This paper proposes an explanation for the Kosovo secession from Serbia/Yugoslavia. This is achieved by disaggregating the ‘reality’ of the state through the process tracing method, which compares the cases of the Tito and Milosevic triangles of accommodation practices. The focus is on the games of survival practiced at the middle levels of political life, around the local state policy implementer and the consequences of his removal. This paper examines not only why, but how the secession of Kosovo occurred when it did. It shows that the strength of authoritarianism or the regime-oppression capability is not what held the Serbia and Kosovo together; rather, it was the policies of accommodations which one leader did better than the other
{"title":"Role of an Agent in (un)Keeping the Multiethnic State Together: The Case of the Secession of Kosovo","authors":"Mirsad Kriještorac","doi":"10.21599/ATJIR.59577","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.21599/ATJIR.59577","url":null,"abstract":"This paper proposes an explanation for the Kosovo secession from Serbia/Yugoslavia. This is achieved by disaggregating the ‘reality’ of the state through the process tracing method, which compares the cases of the Tito and Milosevic triangles of accommodation practices. The focus is on the games of survival practiced at the middle levels of political life, around the local state policy implementer and the consequences of his removal. This paper examines not only why, but how the secession of Kosovo occurred when it did. It shows that the strength of authoritarianism or the regime-oppression capability is not what held the Serbia and Kosovo together; rather, it was the policies of accommodations which one leader did better than the other","PeriodicalId":7411,"journal":{"name":"Alternatives: Turkish Journal of International Relations","volume":"4 1","pages":"1-15"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2016-01-05","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"81664684","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Year 2011 was a renowned year in the Northern Africa and Middle East when Arab uprising rose in the remarkably important countries; Egypt, Tunisia, Bahrain, and Syria etc. After three years of Arab uprising, there is not a single country that has stable political system, democracy or peace. Egypt is under the military rule and elected president is behind bars. Syria and Iraq are suffering from severe civil war and there is a huge challenge of emerging wave of extremism in the form of ISIS. This research shows that Iran is increasing its political strength in the region. It has improved its regional muscle after plunge of Saddam government and Shiite government thereafter. Iraq is struggling for survival from state failure or disintegration. If it does so, there would be a considerable role of Shiite ethnicity and ISIS factor would also be substantial. ISIS factor will also impact on Saudi foreign policy, dealing with Sunni ethnic groups in the region and relations with the U.S.A. Current situation will also impact on courses of action by Turkey, Israel, Lebanon, Yemen and also Pakistan in South Asia. Yemen and Pakistani societies are also struggling against extremism and Pakistani extremist groups showed their common ties, their substantial and sustained support to ISIS in Iraq.
{"title":"Arab Uprising 2011: Emergence of Extremism in Middle East and Its Regional Consequences","authors":"M. Hussain, Muhammad Kashif","doi":"10.21599/ATJIR.04880","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.21599/ATJIR.04880","url":null,"abstract":"Year 2011 was a renowned year in the Northern Africa and Middle East when Arab uprising rose in the remarkably important countries; Egypt, Tunisia, Bahrain, and Syria etc. After three years of Arab uprising, there is not a single country that has stable political system, democracy or peace. Egypt is under the military rule and elected president is behind bars. Syria and Iraq are suffering from severe civil war and there is a huge challenge of emerging wave of extremism in the form of ISIS. This research shows that Iran is increasing its political strength in the region. It has improved its regional muscle after plunge of Saddam government and Shiite government thereafter. Iraq is struggling for survival from state failure or disintegration. If it does so, there would be a considerable role of Shiite ethnicity and ISIS factor would also be substantial. ISIS factor will also impact on Saudi foreign policy, dealing with Sunni ethnic groups in the region and relations with the U.S.A. Current situation will also impact on courses of action by Turkey, Israel, Lebanon, Yemen and also Pakistan in South Asia. Yemen and Pakistani societies are also struggling against extremism and Pakistani extremist groups showed their common ties, their substantial and sustained support to ISIS in Iraq.","PeriodicalId":7411,"journal":{"name":"Alternatives: Turkish Journal of International Relations","volume":"230 1","pages":"29-38"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2016-01-05","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"89033119","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Turkey has long been characterized as “too big, too poor, too Muslim” to be a European country. This assertion permeated the political debates regarding Turkey’s accession to the Union in the early 2000s, leading to a Turkey versus the rest dichotomy: Other candidate countries are European, Turkey is not. A central dimension of this dichotomy was the juxtaposition of public attitudes toward EU membership in Turkey and Central and Eastern European countries (CEECs). A frequently evoked claim during the fifth enlargement of the Union was that the Turkish public supports EU membership due to its expected economic benefits while citizens in CEECs desire membership because they identify as European. In this article, I show that this claim was empirically false. Using data from the Eurobarometer survey for candidate countries, I statistically demonstrate that both Turks and citizens of CEECs supported EU membership for economic reasons. European identity played a negligible role in shaping mass support for EU membership in Turkey and other candidate countries alike. This study makes a central contribution to the existing literature by analyzing the relative impact of European identity and economic considerations on public support for EU membership in Turkey and CEECs. The results fill an important void in the existing scholarship and contribute to ongoing political debates on Turkey’s EU membership
