Citizens of the Arab Middle East have taken part in a wave of democracy movements; in Egypt, Libya, and Tunisia at least, their protests have resulted in regime change. Drawing on Michel Foucault's personal experiences in one of these countries, and informed by his concept of 'biopolitics,' this essay connects Egyptians' current liberation struggle with their earlier revolution in 1952, in order to compare these experiences with Iraqis' 1958 Tammuz revolution. Were new social media as important, as the level of funding dedicated to the military And what is the role of diplomacy in a revolutionary moment
{"title":"Blown Away by the Winds Like Ashes: Biopower in Egypts #25 Jan and Iraqs 14 Tammuz","authors":"E. Bishop","doi":"10.21599/ATJIR.59976","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.21599/ATJIR.59976","url":null,"abstract":"Citizens of the Arab Middle East have taken part in a wave of democracy movements; in Egypt, Libya, and Tunisia at least, their protests have resulted in regime change. Drawing on Michel Foucault's personal experiences in one of these countries, and informed by his concept of 'biopolitics,' this essay connects Egyptians' current liberation struggle with their earlier revolution in 1952, in order to compare these experiences with Iraqis' 1958 Tammuz revolution. Were new social media as important, as the level of funding dedicated to the military And what is the role of diplomacy in a revolutionary moment","PeriodicalId":7411,"journal":{"name":"Alternatives: Turkish Journal of International Relations","volume":"23 2 1","pages":"47-65"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2013-06-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"72937521","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
The Nuclear Suppliers Group (NSG) was founded in 1974 in response to the Indian nuclear test to prevent the nuclear proliferation by controlling nuclear exports. In 2008, the NSG exempted India from its full scope safeguards (FSS) condition, making it first country to be allowed to have nuclear trade with NSG members along with its nuclear weapons program. India got this waiver after tough negotiations and resisted strong nonproliferation conditions. India is now bidding for the NSG membership. This paper analyses the prospects for the membership in light of the waiver negotiations and how the waiver negotiations can guide us about the likely path of membership. This study concludes that India will resist thenonproliferation conditions and the U.S. and India have to invest massive diplomatic efforts to reach a formula that addresses the nonproliferation concerns of member states.
{"title":"India and the Nuclear Suppliers Group (NSG) Membership","authors":"Sario Bano","doi":"10.21599/ATJIR.22833","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.21599/ATJIR.22833","url":null,"abstract":"The Nuclear Suppliers Group (NSG) was founded in 1974 in response to the Indian nuclear test to prevent the nuclear proliferation by controlling nuclear exports. In 2008, the NSG exempted India from its full scope safeguards (FSS) condition, making it first country to be allowed to have nuclear trade with NSG members along with its nuclear weapons program. India got this waiver after tough negotiations and resisted strong nonproliferation conditions. India is now bidding for the NSG membership. This paper analyses the prospects for the membership in light of the waiver negotiations and how the waiver negotiations can guide us about the likely path of membership. This study concludes that India will resist thenonproliferation conditions and the U.S. and India have to invest massive diplomatic efforts to reach a formula that addresses the nonproliferation concerns of member states.","PeriodicalId":7411,"journal":{"name":"Alternatives: Turkish Journal of International Relations","volume":"28 1","pages":"58-73"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2013-04-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"87865151","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Amidst the multitude of analyses on the question of aid effectiveness, there remains a dearth of studies focused primarily on the aid-for-policy bargaining process itself. This is especially unfortunate due to the conclusions which could be drawn by analyzing specific instances of aid-for-policy failure. In this case study analysis, I will approach the question of aid effectiveness by examining U.S.-Turkish bilateral interactions leading up to the U.S.-led invasion of Iraq in 2003. Despite numerous attempts by the U.S. to gain access to Turkish military bases through coercive aid, Turkish acquiescence eluded U.S. diplomats, thus impacting the entire character of the war effort. Assessing effectiveness and the superiority of aid as a diplomatic tool requires an examination of both donor and recipient interests. This case demonstrates that a donor can invest less through foreign aid and achieve a similar or better end state compared to using other diplomatic tools or not seeking the goal at all.
