âCyprus puzzleâ could not be made out without putting all the related parts together. Thus in the basis of British and American strategies towards the Eastern Mediterranean and Cyprus Island, national interests, which encircle their global hegemony challenges play the most noteworthy role. Besides, there are remarkable issues happening around the island apart from the main dispute between Turkish and Greek Cypriots of the island, known as âCyprus Questionâ. New natural gas berths discovered under the seabed drew the eyes of the regional states as well as global powers such as the Unites States of America, the United Kingdom (UK), the Russian Federation, and European Union towards the waters around the island. Natural energy resources are essential and infact vital for every society and state on earth. Apart from this fact, regional states of the Eastern-Med attempted quickly for seeking ways to delimitate maritime areas of the Eastern-Med in line with the arrangements of the law of the sea. However, there is a very-far, but in fact a so-close hegemon in the Eastern-Med region as if a next-door neighbour. This is the UK, which could easily claim rights on the maritime jurisdiction areas around the island since the UK has two sovereign bases located in the southern part of Cyprus. In this respect, this study has been designed to focus on the Sovereign British Bases on Cyprus, their global connections, and their impacts on the Eastern Mediterranean maritime jurisdiction areas conflict, that is believed to be one of the most prominent, but (un)intentionally overshadowed piece of the Cyprus puzzle.
{"title":"Sovereign British Bases On Cyprus and Their Impacts On The Maritime Delimitation In The Eastern Mediterranean","authors":"Gökhan Ak","doi":"10.21599/atjir.01231","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.21599/atjir.01231","url":null,"abstract":"âCyprus puzzleâ could not be made out without putting all the related parts together. Thus in the basis of British and American strategies towards the Eastern Mediterranean and Cyprus Island, national interests, which encircle their global hegemony challenges play the most noteworthy role. Besides, there are remarkable issues happening around the island apart from the main dispute between Turkish and Greek Cypriots of the island, known as âCyprus Questionâ. New natural gas berths discovered under the seabed drew the eyes of the regional states as well as global powers such as the Unites States of America, the United Kingdom (UK), the Russian Federation, and European Union towards the waters around the island. Natural energy resources are essential and infact vital for every society and state on earth. Apart from this fact, regional states of the Eastern-Med attempted quickly for seeking ways to delimitate maritime areas of the Eastern-Med in line with the arrangements of the law of the sea. However, there is a very-far, but in fact a so-close hegemon in the Eastern-Med region as if a next-door neighbour. This is the UK, which could easily claim rights on the maritime jurisdiction areas around the island since the UK has two sovereign bases located in the southern part of Cyprus. In this respect, this study has been designed to focus on the Sovereign British Bases on Cyprus, their global connections, and their impacts on the Eastern Mediterranean maritime jurisdiction areas conflict, that is believed to be one of the most prominent, but (un)intentionally overshadowed piece of the Cyprus puzzle.","PeriodicalId":7411,"journal":{"name":"Alternatives: Turkish Journal of International Relations","volume":"60 1","pages":"59-69"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2014-08-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"84641156","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
This article investigates how and why the European Friends of Israel, the most powerful pro-Israel lobby in Brussels, has worked to influence members of the European Parliament. It puts that the European Friends of Israel's lobbying activities have composed of arranging meetings with senior Israeli politicians and bureaucrats, organizing both policy and public conferences, taking policy initiatives and organizing trips for missions. Within the framework of these activities, the European Friends of Israel has aimed to influence the parliamentarians to take decisions in line with Israel's security interests, such as over Iran's nuclear program or Hamas, and ensure their support for some Israeli policies criticized by the European Union, like the settlements. Given its financial power and well-organized structure, it can be expected that the European Friends of Israel, which is still a relatively new organization, will become more effective in lobbying in defense of Israeli interests.
