Turkey's new regional engagement in what has been theorized as a 'Middle-Easternization' of Turkish foreign policy. It is Turkey's location as a geostrategic hub in a politically instable region that informed Turkey's 'Zero problems with neighbors' policy and foreign minister Davutoglu's advocacy for a 'Strategic Depth' in Turkey's foreign and regional policies. Ankara emphasizes its need to uphold sound relations with its neighbors and publicly stresses an unwillingness to go along with Western pressure on Iran, and insists on the principle of non-interference and Iran's right to use nuclear power for peaceful purposes. All the same, Turkish-Iranian relations are undergoing a deterioration in the wake of the Syrian civil war at the time of writing, with both sides supporting diametrically opposite causes and factions. Turkish-Iranian fundamentally differing conceptions of regional order will also impact upon Turkey's leverage power to defuse the Iranian nuclear crisis. This paper therefore adds a timely contribution to our understanding of a multifaceted and nuanced Turkish foreign policy toward Iran that can be a critical complement to 'Western' diplomatic initiatives in the search for new paradigms for a new Middle East order.","PeriodicalId":7411,"journal":{"name":"Alternatives: Turkish Journal of International Relations","volume":"17 1","pages":"81-92"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2013-06-15","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"78762931","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
{"title":"Prelims The Arab Spring: Comparative Perspectives and Regional Implications","authors":"Prelims Special Issue Arab Spring","doi":"10.21599/ATJIR.48926","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.21599/ATJIR.48926","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":7411,"journal":{"name":"Alternatives: Turkish Journal of International Relations","volume":"29 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2013-06-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"85962875","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
The Arab Spring, a pro-democracy uprising which has been sweeping through North Africa and the entire Arab world since 2010, has been described as a cataclysmic revolutionary wave that has seen the over-throw of numerous political regimes in its wake. This has had great impacts on the political developments and democratic governance in the Arab world in particular and the world in general. Though the political, environmental and socio-economic factors and variables that resulted in and sustained the revolutions in the affected states appear similar in nature, they vary from one country to the other.Using the MO Ibrahim Foundation Index, Transparency International's Corruption Perception Index among others on selected indicators, this paper draws a comparative analysis of the key factors and variables that gave rise to the Arab Spring. The paper focuses particularly on the North African countries of Egypt, Libya and Tunisia. Findings show that the inability of governments in these affected states to respond adequately to the growing demands of political inclusion, good governance, job creation and policies of inclusive growth played fundamental roles in awakening the people's consciousness, resulting in the revolutions.This paper recommends the institutionalization of participatory and multiparty democracy and the implementation of people-oriented policies such as job creation and the introduction of poverty reduction programmes among others, as a means of sustaining the success of the revolutions.
{"title":"Arab Spring in Tunisia, Egypt and Libya: A Comparative Analysis of Causes and Determinants","authors":"U. M. Ogbonnaya","doi":"10.21599/ATJIR.39216","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.21599/ATJIR.39216","url":null,"abstract":"The Arab Spring, a pro-democracy uprising which has been sweeping through North Africa and the entire Arab world since 2010, has been described as a cataclysmic revolutionary wave that has seen the over-throw of numerous political regimes in its wake. This has had great impacts on the political developments and democratic governance in the Arab world in particular and the world in general. Though the political, environmental and socio-economic factors and variables that resulted in and sustained the revolutions in the affected states appear similar in nature, they vary from one country to the other.Using the MO Ibrahim Foundation Index, Transparency International's Corruption Perception Index among others on selected indicators, this paper draws a comparative analysis of the key factors and variables that gave rise to the Arab Spring. The paper focuses particularly on the North African countries of Egypt, Libya and Tunisia. Findings show that the inability of governments in these affected states to respond adequately to the growing demands of political inclusion, good governance, job creation and policies of inclusive growth played fundamental roles in awakening the people's consciousness, resulting in the revolutions.This paper recommends the institutionalization of participatory and multiparty democracy and the implementation of people-oriented policies such as job creation and the introduction of poverty reduction programmes among others, as a means of sustaining the success of the revolutions.","PeriodicalId":7411,"journal":{"name":"Alternatives: Turkish Journal of International Relations","volume":"174 1","pages":"4-16"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2013-06-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"78016178","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
What was the intellectual vision that led to the Arab Spring and what are its roots This article investigates how that vision took shape in the years immediately before the Arab Spring through the work of poets and popular Arab singers like Hamza Namira and Maher Zain. It argues that the vision in art and politics mirrored the desire of many Arabs and Muslims to find new ways to solve the challenges plaguing their societies. The vision also reflected a) how the downturn in the global economy after 2008 combined with major environmental changes to galvanize millions to act in the Arab World b) how social media and new communications tools helped to mobilize dissent and to limit the ability of governments to effectively repress their populations. More than two years after the Arab Spring began in late 2010 the movements it spawned are radically reconstructing societies in the Middle East. They are also undermining some of the basic assumptions of the international system, many of which have been in place since the Peace of Westphalia in 1648
{"title":"When Life Imitates Art: The Arab Spring, the Middle East, and the Modern World","authors":"Sean Foley","doi":"10.21599/ATJIR.21049","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.21599/ATJIR.21049","url":null,"abstract":"What was the intellectual vision that led to the Arab Spring and what are its roots This article investigates how that vision took shape in the years immediately before the Arab Spring through the work of poets and popular Arab singers like Hamza Namira and Maher Zain. It argues that the vision in art and politics mirrored the desire of many Arabs and Muslims to find new ways to solve the challenges plaguing their societies. The vision also reflected a) how the downturn in the global economy after 2008 combined with major environmental changes to galvanize millions to act in the Arab World b) how social media and new communications tools helped to mobilize dissent and to limit the ability of governments to effectively repress their populations. More than two years after the Arab Spring began in late 2010 the movements it spawned are radically reconstructing societies in the Middle East. They are also undermining some of the basic assumptions of the international system, many of which have been in place since the Peace of Westphalia in 1648","PeriodicalId":7411,"journal":{"name":"Alternatives: Turkish Journal of International Relations","volume":"86 1","pages":"32-46"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2013-06-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"74954032","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
The Arab Spring has brought significant changes to the political landscape in many Middle Eastern and North African (MENA) countries since early 2011. It has also affected the geo strategic and economic interests of powerful emerging Asian states, especially China and other net-energy consuming countries. One immediate result of the Arab Spring is its highly disrupted impact (a ' Black Swan') on the production and supply of crude oil to the economies in Asia due to their high degree of reliance on hydrocarbon from the Middle East. Chinese reactions to Arab Spring have fed tensions between itself and the countries with which it shares the South China Sea, most importantly the Philippines and Vietnam. This paper demonstrates that the black swan effect of the Arab Spring is manifested in the renewal of a geo-strategic competition in the South China Sea as China is re-asserting its historical claims over the control of the area and of its possible hydrocarbon reserves.