{"title":"When Aid Fails: The Unsuccessful U.S. Attempt to Coerce Turkey through Aid Prior to the 2003 Invasion of Iraq","authors":"R. J. Dillard","doi":"10.21599/atjir.32219","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.21599/atjir.32219","url":null,"abstract":"Amidst the multitude of analyses on the question of aid effectiveness, there remains a dearth of studies focused primarily on the aid-for-policy bargaining process itself. This is especially unfortunate due to the conclusions which could be drawn by analyzing specific instances of aid-for-policy failure. In this case study analysis, I will approach the question of aid effectiveness by examining U.S.-Turkish bilateral interactions leading up to the U.S.-led invasion of Iraq in 2003. Despite numerous attempts by the U.S. to gain access to Turkish military bases through coercive aid, Turkish acquiescence eluded U.S. diplomats, thus impacting the entire character of the war effort. Assessing effectiveness and the superiority of aid as a diplomatic tool requires an examination of both donor and recipient interests. This case demonstrates that a donor can invest less through foreign aid and achieve a similar or better end state compared to using other diplomatic tools or not seeking the goal at all.","PeriodicalId":7411,"journal":{"name":"Alternatives: Turkish Journal of International Relations","volume":"240 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2013-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"87059188","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
The last two years have witnessed an unexpected series of events unfolding in the Arab World leading us to make comparisons with the fall of Communism in 1989. Developments in the Middle East and North Africa made headway at a rapid pace. The overthrow of governments in Tunisia and Egypt, the civil war in Libya and the ongoing inner conflicts in Bahrain, Syria and Yemen were just as unexpected and stunning as the fall of communism in Eastern Europe. It is ironic that many observers attempting to make sense of these events have chosen the term 'Arab Spring' to define this movement, which somehow recalls the Eastern European analogue 'Prague Spring' in 1968. Many political scientists and analysts viewed these events taking the fall of Communism as a common point of reference. The Arab Spring is reminiscent of the Eastern European Revolutions in 1989 in many respects, yet a deeper analysis shows that significant similarities are outweighed by key differences. This paper attempts to address the recent wave of democratization which has swept across the Arab world in a comparative context and discuss the similarities and differences between the Arab Spring in 2011 and the fall of communism in Eastern Europe in 1989.
{"title":"From the Collapse of Communism in Eastern Europe to the Arab Spring: Lessons for Democratic Transition","authors":"Ayfer Erdoğan","doi":"10.21599/ATJIR.42772","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.21599/ATJIR.42772","url":null,"abstract":"The last two years have witnessed an unexpected series of events unfolding in the Arab World leading us to make comparisons with the fall of Communism in 1989. Developments in the Middle East and North Africa made headway at a rapid pace. The overthrow of governments in Tunisia and Egypt, the civil war in Libya and the ongoing inner conflicts in Bahrain, Syria and Yemen were just as unexpected and stunning as the fall of communism in Eastern Europe. It is ironic that many observers attempting to make sense of these events have chosen the term 'Arab Spring' to define this movement, which somehow recalls the Eastern European analogue 'Prague Spring' in 1968. Many political scientists and analysts viewed these events taking the fall of Communism as a common point of reference. The Arab Spring is reminiscent of the Eastern European Revolutions in 1989 in many respects, yet a deeper analysis shows that significant similarities are outweighed by key differences. This paper attempts to address the recent wave of democratization which has swept across the Arab world in a comparative context and discuss the similarities and differences between the Arab Spring in 2011 and the fall of communism in Eastern Europe in 1989.","PeriodicalId":7411,"journal":{"name":"Alternatives: Turkish Journal of International Relations","volume":"363 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2013-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"80296945","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