{"title":"The Influence of the European Friends of Israel on the Members of the European Parliament","authors":"Ugur Yildiz","doi":"10.21599/atjir.22211","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.21599/atjir.22211","url":null,"abstract":"This article investigates how and why the European Friends of Israel, the most powerful pro-Israel lobby in Brussels, has worked to influence members of the European Parliament. It puts that the European Friends of Israel's lobbying activities have composed of arranging meetings with senior Israeli politicians and bureaucrats, organizing both policy and public conferences, taking policy initiatives and organizing trips for missions. Within the framework of these activities, the European Friends of Israel has aimed to influence the parliamentarians to take decisions in line with Israel's security interests, such as over Iran's nuclear program or Hamas, and ensure their support for some Israeli policies criticized by the European Union, like the settlements. Given its financial power and well-organized structure, it can be expected that the European Friends of Israel, which is still a relatively new organization, will become more effective in lobbying in defense of Israeli interests.","PeriodicalId":7411,"journal":{"name":"Alternatives: Turkish Journal of International Relations","volume":"1 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2014-08-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"84878692","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
The multi-faceted cooperation and interaction between Pakistan and the Gulf Cooperation Council (GCC) countries, in which much revolves around the country's ties with Saudi Arabia, is not merely geopolitical and formal-economic, but has also a strong grassroots dimension through labor migration and pilgrimage. The close alliances that exist, at the same time, between part of the Pakistani and especially the GCCs establishments with the US as the neo-imperial core, are all but uncontested both inside their respective societies and elites. The outcome of this long-latent and increasingly open conflict will determine whether the axis of complementarity between Pakistan and Saudi Arabia could emerge as a center in the multi-polar world order.
{"title":"The dynamics of South-South interaction: an examination of the multidimensional ties between Pakistan and the Arab Gulf countries.","authors":"B. Cordier","doi":"10.21599/atjir.77378","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.21599/atjir.77378","url":null,"abstract":"The multi-faceted cooperation and interaction between Pakistan and the Gulf Cooperation Council (GCC) countries, in which much revolves around the country's ties with Saudi Arabia, is not merely geopolitical and formal-economic, but has also a strong grassroots dimension through labor migration and pilgrimage. The close alliances that exist, at the same time, between part of the Pakistani and especially the GCCs establishments with the US as the neo-imperial core, are all but uncontested both inside their respective societies and elites. The outcome of this long-latent and increasingly open conflict will determine whether the axis of complementarity between Pakistan and Saudi Arabia could emerge as a center in the multi-polar world order.","PeriodicalId":7411,"journal":{"name":"Alternatives: Turkish Journal of International Relations","volume":"21 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2014-08-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"81141836","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
The United Nations (UN) appeared as a regulator of the international system after World War II. The main purpose of the UN is to prevent war and conflicts. In realist perspective it was a holder of balance. In the post-Cold War world order, it has been widely criticized, especially the structure of the UN Security Council, which is composed of just five permanent states. The debates on reforming and reconstructing the UN Security Council came to the world's attention once again with the Arab Spring and Syria crises. This article firstly discusses the UN Security Councils structural problems, reform process and its competency in solving international conflict resolution. Then it moves into analyzing the reform proposals and new perspectives on the UN Security Council. The study emphasizes that the current structure of the UN Security Council is insufficient in conflict resolution, and structural reform required in the context of new international security agendas and norms. The paper argues that the structure and Charter of the UN at present cannot allow or adopt any reform proposals due to opposition from veto bearing members. In order to change the structure and decision making process of the Security Council, firstly the UN has to adopt a new Charter in terms of new future vision.
{"title":"How Many is Greater than Five: A Comprehensive Model Proposal for the United Nations Security Council","authors":"Ramazan Erdaǧ","doi":"10.21599/atjir.04046","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.21599/atjir.04046","url":null,"abstract":"The United Nations (UN) appeared as a regulator of the international system after World War II. The main purpose of the UN is to prevent war and conflicts. In realist perspective it was a holder of balance. In the post-Cold War world order, it has been widely criticized, especially the structure of the UN Security Council, which is composed of just five permanent states. The debates on reforming and reconstructing the UN Security Council came to the world's attention once again with the Arab Spring and Syria crises. This article firstly discusses the UN Security Councils structural problems, reform process and its competency in solving international conflict resolution. Then it moves into analyzing the reform proposals and new perspectives on the UN Security Council. The study emphasizes that the current structure of the UN Security Council is insufficient in conflict resolution, and structural reform required in the context of new international security agendas and norms. The paper argues that the structure and Charter of the UN at present cannot allow or adopt any reform proposals due to opposition from veto bearing members. In order to change the structure and decision making process of the Security Council, firstly the UN has to adopt a new Charter in terms of new future vision.","PeriodicalId":7411,"journal":{"name":"Alternatives: Turkish Journal of International Relations","volume":"69 1","pages":"83-95"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2014-08-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"74014019","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
The war on terrorism constituted a vision oriented in reconstructing American hegemony by consisting of elements such that combat against terrorist organizations, democracy promotion and elimination of mass destruction weapons threat after the September 11 terrorist attacks. Barack Obama severely criticized George W. Bush administration's policies concerning the war on terrorism. Thus, he has intended to strengthen the American hegemony by maintaining this vision through more mentalist policies. The present article analyzes the position of vision for war on terrorism within the Obama administration's foreign policy. In order to achieve this, the Obama administration's policies concerning combating against terrorist organizations, democracy promotion and prevention of mass destruction weapons constitute elements of the vision for war on terrorism will be investigated. Finally, the article revealed the degree of conformity of the Obama administration's foreign policy with the war on terrorism initiated by the Bush administration and analyzed effects of the Obama administration's foreign policy on American hegemony.
