In this work, relations between constitutional review and politics will be assessed in the framework of referrals of RPP as a main opposition party to the TCC. Getting a good grasp of this issue seems to be of importance since there have been some debates taking place around the boundaries of constitutional review in Turkey. Within this framework, firstly, judiciary-politics relations will be examined in the context of judicialization of politics. Then, the content of referrals of RPP to the Constitutional Court will be analyzed.
{"title":"Relations Between Politics and Constitutional Review in Turkey with Special Reference to the Referrals of Republican Peoples Party: 2002-2010 Period","authors":"Serdar Gülener, İrfan Haşlak","doi":"10.21599/ATJIR.92615","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.21599/ATJIR.92615","url":null,"abstract":"In this work, relations between constitutional review and politics will be assessed in the framework of referrals of RPP as a main opposition party to the TCC. Getting a good grasp of this issue seems to be of importance since there have been some debates taking place around the boundaries of constitutional review in Turkey. Within this framework, firstly, judiciary-politics relations will be examined in the context of judicialization of politics. Then, the content of referrals of RPP to the Constitutional Court will be analyzed.","PeriodicalId":7411,"journal":{"name":"Alternatives: Turkish Journal of International Relations","volume":"27 1","pages":"1-19"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2011-04-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"86235306","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
China is now a major power in the international system. One axiom of the realist theory on international politics is that states will acquire power to ensure their own position and security within the system. One effective way major, or Great Powers, have done this is through alliance building. Historically China has not had much success in cultivating long-standing alliances; however cooperation between it and its neighbor Russia have deepened. This paper, using structural and defensive realism as theoretical frameworks on how and why states form alliances, explores the potential for a sustainable Chinese-Russian military alliance.
{"title":"The Potential for a China-Russia Military Alliance Explored","authors":"James MacHaffie","doi":"10.21599/ATJIR.14745","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.21599/ATJIR.14745","url":null,"abstract":"China is now a major power in the international system. One axiom of the realist theory on international politics is that states will acquire power to ensure their own position and security within the system. One effective way major, or Great Powers, have done this is through alliance building. Historically China has not had much success in cultivating long-standing alliances; however cooperation between it and its neighbor Russia have deepened. This paper, using structural and defensive realism as theoretical frameworks on how and why states form alliances, explores the potential for a sustainable Chinese-Russian military alliance.","PeriodicalId":7411,"journal":{"name":"Alternatives: Turkish Journal of International Relations","volume":"31 1","pages":"21-44"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2011-04-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"87962770","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
The Zimbabwean government at the turn of the 2000 New Millennium received widespread ostracisation by some sections of the international community particularly the West. As a fairly small state and weak vis-A -vis its erstwhile adversaries who are powerful, the clear expectation based on conventional wisdom is that the regime would collapse instantly. For Zimbabwe the course of events did not turn as expected. On the contrary, emerging has been the ability of Zimbabwe to influence the international community not only those in the developing world but also the Western world itself for support largely through diplomatic efforts. The regime has stood the test of time and has not altered its behavior in the international system; its objectives have remained the same confronting its adversaries. The paper therefore seeks to analyse the ways through which the regime has been able to use diplomacy as a tool in international relations to achieve its objective in the face of a heavy onslaught by the powerful section of the international community. In essence, the paper will largely provide the basis through which weak states in the developing world can successfully use diplomacy to achieve their foreign policy objectives in the face of the powerful global actors.