During the AKP era,Turkish-Iranian relations benefit from the new dynamism in regional affairs, especially in the Middle East,based on the pro-active foreign policy approach.In the decades before the AKP government, Iran was perceived by Turkish elites as the ideological other and rival. The decade after the new millennium witnessed a perception change led by Foreign Minister Davuto'luwho replaced the old mindset based on mistrust with a coursecenteredon cooperation in several significant fields. Nevertheless, Iran's disputed nuclear program is an important barrier for closerrelations. Although the Iranian nuclear program is perceived as a serious threat by the international community, Turkey has, in line with the new mindset of cooperation, vigorously advocated the right of Iran to develop peaceful civilian nuclear technology. Thus, Turkey has not suspected Tehran of secret uranium enrichment activities. The Arab Spring was the breaking point in Ankara's miscalculated Iran perception. After a concretization of differences of interests, mainly on Syrian issue, the position of Ankara toward Tehran has noticeably changed. Ankara has realized that the differences with Iran remain despite Turkey's constrictive new Iran approach. A cooperation-oriented relationship has been replaced with a latent conflictual one due to diametrical interests of both countries during and after the Arab Spring, in particular because ofdifferent positions onSyria. After this perception change, Turkey had to respond and take measures, especially in defense policy, which has driven Turkey into more intensive cooperation with the USA and NATO at the expense of her independent proactive regional policy. This article explores the reasons for the persisting and changing perceptions of Turkey on Iran and seeks to analyze the motivations of Turkey's Iran policy as it relates to Ankara's changing security perceptions, in particular with respect to Iranian nuclear and ballistic technology programs.
{"title":"Irans Nuclear Program and Turkey: Changing Perceptions, Interests and Need for Revision","authors":"E. Caman, A. Dağcı","doi":"10.21599/atjir.25021","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.21599/atjir.25021","url":null,"abstract":"During the AKP era,Turkish-Iranian relations benefit from the new dynamism in regional affairs, especially in the Middle East,based on the pro-active foreign policy approach.In the decades before the AKP government, Iran was perceived by Turkish elites as the ideological other and rival. The decade after the new millennium witnessed a perception change led by Foreign Minister Davuto'luwho replaced the old mindset based on mistrust with a coursecenteredon cooperation in several significant fields. Nevertheless, Iran's disputed nuclear program is an important barrier for closerrelations. Although the Iranian nuclear program is perceived as a serious threat by the international community, Turkey has, in line with the new mindset of cooperation, vigorously advocated the right of Iran to develop peaceful civilian nuclear technology. Thus, Turkey has not suspected Tehran of secret uranium enrichment activities. The Arab Spring was the breaking point in Ankara's miscalculated Iran perception. After a concretization of differences of interests, mainly on Syrian issue, the position of Ankara toward Tehran has noticeably changed. Ankara has realized that the differences with Iran remain despite Turkey's constrictive new Iran approach. A cooperation-oriented relationship has been replaced with a latent conflictual one due to diametrical interests of both countries during and after the Arab Spring, in particular because ofdifferent positions onSyria. After this perception change, Turkey had to respond and take measures, especially in defense policy, which has driven Turkey into more intensive cooperation with the USA and NATO at the expense of her independent proactive regional policy. This article explores the reasons for the persisting and changing perceptions of Turkey on Iran and seeks to analyze the motivations of Turkey's Iran policy as it relates to Ankara's changing security perceptions, in particular with respect to Iranian nuclear and ballistic technology programs.","PeriodicalId":7411,"journal":{"name":"Alternatives: Turkish Journal of International Relations","volume":"8 11","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2013-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"91529090","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
There are very few ethnically homogenous countries in the international system. The significant majority of the countries are multi-ethnic. Many ethnic groups are not concentrated in a single country, on the contrary, dispersed in several countries. Literature of conflict studies has not paid adequate attention to the impact of dispersed ethnic groups on civil war onset. This paper attempts to expand the theoretical dimension of the relationship between dispersed ethnic groups and civil war onset. It intends to find out if dispersion of ethnic groups between neighboring countries increases the probability of civil war onset. Additionally, the paper tests if some certain conditions between neighboring countries have any influence on the probability of civil war onset such as relative deprivation, democracy and wealth. It finds support for dispersion of ethnic groups only in the Middle East region while confirms the inverted relationship. Relative deprivation and democracy differences do not matter while wealth difference increases the probability of civil war onset in the richer country.