{"title":"Barack Obama, the War on Terrorism and the US Hegemony","authors":"G. Telatar","doi":"10.21599/ATJIR.44375","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.21599/ATJIR.44375","url":null,"abstract":"The war on terrorism constituted a vision oriented in reconstructing American hegemony by consisting of elements such that combat against terrorist organizations, democracy promotion and elimination of mass destruction weapons threat after the September 11 terrorist attacks. Barack Obama severely criticized George W. Bush administration's policies concerning the war on terrorism. Thus, he has intended to strengthen the American hegemony by maintaining this vision through more mentalist policies. The present article analyzes the position of vision for war on terrorism within the Obama administration's foreign policy. In order to achieve this, the Obama administration's policies concerning combating against terrorist organizations, democracy promotion and prevention of mass destruction weapons constitute elements of the vision for war on terrorism will be investigated. Finally, the article revealed the degree of conformity of the Obama administration's foreign policy with the war on terrorism initiated by the Bush administration and analyzed effects of the Obama administration's foreign policy on American hegemony.","PeriodicalId":7411,"journal":{"name":"Alternatives: Turkish Journal of International Relations","volume":"77 1","pages":"41-58"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2014-08-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"85521927","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
The article puts into focus the concept and practice of the global society today. Striving to measure both the hindrances and potentials for its fully-fledged development a critical perspective on the term is being assumed. For this purpose, the construction of local role boundaries with regards to immigrants is being discussed against the background of Bulgaria's immigration/border policy in the context of the EU membership of the country. How could a 'Bulgarian' case study contribute to our understanding of the social role played by states in times of global migration How does it illuminate the current status of the global society or the very value of this theoretical concept
{"title":"On a Pathway to a Global Society The Role of States in Times of Global Migration-Implications for Bulgaria's Handling of Syrian Refugees (2013-2014)","authors":"Boryana Aleksandrova","doi":"10.21599/atjir.04176","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.21599/atjir.04176","url":null,"abstract":"The article puts into focus the concept and practice of the global society today. Striving to measure both the hindrances and potentials for its fully-fledged development a critical perspective on the term is being assumed. For this purpose, the construction of local role boundaries with regards to immigrants is being discussed against the background of Bulgaria's immigration/border policy in the context of the EU membership of the country. How could a 'Bulgarian' case study contribute to our understanding of the social role played by states in times of global migration How does it illuminate the current status of the global society or the very value of this theoretical concept","PeriodicalId":7411,"journal":{"name":"Alternatives: Turkish Journal of International Relations","volume":"32 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2014-08-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"88878715","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
The post-Cold War has ushered in many changes. One of which is the re-emergence of regions that were once considered at the periphery of international relations. A good example of this is central Asia. Throughout the Cold War central Asia was an area much maligned in terms of research within the academic field. The re-emergence of the Turkic Republics in this particular geographic region has attracted the attention of policymakers in the western world. The primary country that has gained the greatest importance has been Kazakhstan. Kazakhstan has faced a difficult dilemma: maintaining good relations with two extremely powerful neighbours, namely, the Russian Federation and China. This article aims to shed light on the Multi-vector foreign policy identified by Kazakhstan to not only maintain its stability and existence within a volatile region, but to emerge as the most powerful country in central Asia. The various challenges and opportunities that have been presented to Kazakhstan are analysed and explanations provided for the actions that have been taken in the post-Cold War era. Ultimately this article presents a codification of the concept of a multi-vector foreign policy in action over the past two decades
{"title":"Kazakh Multi Vector Foreign Policy in Action","authors":"Kaan Diyarbakirlioğlu, Sureyya Yigit","doi":"10.21599/atjir.97918","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.21599/atjir.97918","url":null,"abstract":"The post-Cold War has ushered in many changes. One of which is the re-emergence of regions that were once considered at the periphery of international relations. A good example of this is central Asia. Throughout the Cold War central Asia was an area much maligned in terms of research within the academic field. The re-emergence of the Turkic Republics in this particular geographic region has attracted the attention of policymakers in the western world. The primary country that has gained the greatest importance has been Kazakhstan. Kazakhstan has faced a difficult dilemma: maintaining good relations with two extremely powerful neighbours, namely, the Russian Federation and China. This article aims to shed light on the Multi-vector foreign policy identified by Kazakhstan to not only maintain its stability and existence within a volatile region, but to emerge as the most powerful country in central Asia. The various challenges and opportunities that have been presented to Kazakhstan are analysed and explanations provided for the actions that have been taken in the post-Cold War era. Ultimately this article presents a codification of the concept of a multi-vector foreign policy in action over the past two decades","PeriodicalId":7411,"journal":{"name":"Alternatives: Turkish Journal of International Relations","volume":"16 1","pages":"70-82"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2014-08-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"81412676","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