{"title":"Diplomacy, Regime Change Agenda and the Survival of Zimbabwe in the New Millennium","authors":"Percyslage Chigora and Edson Ziso","doi":"10.21599/ATJIR.25973","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.21599/ATJIR.25973","url":null,"abstract":"The Zimbabwean government at the turn of the 2000 New Millennium received widespread ostracisation by some sections of the international community particularly the West. As a fairly small state and weak vis-A -vis its erstwhile adversaries who are powerful, the clear expectation based on conventional wisdom is that the regime would collapse instantly. For Zimbabwe the course of events did not turn as expected. On the contrary, emerging has been the ability of Zimbabwe to influence the international community not only those in the developing world but also the Western world itself for support largely through diplomatic efforts. The regime has stood the test of time and has not altered its behavior in the international system; its objectives have remained the same confronting its adversaries. The paper therefore seeks to analyse the ways through which the regime has been able to use diplomacy as a tool in international relations to achieve its objective in the face of a heavy onslaught by the powerful section of the international community. In essence, the paper will largely provide the basis through which weak states in the developing world can successfully use diplomacy to achieve their foreign policy objectives in the face of the powerful global actors.","PeriodicalId":7411,"journal":{"name":"Alternatives: Turkish Journal of International Relations","volume":"45 1","pages":"105-121"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2011-04-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"79101415","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
The bomb eventually goes off. The Arabs refute the conception, especially widespread in the West, that their religion or culture hampers democracy. Though the Arab movement towards democracy comes late, it becomes crystal clear Arab peoples can achieve what peoples already achieved in Latin America or Eastern Europe. The so-called 'Arab Spring' takes place when several regimes in the Arab world mirror inability to meet the rising expectations of population in the era of globalization. Arabs today want to vote, speak freely, and participate in the country's life. They appear not to still allow authoritarianism suppress the universal human rights. On the contrary, they prove ability to defend their interests and democratize. The Arab despots have for decades maintained complete monopolization over the state; spinning a Para-family structure over the power. The Syrian regime is by no elucidation exceptional. The regime has controlled the army, the security services, and the economy. The power has been employed for the merit of the regime. The record of the interaction between the regime and population in Syria tells massacres, deprivation of citizenship, single-party systemâSetc. These reasons helped to move the spark of the 'Arab-Spring' into Syria. Millions have for months taken into streets chanting loudly and heatedly for transformation. They are on streets to witness the regime vigorously struggles to contain and shut them up. As the Syrian regime cracks down the protests, it faces increasing pressure from international and regional forces. Several Western states, led by the United States, called on the Syrian President Bashar al-Assad to step aside after he paid a deaf ear to constant calls to respond the demands of his people. On the other hand, several Arab countries re-called their ambassadors from Damascus for similar reasons. Turkey and Iran have since the beginning of the protests acted cautiously. Tehran and Ankara are two players of particular concerns and significance on the Syrian case. Being empire's descendants and influence aspirants, Damascus solicits vital opportunities for Ankara and Tehran's strategic priorities. However, the situation in Syria is now a zero-sum game since the interests of Turkey and Iran do not converge, in some sense. This thinking propelled Turkey and Iran to have important instruments invested in making their agendas successful vis-A -vis each other.
{"title":"Turkey and Iran Rivalry on Syria","authors":"I. Mohammed","doi":"10.21599/ATJIR.31989","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.21599/ATJIR.31989","url":null,"abstract":"The bomb eventually goes off. The Arabs refute the conception, especially widespread in the West, that their religion or culture hampers democracy. Though the Arab movement towards democracy comes late, it becomes crystal clear Arab peoples can achieve what peoples already achieved in Latin America or Eastern Europe. The so-called 'Arab Spring' takes place when several regimes in the Arab world mirror inability to meet the rising expectations of population in the era of globalization. Arabs today want to vote, speak freely, and participate in the country's life. They appear not to still allow authoritarianism suppress the universal human rights. On the contrary, they prove ability to defend their interests and democratize. The Arab despots have for decades maintained complete monopolization over the state; spinning a Para-family structure over the power. The Syrian regime is by no elucidation exceptional. The regime has controlled the army, the security services, and the economy. The power has been employed for the merit of the regime. The record of the interaction between the regime and population in Syria tells massacres, deprivation of citizenship, single-party systemâSetc. These reasons helped to move the spark of the 'Arab-Spring' into Syria. Millions have for months taken into streets chanting loudly and heatedly for transformation. They are on streets to witness the regime vigorously struggles to contain and shut them up. As the Syrian regime cracks down the protests, it faces increasing pressure from international and regional forces. Several Western states, led by the United States, called on the Syrian President Bashar al-Assad to step aside after he paid a deaf ear to constant calls to respond the demands of his people. On the other hand, several Arab countries re-called their ambassadors from Damascus for similar reasons. Turkey and Iran have since the beginning of the protests acted cautiously. Tehran and Ankara are two players of particular concerns and significance on the Syrian case. Being empire's descendants and influence aspirants, Damascus solicits vital opportunities for Ankara and Tehran's strategic priorities. However, the situation in Syria is now a zero-sum game since the interests of Turkey and Iran do not converge, in some sense. This thinking propelled Turkey and Iran to have important instruments invested in making their agendas successful vis-A -vis each other.","PeriodicalId":7411,"journal":{"name":"Alternatives: Turkish Journal of International Relations","volume":"74 1","pages":"65-77"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2011-04-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"85983856","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
This article examines the ongoing threat to environmental security in Lebanon since the end of the civil war in 1990. It makes the case that there can be environmental causes and effects of conflic...