{"title":"Dispersed Ethnic Groups and Probability of Civil War Onset, 1975 - 2001","authors":"Hasan Oztürk","doi":"10.21599/ATJIR.63573","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.21599/ATJIR.63573","url":null,"abstract":"There are very few ethnically homogenous countries in the international system. The significant majority of the countries are multi-ethnic. Many ethnic groups are not concentrated in a single country, on the contrary, dispersed in several countries. Literature of conflict studies has not paid adequate attention to the impact of dispersed ethnic groups on civil war onset. This paper attempts to expand the theoretical dimension of the relationship between dispersed ethnic groups and civil war onset. It intends to find out if dispersion of ethnic groups between neighboring countries increases the probability of civil war onset. Additionally, the paper tests if some certain conditions between neighboring countries have any influence on the probability of civil war onset such as relative deprivation, democracy and wealth. It finds support for dispersion of ethnic groups only in the Middle East region while confirms the inverted relationship. Relative deprivation and democracy differences do not matter while wealth difference increases the probability of civil war onset in the richer country.","PeriodicalId":7411,"journal":{"name":"Alternatives: Turkish Journal of International Relations","volume":"102 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2013-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"81109511","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
In 1934, NurettinTopcu returned to Turkey after becoming the first Turkish student to obtain a doctorate in philosophy at la Sorbonne. Strongly influenced by Turkish conservative ideas, in France, Topcu became passionate of Maurice Blondel and Louis Massignon as wellhhu as the strengthening European extreme right. Back to his homeland, the Turkish intellectual worked as a publisher and teacher until his death in 1975. His articles and books became very popular among a new religious generation that were disappointed by the Republic and the secular elites. Topcu gave a re-interpretation of nationalism, provided new basis to reconstruct Muslim thought in a secular context, and a methodology to operate without clashing with the secular establishment. Indeed, Topcu is particularly important because he invented a new and peculiar lexicon for Turkish Islamism. NurettinTopcuis a key author to understand Islamism in republican Turkey as he is the author that contributed most to the shaping of Islamist lexicon and values. The present paper will then try to understand the genesis of his ideas and some aspects of them'mainly modernity, nationalism, and state', which characterized his generation of Islamist intellectuals and deeply influenced the following generation.
{"title":"NurettinTopçu: the Reinvention of Islamism in Republican Turkey","authors":"M. Guida","doi":"10.21599/ATJIR.00086","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.21599/ATJIR.00086","url":null,"abstract":"In 1934, NurettinTopcu returned to Turkey after becoming the first Turkish student to obtain a doctorate in philosophy at la Sorbonne. Strongly influenced by Turkish conservative ideas, in France, Topcu became passionate of Maurice Blondel and Louis Massignon as wellhhu as the strengthening European extreme right. Back to his homeland, the Turkish intellectual worked as a publisher and teacher until his death in 1975. His articles and books became very popular among a new religious generation that were disappointed by the Republic and the secular elites. Topcu gave a re-interpretation of nationalism, provided new basis to reconstruct Muslim thought in a secular context, and a methodology to operate without clashing with the secular establishment. Indeed, Topcu is particularly important because he invented a new and peculiar lexicon for Turkish Islamism. NurettinTopcuis a key author to understand Islamism in republican Turkey as he is the author that contributed most to the shaping of Islamist lexicon and values. The present paper will then try to understand the genesis of his ideas and some aspects of them'mainly modernity, nationalism, and state', which characterized his generation of Islamist intellectuals and deeply influenced the following generation.","PeriodicalId":7411,"journal":{"name":"Alternatives: Turkish Journal of International Relations","volume":"2008 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2013-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"82582961","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
With the end of the Cold War, NATO's function has become a significant puzzle for world politics and the International Relations(IR) discipline. Numerous studieshavebeendeveloped on thispuzzle, whichapproachtheissuefromdifferenttheoreticalanddescriptiveangles. Thisarticlefits in thisliteratureviafocusing on thesecurityconception of theorganization. Hence, the purpose is to analyze NATO's post-Cold War endurance, while linking the 'theory' with the'practice' of security. Empirically, the article focuses on three post-Cold War Strategic Concepts of NATO in a comparative manner. Theoretically, it utilizesthe three questions that are generated by critical approaches to security: What is security (security agenda) according to NATO Whose security (referent object) does NATO act for What are the means to be employed to secure the referent object for NATO While comparatively analyzing NATO's post-Cold War Strategic Concepts (in November 1991; April 1999; November 2010) with these questions, the article presents detailed empirical data on NATO's changing post-Cold War security conception; hence, its endurance. The article concludes with insights on the changing and remaining parts of NATO's security agenda.