{"title":"It’s the Economy, not European Identity: The Effect of European Identity and Economic Considerations on Public Support for EU Membership in Turkey and Central and Eastern European Countries","authors":"A. Burcu Bayram","doi":"10.21599/ATJIR.99245","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.21599/ATJIR.99245","url":null,"abstract":"Turkey has long been characterized as “too big, too poor, too Muslim” to be a European country. This assertion permeated the political debates regarding Turkey’s accession to the Union in the early 2000s, leading to a Turkey versus the rest dichotomy: Other candidate countries are European, Turkey is not. A central dimension of this dichotomy was the juxtaposition of public attitudes toward EU membership in Turkey and Central and Eastern European countries (CEECs). A frequently evoked claim during the fifth enlargement of the Union was that the Turkish public supports EU membership due to its expected economic benefits while citizens in CEECs desire membership because they identify as European. In this article, I show that this claim was empirically false. Using data from the Eurobarometer survey for candidate countries, I statistically demonstrate that both Turks and citizens of CEECs supported EU membership for economic reasons. European identity played a negligible role in shaping mass support for EU membership in Turkey and other candidate countries alike. This study makes a central contribution to the existing literature by analyzing the relative impact of European identity and economic considerations on public support for EU membership in Turkey and CEECs. The results fill an important void in the existing scholarship and contribute to ongoing political debates on Turkey’s EU membership","PeriodicalId":7411,"journal":{"name":"Alternatives: Turkish Journal of International Relations","volume":"28 1","pages":"16-28"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2016-01-05","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"80887225","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Algerian guerrilla network has been studied from different angles and perspectives within the framework of either Algerian history, or FLN nationalism. This paper is an attempt to highlight the birth, growth and demise of the Algiers Autonomous Zone, (ZAA) as was launched by the FLN in mid 1956 in Algiers. Its aim is also to investigate the FLN urban guerrilla and terror network in general, and see its impact on the Algerian rural campaign, including strategy and tactics. Accordingly, it will also search French counter-insurgency response using French paratroopers and institutionalisation of extensive torture as well as, interrogation to extract information from FLN captured guerrillas.
{"title":"Account of The Algerian Urban Guerrilla Network and Its Role in The FLN’s Campaign during The Battle of Algiers (1956-1958)","authors":"Abder-Rahmane Derradji","doi":"10.21599/ATJIR.30110","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.21599/ATJIR.30110","url":null,"abstract":"Algerian guerrilla network has been studied from different angles and perspectives within the framework of either Algerian history, or FLN nationalism. This paper is an attempt to highlight the birth, growth and demise of the Algiers Autonomous Zone, (ZAA) as was launched by the FLN in mid 1956 in Algiers. Its aim is also to investigate the FLN urban guerrilla and terror network in general, and see its impact on the Algerian rural campaign, including strategy and tactics. Accordingly, it will also search French counter-insurgency response using French paratroopers and institutionalisation of extensive torture as well as, interrogation to extract information from FLN captured guerrillas.","PeriodicalId":7411,"journal":{"name":"Alternatives: Turkish Journal of International Relations","volume":"14 1","pages":"39-59"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2016-01-05","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"75345565","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Although, resorting to violence in the name of Islam is not an entirely new phenomenon on its own, its share in the international relations literature has steadily increased after the 9/11 attacks. Studies conducted about the appearance, goals, organizational structures, and the means frequently resorted by the organizations that regard violence as a justifiable means in the name of Islam, have sought to better understand these organizations and offer projections as to how they could be convinced to put an end to their violent acts. This article aims to shed light onto root causes of the existence of one of the largest Islamic groups, Islamic Defenders Front (FPI – Front Pembela Islam), in a country with the largest Muslim population of the world, Indonesia. A thorough analysis of the organization‟s discourse and its actions reveals three main reasons: the perception that Islam is threatened by global and local forces and therefore the faith should be protected, the demand that Sharia‟s „universal‟ laws should be implemented and enforced by the state, and the claim that they, in essence, support the state‟s law enforcement officers in the fight against immorality, wrong deeds and heresy.