{"title":"Can Abundance and Scarcity Clash? Environmental Security in Lebanon’s Second Republic","authors":"S. Zeidan","doi":"10.21599/ATJIR.46146","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.21599/ATJIR.46146","url":null,"abstract":"This article examines the ongoing threat to environmental security in Lebanon since the end of the civil war in 1990. It makes the case that there can be environmental causes and effects of conflic...","PeriodicalId":7411,"journal":{"name":"Alternatives: Turkish Journal of International Relations","volume":"5 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2011-03-14","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"78516517","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Within the coming year, the American led-NATO mission will begin withdrawing troops from Afghanistan. Though the decrease in troop levels in the short-term has been expected for quite some time, the final date wherein all American and NATO troops leave the country is still a matter of heated debate, primarily for two reasons: the inconclusive steadiness of the present Afghan regime and the uncertainty of what a post-withdrawal Afghanistan would like. With this in mind, this article intends to explore the logic of the NATO intervention within that war-torn country. It examines the primary reasons why stability and progress within Afghanistan have been elusive, the current debate amongst policy makers regarding the steps ahead, and finally proposing an alternative model that proposes a new US and NATO regional strategy that places the burden on Afghanistan stability and reconstruction on neighbors who share the larger NATO goal of a self-sufficient and stable Afghan government. It is proposed that the most potentially successful NATO approach towards Afghan stability would adopt the proven economic, social, political, infrastructural, and local governance models of regional states, and honing and adopting those models of domestic governance into the broader Afghan domestic theatre. For this to happen, new plan of cooperation from both NATO and American policy makers with regional states and their respective civil societies needs to be implemented.
{"title":"Transitioning Afghanistan in the Post-Withdrawal Era: Setting the Stage for a Stable Political Order","authors":"R. Sanati","doi":"10.21599/ATJIR.54486","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.21599/ATJIR.54486","url":null,"abstract":"Within the coming year, the American led-NATO mission will begin withdrawing troops from Afghanistan. Though the decrease in troop levels in the short-term has been expected for quite some time, the final date wherein all American and NATO troops leave the country is still a matter of heated debate, primarily for two reasons: the inconclusive steadiness of the present Afghan regime and the uncertainty of what a post-withdrawal Afghanistan would like. With this in mind, this article intends to explore the logic of the NATO intervention within that war-torn country. It examines the primary reasons why stability and progress within Afghanistan have been elusive, the current debate amongst policy makers regarding the steps ahead, and finally proposing an alternative model that proposes a new US and NATO regional strategy that places the burden on Afghanistan stability and reconstruction on neighbors who share the larger NATO goal of a self-sufficient and stable Afghan government. It is proposed that the most potentially successful NATO approach towards Afghan stability would adopt the proven economic, social, political, infrastructural, and local governance models of regional states, and honing and adopting those models of domestic governance into the broader Afghan domestic theatre. For this to happen, new plan of cooperation from both NATO and American policy makers with regional states and their respective civil societies needs to be implemented.","PeriodicalId":7411,"journal":{"name":"Alternatives: Turkish Journal of International Relations","volume":"69 1","pages":"93-114"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2011-02-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"79997048","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
One of the most discussed aspects of the so called democratic deficit of the EU is the lack of a European Public Sphere. The Union's democracy is perceived by its citizens as Schumpeterian in nature and this perception corresponds to a large extent to reality. Schumpeter described democracy as the rule of the politician, who gains decision making power in the free competition over votes. The parliament's role is of minor importance; it decides more by acceptance than by initiative. Citizens can neither bring up the issues nor decide them. The European Union is indeed an ideal platform for such a model, because it is complicated, technocratic and rather opaque. European integration was and still is an elite-dominated project, where citizens do not have many possibilities to intervene during legislation-periods. Over many years, the consensual behaviour of the political