{"title":"Bridging the Gap between Theory and Practice: The Evolution of NATOs Security Agenda","authors":"İ. Sula, and Cagla Luleci","doi":"10.21599/ATJIR.88743","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.21599/ATJIR.88743","url":null,"abstract":"With the end of the Cold War, NATO's function has become a significant puzzle for world politics and the International Relations(IR) discipline. Numerous studieshavebeendeveloped on thispuzzle, whichapproachtheissuefromdifferenttheoreticalanddescriptiveangles. Thisarticlefits in thisliteratureviafocusing on thesecurityconception of theorganization. Hence, the purpose is to analyze NATO's post-Cold War endurance, while linking the 'theory' with the'practice' of security. Empirically, the article focuses on three post-Cold War Strategic Concepts of NATO in a comparative manner. Theoretically, it utilizesthe three questions that are generated by critical approaches to security: What is security (security agenda) according to NATO Whose security (referent object) does NATO act for What are the means to be employed to secure the referent object for NATO While comparatively analyzing NATO's post-Cold War Strategic Concepts (in November 1991; April 1999; November 2010) with these questions, the article presents detailed empirical data on NATO's changing post-Cold War security conception; hence, its endurance. The article concludes with insights on the changing and remaining parts of NATO's security agenda.","PeriodicalId":7411,"journal":{"name":"Alternatives: Turkish Journal of International Relations","volume":"61 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2013-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"74578867","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
The paper puts into focus the way terrorist and anti/counter-terrorist operations in the framework of the Global War on Terrorism (GwoT) in the Middle East (ME) fit into the theoretical provisions of peace and conflict studies. General conceptual and methodological capacities and deficits in the field are discussed. Specifically, the prevalent understanding of the concepts military conflict, conflict de-escalation, and nation-building (conflict transformation) is addressed. First, the territorial limits, immediate participation, and possible physical differentiation of combatants and non-combatants in the traditional military hostilities counters with the 'non-territoriality', 'invisibility' of the combat techniques and increasing amalgamation of civil and military elements on the battlefields of the GWoT. Second, the notion of military de-escalation, usually associated with 'the moment of hurting stalemate', implicating temporality of conflicts, contrasts the ever-changing conflict dynamics and flexibility of combat strategies locally, regionally, and globally. Third, the policy of (neo-liberal) nation-building, enforced as an intended transformative conflict strategy under the banner of the GWoT in the ME, seems to have doubtful effect on the continuing self-bombing attacks/local insurgency or secret punishment operations thereafter. Examining these three established terms is to support us in our assessment of the ontological nature of contemporary wars and world hegemonies alike, heavily incorporated in the paradigm of 'security' and 'irregularity'. Both the technical and political incentives for the participants in the GWoT have shown that the concepts of 'protracted conflict' and 'conflict resolution' from the traditional peace studies and of 'structures of inequality and oppression' from the critical peace studies should be brought into the terrorism investigation in the discipline more explicitly. Critical IR, political theory and geography perspectives are namely to mediate in this effort. It should be more about conflict resolution, all-embracing disarmament, critical foreign policy, and global justice analysis.