The aim of this paper is to contribute to increase knowledge about a remote region of the world, but of utmost importance in the geopolitical context of today - Central Asia - as a result of its strategic position as a link between East and West, a space of competition and reinforcement of the great powers. Besides, the region has been, in recent years, attracting the attention of foreign investors due to the existence of large reserves of oil and gas. The central argument is that Turkey demonstrates a predominantly economic interest (the search for energy resources) towards the region, pursuing fundamentally realistic-driven policies with regard to it. Alternatively to the participant and non-participant observation, difficult techniques to apply to this object of study, we resorted to the semistructured interview. The field research was done through interviews conducted predominantly in Central Asia to key individuals related to the issues studied. Convinced that the behaviour of the states, the power or influence are not likely to translate into tangible realities, mathematical formulas, or mere statistics, we assume that the use of the qualitative method, through the hermeneutic analysis, is the methodology supporting this investigation. We suggest that Turkey inspires itself on the Chinese policy towards Central Asia, which has shown remarkable vigour in recent years, and try to figure out how it can profit from an Ankara-Tehran-Central Asia-Beijing axis, in the context of the Chinese New Silk Road, in order to project its power in the regional sphere and boost (even more) its economy.
{"title":"Turkey vis-Ã -vis Central Asia: a geostrategic assessment","authors":"P. Duarte","doi":"10.21599/ATJIR.32734","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.21599/ATJIR.32734","url":null,"abstract":"The aim of this paper is to contribute to increase knowledge about a remote region of the world, but of utmost importance in the geopolitical context of today - Central Asia - as a result of its strategic position as a link between East and West, a space of competition and reinforcement of the great powers. Besides, the region has been, in recent years, attracting the attention of foreign investors due to the existence of large reserves of oil and gas. The central argument is that Turkey demonstrates a predominantly economic interest (the search for energy resources) towards the region, pursuing fundamentally realistic-driven policies with regard to it. Alternatively to the participant and non-participant observation, difficult techniques to apply to this object of study, we resorted to the semistructured interview. The field research was done through interviews conducted predominantly in Central Asia to key individuals related to the issues studied. Convinced that the behaviour of the states, the power or influence are not likely to translate into tangible realities, mathematical formulas, or mere statistics, we assume that the use of the qualitative method, through the hermeneutic analysis, is the methodology supporting this investigation. We suggest that Turkey inspires itself on the Chinese policy towards Central Asia, which has shown remarkable vigour in recent years, and try to figure out how it can profit from an Ankara-Tehran-Central Asia-Beijing axis, in the context of the Chinese New Silk Road, in order to project its power in the regional sphere and boost (even more) its economy.","PeriodicalId":7411,"journal":{"name":"Alternatives: Turkish Journal of International Relations","volume":"19 1","pages":"31-40"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2014-06-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"90040475","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
In a country whose history of the struggle for liberation dates back close to a century from 1890 to 1980, it is apparent that the milieu is dominated by anti-imperialist sentiments. This study outlines media theories and their relevance to Zimbabwe. In addition, it assesses the impact of the Zimbabwe Broadcasting Holdings' [ZBH] policy of playing one revolutionary song out of every five songs played on air, as a means of sensitizing listeners into supporting the Zimbabwe African National Union Patriotic Front [ZANU-PF]. Hinging on quantitative and qualitative methods the study argues that the policy of playing one revolutionary song out of every five songs, did not necessarily affect the listeners in the manner they were meant to be influenced. A significant number of the Listeners' tastes and mindsets up to date have not been reoriented as the ZBH and the policy making brains behind the scenes had intended. In fact, using radio broadcast to try and manipulate the way people think towards a particular political party's ideology received limited support. It concludes that the majority of radio listeners in Zimbabwe today are no longer interested in the mantra of perpetual liberation war rhetoric.