elites hindered the emergence of broad debate and of conflict in a European Public Sphere. Only in the last years, politicians tried to turn the table by stressing the importance of the European citizens. A convention was installed to work out a Constitutional Treaty. But once again, the debate remained elite-dominated. The heads of governments finally signed another elitist compromise without listening to the citizens. In consequence, the rejection of the Constitutional Treaty in France and the Netherlands in 2005 is the result of an elitist and Schumpeterian model of democracy which is perpetuated by the new reform treaty of Lisbon. Thus, the claim for a European public sphere remains relevant. But scholars differently define such a sphere. The argument of this paper is that besides the often claimed Europeanization and transnationalisation of European debate the notion of broad conflict is of high importance for the emergence of a European public sphere.
{"title":"The European Union: A Schumpeterian Model of Democracy","authors":"Markus Pausch","doi":"10.21599/ATJIR.22097","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.21599/ATJIR.22097","url":null,"abstract":"One of the most discussed aspects of the so called democratic deficit of the EU is the lack of a European Public Sphere. The Union's democracy is perceived by its citizens as Schumpeterian in nature and this perception corresponds to a large extent to reality. Schumpeter described democracy as the rule of the politician, who gains decision making power in the free competition over votes. The parliament's role is of minor importance; it decides more by acceptance than by initiative. Citizens can neither bring up the issues nor decide them. The European Union is indeed an ideal platform for such a model, because it is complicated, technocratic and rather opaque. European integration was and still is an elite-dominated project, where citizens do not have many possibilities to intervene during legislation-periods. Over many years, the consensual behaviour of the political elites hindered the emergence of broad debate and of conflict in a European Public Sphere. Only in the last years, politicians tried to turn the table by stressing the importance of the European citizens. A convention was installed to work out a Constitutional Treaty. But once again, the debate remained elite-dominated. The heads of governments finally signed another elitist compromise without listening to the citizens. In consequence, the rejection of the Constitutional Treaty in France and the Netherlands in 2005 is the result of an elitist and Schumpeterian model of democracy which is perpetuated by the new reform treaty of Lisbon. Thus, the claim for a European public sphere remains relevant. But scholars differently define such a sphere. The argument of this paper is that besides the often claimed Europeanization and transnationalisation of European debate the notion of broad conflict is of high importance for the emergence of a European public sphere.","PeriodicalId":7411,"journal":{"name":"Alternatives: Turkish Journal of International Relations","volume":"35 1","pages":"1-19"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2011-02-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"77107161","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
This paper attempts to analyze Turkish politics in the post-1980 period with a special reference to the relationship among the state elites, political elites and societal actors and its impact on the constitution of civil society in Turkey. After the 1980 military intervention, the political and economic realms of Turkey witnessed a relative degree of liberalization through Uzal's neo-liberal policies. The January 24 economic decisions paved the way for economic liberalization as well as letting new economic and societal actors emerge. These new economic actors were different from the prevailing economic actors which used to enjoy having a considerable amount of opportunity spaces in the economic sphere. Together with the Uzal governments, Islamic segments started to become powerful in both political and economic realms. This paper analyses the chief traits of Turkish politics and economics and their impact upon civil society aftermath the 1980 coup in general, and the relationship and/or interaction among the state elites, political elites and societal actors in particular. The engagements of newly-emerging societal and economic actors into Turkish political scene and the challenge of these actors against the so-called 'Kemalist-Republican' elites are also illustrated in the paper. Moreover, state-Islam interaction, politics-Islam interaction as well as Kemalism-newly-emerging societal and economic actors interaction will be studied with a special emphasis to the post-1980 period. The major argument of the paper is that, in Turkey, both civil society issues and political issues reveal outcomes which are primarily shaped by the nature of the relationship between state elites and political elites in general and by Turkish political culture in particular.