{"title":"The Arab Spring and South China Sea Tensions: Analyzing China's Drive to Energy Security","authors":"Henelito A. Sevilla","doi":"10.21599/ATJIR.25982","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.21599/ATJIR.25982","url":null,"abstract":"The Arab Spring has brought significant changes to the political landscape in many Middle Eastern and North African (MENA) countries since early 2011. It has also affected the geo strategic and economic interests of powerful emerging Asian states, especially China and other net-energy consuming countries. One immediate result of the Arab Spring is its highly disrupted impact (a ' Black Swan') on the production and supply of crude oil to the economies in Asia due to their high degree of reliance on hydrocarbon from the Middle East. Chinese reactions to Arab Spring have fed tensions between itself and the countries with which it shares the South China Sea, most importantly the Philippines and Vietnam. This paper demonstrates that the black swan effect of the Arab Spring is manifested in the renewal of a geo-strategic competition in the South China Sea as China is re-asserting its historical claims over the control of the area and of its possible hydrocarbon reserves.","PeriodicalId":7411,"journal":{"name":"Alternatives: Turkish Journal of International Relations","volume":"51 1","pages":"93-107"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2013-06-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"86176517","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
The 'Turkish model' has been upheld as a positive example for Middle Eastern countries, particularly in light of the Arab Spring. While Turkey is, in many respects, successful'it has a dynamic economy and in recent years has made great strides toward political liberalization' and the current Turkish government has high standing in the Arab world, this paper will argue that the applicability of a 'Turkish model' to other settings is limited. In part, this is due to confusion over what the 'Turkish model' precisely is or should be. For many years, the 'Turkish model' was taken to be Kemalism, or a statist, authoritarian, secular order imposed 'from above' with the goals of modernization and Westernization. More recently, the 'Turkish model' would mean embracing a more moderate-type of political Islam, exemplified by the ruling Justice and Development Party (AKP). While the AKP has proven to be successful in Turkey, it came to power in conditions very different than those that prevail in the Arab world at present. In particular, the AKP has evolved to reconcile itself to secularism in Turkey and embraced a program of Europeanization through accession talks with the European Union, an option not on the table in Arab states. Finally, a comparison of the political culture of Turkey with that in much of the Arab world reveals significant differences in values and priorities between the two cases
{"title":"Debating the Merits of the 'Turkish Model for Democratization in the Middle East","authors":"Paul Kubicek","doi":"10.21599/ATJIR.79361","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.21599/ATJIR.79361","url":null,"abstract":"The 'Turkish model' has been upheld as a positive example for Middle Eastern countries, particularly in light of the Arab Spring. While Turkey is, in many respects, successful'it has a dynamic economy and in recent years has made great strides toward political liberalization' and the current Turkish government has high standing in the Arab world, this paper will argue that the applicability of a 'Turkish model' to other settings is limited. In part, this is due to confusion over what the 'Turkish model' precisely is or should be. For many years, the 'Turkish model' was taken to be Kemalism, or a statist, authoritarian, secular order imposed 'from above' with the goals of modernization and Westernization. More recently, the 'Turkish model' would mean embracing a more moderate-type of political Islam, exemplified by the ruling Justice and Development Party (AKP). While the AKP has proven to be successful in Turkey, it came to power in conditions very different than those that prevail in the Arab world at present. In particular, the AKP has evolved to reconcile itself to secularism in Turkey and embraced a program of Europeanization through accession talks with the European Union, an option not on the table in Arab states. Finally, a comparison of the political culture of Turkey with that in much of the Arab world reveals significant differences in values and priorities between the two cases","PeriodicalId":7411,"journal":{"name":"Alternatives: Turkish Journal of International Relations","volume":"101 1","pages":"66-80"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2013-06-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"79396131","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
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