尽管以伊斯兰教的名义诉诸暴力本身并不是一个全新的现象，但在9/11袭击之后，它在国际关系文献中的份额稳步上升。对那些以伊斯兰的名义将暴力视为正当手段的组织的外表、目标、组织结构和经常采取的手段进行的研究，力求更好地了解这些组织，并就如何说服它们停止其暴力行为提出预测。这篇文章旨在揭示最大的伊斯兰团体之一伊斯兰捍卫者阵线(FPI - Front Pembela Islam)在世界上穆斯林人口最多的国家印度尼西亚存在的根本原因。对该组织的言论和行动的彻底分析揭示了三个主要原因:认为伊斯兰教受到全球和地方力量的威胁，因此信仰应该受到保护，要求伊斯兰教法的“普遍”法律应该由国家实施和执行，并声称他们本质上支持国家执法人员打击不道德，错误行为和异端邪说。
{"title":"Violence in the Name of Islam: The case of ‘Islamic Defenders Front’ from Indonesia","authors":"M. Ugur, P. Ince","doi":"10.21599/ATJIR.70749","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.21599/ATJIR.70749","url":null,"abstract":"Although, resorting to violence in the name of Islam is not an entirely new phenomenon on its own, its share in the international relations literature has steadily increased after the 9/11 attacks. Studies conducted about the appearance, goals, organizational structures, and the means frequently resorted by the organizations that regard violence as a justifiable means in the name of Islam, have sought to better understand these organizations and offer projections as to how they could be convinced to put an end to their violent acts. This article aims to shed light onto root causes of the existence of one of the largest Islamic groups, Islamic Defenders Front (FPI – Front Pembela Islam), in a country with the largest Muslim population of the world, Indonesia. A thorough analysis of the organization‟s discourse and its actions reveals three main reasons: the perception that Islam is threatened by global and local forces and therefore the faith should be protected, the demand that Sharia‟s „universal‟ laws should be implemented and enforced by the state, and the claim that they, in essence, support the state‟s law enforcement officers in the fight against immorality, wrong deeds and heresy.","PeriodicalId":7411,"journal":{"name":"Alternatives: Turkish Journal of International Relations","volume":"11 1","pages":"33-51"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2015-12-26","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"82538091","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
The battle between the USA and Russia that had been snuffed by the demise of the Soviet Union has been rekindled. The USA and Russia have regional doctrines that demarcate areas to which outside powers cannot encroach. However, the Middle East has remained a contested region for the two powers. USA has also sought to encroach into the backyard of Russia in order to contain the resurgence of the Eastern power. Both states have sought to protect their regions of influence and in the era beginning with the Arab spring, the doctrine of humanitarian intervention has been used to justify geo-political interventions. This article argues that the current tussle between the USA and Russia on Syria and Ukraine can be understood more from geopolitical struggles than from the humanitarian intervention argument
{"title":"USA and Russia in Syria and Ukraine: The Irony of Geo-Political Interventions","authors":"Blessing Simura","doi":"10.21599/ATJIR.66684","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.21599/ATJIR.66684","url":null,"abstract":"The battle between the USA and Russia that had been snuffed by the demise of the Soviet Union has been rekindled. The USA and Russia have regional doctrines that demarcate areas to which outside powers cannot encroach. However, the Middle East has remained a contested region for the two powers. USA has also sought to encroach into the backyard of Russia in order to contain the resurgence of the Eastern power. Both states have sought to protect their regions of influence and in the era beginning with the Arab spring, the doctrine of humanitarian intervention has been used to justify geo-political interventions. This article argues that the current tussle between the USA and Russia on Syria and Ukraine can be understood more from geopolitical struggles than from the humanitarian intervention argument","PeriodicalId":7411,"journal":{"name":"Alternatives: Turkish Journal of International Relations","volume":"53 1","pages":"67-75"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2015-12-26","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"84685918","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Islamic State of Iraq and ash-Sham (ISIS) currently controls vast territories in Iraq and Syria with estimated population up to 5 million people. In June 2014, ISIS made a move to conquer Sunni areas of Iraq in provinces like Ninawa, Salah ad-Din, and al-Anbar. Until May 2015, there had been no significant military success combating ISIS. This paper argues that renewed Sunni insurgency in Iraq was indeed brewing for several years. ISIS campaign is described within the framework of the concept of insurgency. The text provides a comprehensive narrative of ISIS’ and its organizational predecessors’ insurgency in Iraq and Syria in the period of 2003-2015. As a conceptual background it utilizes a lifespan of insurgencies that argues that each insurgency must pass from proto-insurgency to large scale insurgency phase, and finally to a ―conventional stage‖ when insurgency is strong enough to meet counterinsurgent in open battlefield. A lifespan of ISIS insurgency indeed reached tipping point and entered ―conventional stage‖ in June 2014 when it assumed control over key Sunni areas of Iraq.