{"title":"Turkish Political Culture and Civil Society : an Unsettling Coupling?","authors":"Begum Burak","doi":"10.21599/ATJIR.35830","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.21599/ATJIR.35830","url":null,"abstract":"This paper attempts to analyze Turkish politics in the post-1980 period with a special reference to the relationship among the state elites, political elites and societal actors and its impact on the constitution of civil society in Turkey. After the 1980 military intervention, the political and economic realms of Turkey witnessed a relative degree of liberalization through Uzal's neo-liberal policies. The January 24 economic decisions paved the way for economic liberalization as well as letting new economic and societal actors emerge. These new economic actors were different from the prevailing economic actors which used to enjoy having a considerable amount of opportunity spaces in the economic sphere. Together with the Uzal governments, Islamic segments started to become powerful in both political and economic realms. This paper analyses the chief traits of Turkish politics and economics and their impact upon civil society aftermath the 1980 coup in general, and the relationship and/or interaction among the state elites, political elites and societal actors in particular. The engagements of newly-emerging societal and economic actors into Turkish political scene and the challenge of these actors against the so-called 'Kemalist-Republican' elites are also illustrated in the paper. Moreover, state-Islam interaction, politics-Islam interaction as well as Kemalism-newly-emerging societal and economic actors interaction will be studied with a special emphasis to the post-1980 period. The major argument of the paper is that, in Turkey, both civil society issues and political issues reveal outcomes which are primarily shaped by the nature of the relationship between state elites and political elites in general and by Turkish political culture in particular.","PeriodicalId":7411,"journal":{"name":"Alternatives: Turkish Journal of International Relations","volume":"1 1","pages":"59-71"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2011-02-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"83995166","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Since the beginning of the 20th century, the Least Developed Countries (LDCs) have become the main issue of a hot debate on development and under the lead of the United Nations, both the international community and the LDCs themselves spent huge efforts for the LDCs' achieving the goal of sustainable development. Nevertheless, the steps taken so far for the LDCs' development remained insufficient and hence, point out that there is an evident need for designing a different development strategy with a novel perspective. It has been recognized that the previous strategies have been mostly economy-centered and hence, are lacking of the necessary potential to enable the LDCs break the vicious circle that they have been experiencing. This made clear the need for a new conceptualization of the development strategies by including the human dimension. Science and technology (S&T) provided the required solution to fill this gap within the development strategies. Structural transformation, which is essential for the maximum use of both the LDCs' domestic resources and capabilities and of the external aid, has been understood as possible only by integrating S&T to the development strategies. Hence, it has become obvious that solely with making progress in their S&T, LDCs can increase the benefit that they would get from the existing development aids and also can create new and local resources and capacities. This, in the long term, would trigger a development process enabling the LDCs meet their own needs and realize their goal of sustainable development
{"title":"Breaking the Vicious Circle of Underdevelopment through Science and Technology: The Case of Least Developed Countries","authors":"Güliz Sütçü","doi":"10.21599/atjir.94291","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.21599/atjir.94291","url":null,"abstract":"Since the beginning of the 20th century, the Least Developed Countries (LDCs) have become the main issue of a hot debate on development and under the lead of the United Nations, both the international community and the LDCs themselves spent huge efforts for the LDCs' achieving the goal of sustainable development. Nevertheless, the steps taken so far for the LDCs' development remained insufficient and hence, point out that there is an evident need for designing a different development strategy with a novel perspective. It has been recognized that the previous strategies have been mostly economy-centered and hence, are lacking of the