{"title":"The Global War on Terrorism in the Middle East Epistemological Questions for Peace and Conflict Studies","authors":"Boryana Aleksandrova","doi":"10.21599/ATJIR.62087","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.21599/ATJIR.62087","url":null,"abstract":"The paper puts into focus the way terrorist and anti/counter-terrorist operations in the framework of the Global War on Terrorism (GwoT) in the Middle East (ME) fit into the theoretical provisions of peace and conflict studies. General conceptual and methodological capacities and deficits in the field are discussed. Specifically, the prevalent understanding of the concepts military conflict, conflict de-escalation, and nation-building (conflict transformation) is addressed. First, the territorial limits, immediate participation, and possible physical differentiation of combatants and non-combatants in the traditional military hostilities counters with the 'non-territoriality', 'invisibility' of the combat techniques and increasing amalgamation of civil and military elements on the battlefields of the GWoT. Second, the notion of military de-escalation, usually associated with 'the moment of hurting stalemate', implicating temporality of conflicts, contrasts the ever-changing conflict dynamics and flexibility of combat strategies locally, regionally, and globally. Third, the policy of (neo-liberal) nation-building, enforced as an intended transformative conflict strategy under the banner of the GWoT in the ME, seems to have doubtful effect on the continuing self-bombing attacks/local insurgency or secret punishment operations thereafter. Examining these three established terms is to support us in our assessment of the ontological nature of contemporary wars and world hegemonies alike, heavily incorporated in the paradigm of 'security' and 'irregularity'. Both the technical and political incentives for the participants in the GWoT have shown that the concepts of 'protracted conflict' and 'conflict resolution' from the traditional peace studies and of 'structures of inequality and oppression' from the critical peace studies should be brought into the terrorism investigation in the discipline more explicitly. Critical IR, political theory and geography perspectives are namely to mediate in this effort. It should be more about conflict resolution, all-embracing disarmament, critical foreign policy, and global justice analysis.","PeriodicalId":7411,"journal":{"name":"Alternatives: Turkish Journal of International Relations","volume":"43 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2013-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"91050616","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
In this article, I have tried to analyze Turkey's participation, following the collapse of the Ottoman state, into the European centered International state system. The article also examines the change in Turkey's different polity, sovereignty, national building-identity, economy, democracy, law and order, and national and international law. The first part covers the emergence, development and expansion of the Westphalian Order. After the Imperial wars, and the end of the colonial era, the coming of the new postcolonial members also enhanced the international system of states as the center of global order, adopting the sovereign nation state system in their international institutions too. Later on, as a result, the expansion of international society promoted internationalization, regionalization, globalization and a post-Westphalian order in Europe. In a nutshell, in Turkey, the history of the classical national, state, and popular, democratic and pluralist sovereignty discussions have also been elaborated in legal texts up to the present day.
{"title":"Turkish Nation State System in the Context of Sovereignty","authors":"Murat Alakel","doi":"10.21599/ATJIR.19218","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.21599/ATJIR.19218","url":null,"abstract":"In this article, I have tried to analyze Turkey's participation, following the collapse of the Ottoman state, into the European centered International state system. The article also examines the change in Turkey's different polity, sovereignty, national building-identity, economy, democracy, law and order, and national and international law. The first part covers the emergence, development and expansion of the Westphalian Order. After the Imperial wars, and the end of the colonial era, the coming of the new postcolonial members also enhanced the international system of states as the center of global order, adopting the sovereign nation state system in their international institutions too. Later on, as a result, the expansion of international society promoted internationalization, regionalization, globalization and a post-Westphalian order in Europe. In a nutshell, in Turkey, the history of the classical national, state, and popular, democratic and pluralist sovereignty discussions have also been elaborated in legal texts up to the present day.","PeriodicalId":7411,"journal":{"name":"Alternatives: Turkish Journal of International Relations","volume":"46 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2013-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"78718842","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
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