{"title":"From al-Qaeda in Iraq to Islamic State: The Story of Insurgency in Iraq and Syria in 2003-2015","authors":"Tomáš Kaválek","doi":"10.21599/ATJIR.29299","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.21599/ATJIR.29299","url":null,"abstract":"Islamic State of Iraq and ash-Sham (ISIS) currently controls vast territories in Iraq and Syria with estimated population up to 5 million people. In June 2014, ISIS made a move to conquer Sunni areas of Iraq in provinces like Ninawa, Salah ad-Din, and al-Anbar. Until May 2015, there had been no significant military success combating ISIS. This paper argues that renewed Sunni insurgency in Iraq was indeed brewing for several years. ISIS campaign is described within the framework of the concept of insurgency. The text provides a comprehensive narrative of ISIS’ and its organizational predecessors’ insurgency in Iraq and Syria in the period of 2003-2015. As a conceptual background it utilizes a lifespan of insurgencies that argues that each insurgency must pass from proto-insurgency to large scale insurgency phase, and finally to a ―conventional stage‖ when insurgency is strong enough to meet counterinsurgent in open battlefield. A lifespan of ISIS insurgency indeed reached tipping point and entered ―conventional stage‖ in June 2014 when it assumed control over key Sunni areas of Iraq.","PeriodicalId":7411,"journal":{"name":"Alternatives: Turkish Journal of International Relations","volume":"20 1","pages":"1-32"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2015-12-26","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"89423439","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
This research comes from a simple question whether the state exists in the real world or is only a fiction in the mind. In International Relations (IR), the state is often conceptualized as if she is an individual that has certain qualities of personality. The concept, however, is actually considered as a metaphor only or an as if person. What really exist in the extra-mental world are those individuals “in” it. If that is the case, then why the effects of its existence are so real and can be felt by everyone? And, how can IR be scientific while its object of study is a fiction? The neglect of the state’s existence is rooted in the empirical epistemology held by most IR thinkers and students especially since the wave of scientification of the discipline began in the 60’s. They hold the empirical view that knowledge stems primaliry from the sensory experience, and anything beyond it has no certainty. The similar neglect is, in fact, shared also among non-empirical IR thinkers coming about in the later decades such as postmodernists and constructivists, because of their idealist ontology that there is no any objective reality but constructed discoursively. This research wants to analyze the ontological status of the state from the perspective of Mullā Ṣadrā’s transcendent philosophy. His philosophical system that primarily concerns on the existence qua existence and the existential structure of realities, serves as the foundation of any discussion about the existence of entities, without exeption that of the state.
{"title":"Does the State Really Exist? A Perspective from the Transcendent Philosophy of Mullā Ṣadrā","authors":"Cecep Zakarias El Bilad","doi":"10.21599/ATJIR.62741","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.21599/ATJIR.62741","url":null,"abstract":"This research comes from a simple question whether the state exists in the real world or is only a fiction in the mind. In International Relations (IR), the state is often conceptualized as if she is an individual that has certain qualities of personality. The concept, however, is actually considered as a metaphor only or an as if person. What really exist in the extra-mental world are those individuals “in” it. If that is the case, then why the effects of its existence are so real and can be felt by everyone? And, how can IR be scientific while its object of study is a fiction? The neglect of the state’s existence is rooted in the empirical epistemology held by most IR thinkers and students especially since the wave of scientification of the discipline began in the 60’s. They hold the empirical view that knowledge stems primaliry from the sensory experience, and anything beyond it has no certainty. The similar neglect is, in fact, shared also among non-empirical IR thinkers coming about in the later decades such as postmodernists and constructivists, because of their idealist ontology that there is no any objective reality but constructed discoursively. This research wants to analyze the ontological status of the state from the perspective of Mullā Ṣadrā’s transcendent philosophy. His philosophical system that primarily concerns on the existence qua existence and the existential structure of realities, serves as the foundation of any discussion about the existence of entities, without exeption that of the state.","PeriodicalId":7411,"journal":{"name":"Alternatives: Turkish Journal of International Relations","volume":"315 1","pages":"76-90"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2015-12-26","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"77356478","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Prior to the development of ASEAN Plus Three, ASEAN was the main architecture integrating countries in Southeast Asia. The organization was able to develop a closer economic cooperation with China, Japan and South Korea. However, China and Japan competing and attempting to “dictate” each other and what regionalism should be and whom it benefits. Small states such as the members of ASEAN and those skeptical of China’s motives in Southeast Asia including China’s territorial claims to the South China Sea would cling to the US. Political and economic development over the past 10 years reveal that the close allies of the United States of America (USA) such as Japan, South Korea, Singapore, Australia and New Zealand, were unable to “limit” China’s growing domination in the Southeast Asian region. The TPPA that was allegedly “hijacked” and led by the US since November 2009, was believed as a counter measure to check China’s growing power in Southeast Asia. If the TPPA is not meant to limit China’s presence in the region, the agreement would function as a pathfinder for the Free Trade Area of the Asia-Pacific. This paper attempts to answer (i) what is the motive of the US government involvement in TPPA, (ii) what the posible implication of TPPA to China (iii) what would happen to China’s role in the region, and (iv) what insurance actions developed by China.