{"title":"Revolutionary Songs as a strategy of Transforming Listeners' Mindset: The Zimbabwean Practice after 1999.","authors":"Mediel Hove, T. Mukurunge","doi":"10.21599/ATJIR.63910","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.21599/ATJIR.63910","url":null,"abstract":"In a country whose history of the struggle for liberation dates back close to a century from 1890 to 1980, it is apparent that the milieu is dominated by anti-imperialist sentiments. This study outlines media theories and their relevance to Zimbabwe. In addition, it assesses the impact of the Zimbabwe Broadcasting Holdings' [ZBH] policy of playing one revolutionary song out of every five songs played on air, as a means of sensitizing listeners into supporting the Zimbabwe African National Union Patriotic Front [ZANU-PF]. Hinging on quantitative and qualitative methods the study argues that the policy of playing one revolutionary song out of every five songs, did not necessarily affect the listeners in the manner they were meant to be influenced. A significant number of the Listeners' tastes and mindsets up to date have not been reoriented as the ZBH and the policy making brains behind the scenes had intended. In fact, using radio broadcast to try and manipulate the way people think towards a particular political party's ideology received limited support. It concludes that the majority of radio listeners in Zimbabwe today are no longer interested in the mantra of perpetual liberation war rhetoric.","PeriodicalId":7411,"journal":{"name":"Alternatives: Turkish Journal of International Relations","volume":"28 1","pages":"12-30"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2014-06-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"89267704","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
This article investigates the relationship between Europeanization and regionalization processes in Turkey. In this respect, it analyses the causes and mechanisms encouraging regionalization process during the EU accession process. Findings suggest that while some of the changes are considered as direct effects of Europeanization (i.e., the adoption of NUTS classification), other developments (i.e. the creation of regional development agencies and their role in regional planning and allocation of national funds) are invoked by indirect mechanisms of Europeanization. The findings also illustrate that although the EU's credibility has declined after 2005 and its regional policy have shifted towards the more centralized model in the post-Lisbon era, developments in these areas in Turkey have gone to opposite directions, more accurately, through the more regionalized model. These changes not only reflect the pre-Lisbon practices of EU regional policy and structural funds underlining a spill-over effect resulting from the dissemination of EU practices and policies, but also contain the spices of Turkish administrative tradition.
{"title":"Changing Dynamics of Regional Policyin Turkey: Resistance for Multi-level Governance","authors":"Ali Onur Ozcelik","doi":"10.21599/ATJIR.14595","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.21599/ATJIR.14595","url":null,"abstract":"This article investigates the relationship between Europeanization and regionalization processes in Turkey. In this respect, it analyses the causes and mechanisms encouraging regionalization process during the EU accession process. Findings suggest that while some of the changes are considered as direct effects of Europeanization (i.e., the adoption of NUTS classification), other developments (i.e. the creation of regional development agencies and their role in regional planning and allocation of national funds) are invoked by indirect mechanisms of Europeanization. The findings also illustrate that although the EU's credibility has declined after 2005 and its regional policy have shifted towards the more centralized model in the post-Lisbon era, developments in these areas in Turkey have gone to opposite directions, more accurately, through the more regionalized model. These changes not only reflect the pre-Lisbon practices of EU regional policy and structural funds underlining a spill-over effect resulting from the dissemination of EU practices and policies, but also contain the spices of Turkish administrative tradition.","PeriodicalId":7411,"journal":{"name":"Alternatives: Turkish Journal of International Relations","volume":"76 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2014-06-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"81089454","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
京公网安备 11010802042870号
京ICP备2023020795号-1
扫码关注我们
求助内容：
应助结果提醒方式：