necessary potential to enable the LDCs break the vicious circle that they have been experiencing. This made clear the need for a new conceptualization of the development strategies by including the human dimension. Science and technology (S&T) provided the required solution to fill this gap within the development strategies. Structural transformation, which is essential for the maximum use of both the LDCs' domestic resources and capabilities and of the external aid, has been understood as possible only by integrating S&T to the development strategies. Hence, it has become obvious that solely with making progress in their S&T, LDCs can increase the benefit that they would get from the existing development aids and also can create new and local resources and capacities. This, in the long term, would trigger a development process enabling the LDCs meet their own needs and realize their goal of sustainable development","PeriodicalId":7411,"journal":{"name":"Alternatives: Turkish Journal of International Relations","volume":"18 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2011-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"83043441","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Much praise and calumny has been heaped on the new Turkish Foreign Policy (TFP) for its peculiar record in the last decade. In particular, probing into whether Turkey drifts from the West have recently become something of a cottage industry. Systematic studies analyzing complexities and nuances of the new TFP are scarce. Instead, both the champions and critics of the new TFP often cloak normative and empirical debate in hastily designed conceptual edifice, which not only tend to simplify and misconstrue the whole debate on what is at stake in Turkey's changing identity and foreign policy but also expose deep misperceptions and confusions rather than scholarly communication. This article seeks to offer an analysis of Turkey's new foreign policy orientations in relation to its identity-changes affect policies and positions of Turkey in world politics. It first provides a general overview of the approach developed by the founding figure of the new TFP, Ahmet Davutoglu. Secondly, it identifies theoretical underpinnings of the new TFP with a view to evaluating the role of its religious and cultural identity. Then, a selection of discussions both from the advocates and critics with regard to empirical cases including Iraq and Israeli conundrums are put under scrutiny. Thirdly, the much-hyped debate as to whether the new TFP drifts from the west and its ideals are put into context order to provide a more balanced view of what is at issue in Turkey's changing foreign policy orientations.
{"title":"The Impact of Changing Islamic Identity in Turkeys New Foreign Policy","authors":"M. Warning, Tuncay Kardaş","doi":"10.21599/ATJIR.46983","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.21599/ATJIR.46983","url":null,"abstract":"Much praise and calumny has been heaped on the new Turkish Foreign Policy (TFP) for its peculiar record in the last decade. In particular, probing into whether Turkey drifts from the West have recently become something of a cottage industry. Systematic studies analyzing complexities and nuances of the new TFP are scarce. Instead, both the champions and critics of the new TFP often cloak normative and empirical debate in hastily designed conceptual edifice, which not only tend to simplify and misconstrue the whole debate on what is at stake in Turkey's changing identity and foreign policy but also expose deep misperceptions and confusions rather than scholarly communication. This article seeks to offer an analysis of Turkey's new foreign policy orientations in relation to its identity-changes affect policies and positions of Turkey in world politics. It first provides a general overview of the approach developed by the founding figure of the new TFP, Ahmet Davutoglu. Secondly, it identifies theoretical underpinnings of the new TFP with a view to evaluating the role of its religious and cultural identity. Then, a selection of discussions both from the advocates and critics with regard to empirical cases including Iraq and Israeli conundrums are put under scrutiny. Thirdly, the much-hyped debate as to whether the new TFP drifts from the west and its ideals are put into context order to provide a more balanced view of what is at issue in Turkey's changing foreign policy orientations.","PeriodicalId":7411,"journal":{"name":"Alternatives: Turkish Journal of International Relations","volume":"16 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2011-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"78183223","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
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