{"title":"US-led TPPA and Its Implication on China Positions in Southeast Asian Regionalism","authors":"M. Aslam","doi":"10.21599/ATJIR.42674","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.21599/ATJIR.42674","url":null,"abstract":"Prior to the development of ASEAN Plus Three, ASEAN was the main architecture integrating countries in Southeast Asia. The organization was able to develop a closer economic cooperation with China, Japan and South Korea. However, China and Japan competing and attempting to “dictate” each other and what regionalism should be and whom it benefits. Small states such as the members of ASEAN and those skeptical of China’s motives in Southeast Asia including China’s territorial claims to the South China Sea would cling to the US. Political and economic development over the past 10 years reveal that the close allies of the United States of America (USA) such as Japan, South Korea, Singapore, Australia and New Zealand, were unable to “limit” China’s growing domination in the Southeast Asian region. The TPPA that was allegedly “hijacked” and led by the US since November 2009, was believed as a counter measure to check China’s growing power in Southeast Asia. If the TPPA is not meant to limit China’s presence in the region, the agreement would function as a pathfinder for the Free Trade Area of the Asia-Pacific. This paper attempts to answer (i) what is the motive of the US government involvement in TPPA, (ii) what the posible implication of TPPA to China (iii) what would happen to China’s role in the region, and (iv) what insurance actions developed by China.","PeriodicalId":7411,"journal":{"name":"Alternatives: Turkish Journal of International Relations","volume":"11 1","pages":"52-66"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2015-12-26","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"75315105","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Ethnic identity and conflicts often inter-married in countries where diversities on such grounds were seen as a threat. Conflicts in the post-cold war period have attained a new dimension. The Balkan region has been one of the most conflict prone regions in the world where conflicts arising from ethnic difference were not uncommon. Kosovo, former province of Serbia is a case in point. The roots of Serbia and Albanian communities' conflict regarding Kosovo dated back since the medieval period after the conquest of Kosovo by Serbs. The primary cause may not be ethnicity, rather it is political but once conflicts happen, ethnic identity and history will play pivotal role to manipulate and galvanize support for each parties cause. This article try to assess the interplay between ethnic identity and conflicts resulting the rise of dangerous ethno nationalism in Yugoslavia and contributing repressive violent action against its majority Albanian province, Kosovo and its eventual declaration of unilateral independence.
{"title":"Ethnic Identity and Conflicts: Lessons from the Kosovo Crisis","authors":"Mossa Hussen Negash","doi":"10.21599/atjir.56923","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.21599/atjir.56923","url":null,"abstract":"Ethnic identity and conflicts often inter-married in countries where diversities on such grounds were seen as a threat. Conflicts in the post-cold war period have attained a new dimension. The Balkan region has been one of the most conflict prone regions in the world where conflicts arising from ethnic difference were not uncommon. Kosovo, former province of Serbia is a case in point. The roots of Serbia and Albanian communities' conflict regarding Kosovo dated back since the medieval period after the conquest of Kosovo by Serbs. The primary cause may not be ethnicity, rather it is political but once conflicts happen, ethnic identity and history will play pivotal role to manipulate and galvanize support for each parties cause. This article try to assess the interplay between ethnic identity and conflicts resulting the rise of dangerous ethno nationalism in Yugoslavia and contributing repressive violent action against its majority Albanian province, Kosovo and its eventual declaration of unilateral independence.","PeriodicalId":7411,"journal":{"name":"Alternatives: Turkish Journal of International Relations","volume":"66 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2015-03-27","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"90751430","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
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