The Syrian refugee crisis has put EU-Turkey relations under pressure for action, as in 2015 hundreds of thousands used the Turkey-Balkan route to entre central Europe. However, with some countries as Germany, Austria, and Sweden ‘suffering’ more than others under the influx, pressure for action including Turkey was especially high in these countries. Against this background, the article aims to analyse the EU-Turkey negotiations of autumn 2015 as a ‘two-level game’, with special interest on domestic factors possibly to impact on Turkish or German bargaining power. In both countries, the need for an agreement in the refugee issue at international level was accompanied by specific domestic conditions such as the contested ‘open-doors policy’ introduced ad hoc by chancellor Merkel on September 4, 2015, as well as the hung parliament after the June elections on the Turkish side. Against this obvious entanglement of domestic and international issues, the article applies the basic logic of ‘two level games’ as introduced by Robert Putnam on the EU/German-Turkish negotiations leading up to the ‘refugee deal’ (EU action plan) of November 2015. Among others, it turned out that significant veto powers in both countries were not in sight and that a non-agreement would have raised the political costs for Germany more than for Turkey, thus enlarging the German ‘win-set’ size of acceptable solutions.
{"title":"The EU-Turkey refugee deal of autumn 2015 as a two-level game","authors":"T. Krumm","doi":"10.21599/ATJIR.05055","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.21599/ATJIR.05055","url":null,"abstract":"The Syrian refugee crisis has put EU-Turkey relations under pressure for action, as in 2015 hundreds of thousands used the Turkey-Balkan route to entre central Europe. However, with some countries as Germany, Austria, and Sweden ‘suffering’ more than others under the influx, pressure for action including Turkey was especially high in these countries. Against this background, the article aims to analyse the EU-Turkey negotiations of autumn 2015 as a ‘two-level game’, with special interest on domestic factors possibly to impact on Turkish or German bargaining power. In both countries, the need for an agreement in the refugee issue at international level was accompanied by specific domestic conditions such as the contested ‘open-doors policy’ introduced ad hoc by chancellor Merkel on September 4, 2015, as well as the hung parliament after the June elections on the Turkish side. Against this obvious entanglement of domestic and international issues, the article applies the basic logic of ‘two level games’ as introduced by Robert Putnam on the EU/German-Turkish negotiations leading up to the ‘refugee deal’ (EU action plan) of November 2015. Among others, it turned out that significant veto powers in both countries were not in sight and that a non-agreement would have raised the political costs for Germany more than for Turkey, thus enlarging the German ‘win-set’ size of acceptable solutions.","PeriodicalId":7411,"journal":{"name":"Alternatives: Turkish Journal of International Relations","volume":"33 1","pages":"20-36"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2016-04-26","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"76270328","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
The aim of Turkey’s 2023 Vision Project, which coincides with the hundredth anniversary of the founding of the Republic of Turkey, is to bring the Turkish economy into the ranks of high-income countries. To reach this goal, strategies have been drawn up with a focus on the mid- and long-term future of the economy. However, the current state of affairs indicates that the Turkish economy has fallen into the middle income trap, and the key to breaking free of that is reconfiguring a model of growth that focuses on production. In light of that situation, the aim of the study is to provide a discussion of the trade policies and strategies that could be used to realize an effective model of economic growth.
{"title":"Trading Places: How Turkey Can Join the Rich, Using Trade Policy","authors":"Bilge Gursoy, Kaan Diyarbakirlioğlu","doi":"10.21599/ATJIR.14121","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.21599/ATJIR.14121","url":null,"abstract":"The aim of Turkey’s 2023 Vision Project, which coincides with the hundredth anniversary of the founding of the Republic of Turkey, is to bring the Turkish economy into the ranks of high-income countries. To reach this goal, strategies have been drawn up with a focus on the mid- and long-term future of the economy. However, the current state of affairs indicates that the Turkish economy has fallen into the middle income trap, and the key to breaking free of that is reconfiguring a model of growth that focuses on production. In light of that situation, the aim of the study is to provide a discussion of the trade policies and strategies that could be used to realize an effective model of economic growth.","PeriodicalId":7411,"journal":{"name":"Alternatives: Turkish Journal of International Relations","volume":"175 1","pages":"37-58"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2016-04-26","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"79605995","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
It is no doubt that the rise of new energy actors in post-Soviet geographic space such as Azerbaijan, Kazakhstan, and Turkmenistan was welcomed by Western power centers. Those emerging actors were assessed as partners in diminishing Europe’s energy dependence to a single supplier; the Russian Federation. In this context, the main Western initiatives to challenge Russian energy dominance regarding the Caspian Basin were the Baku-Tbilisi-Ceyhan (BTC) oil pipeline, and South Caucasus gas pipeline. These two strategic pipelines pass through the territories of Samtskhe-Javakheti region of Georgia - a tiny administrative unit adjacent to the Turkish city of Ardahan and Armenian city of Gyumri. Because of that, any political turmoil in that strategic region should easily turn into a factor endangering both already unsatisfactory regional stability and European energy security. In this article, Samtskhe-Javakheti region’s economic and demographic characteristics that make it unique and prone to instability are analyzed and European Union’s Samtskhe-Javakheti policy is evaluated through the lens of security of energy supply. The conclusion of the paper is that, the European Union failed to establish influential cooperation mechanisms to avoid political and economic instabilities in this transit region. The European Union simply lacks a comprehensive regional plan compatible with the sociological and economic realities of Samtskhe-Javakheti.
{"title":"Samtskhe-Javakheti Region: A Neglected Keypoint for European Security of Energy Supply?","authors":"Utku Yapici","doi":"10.21599/ATJIR.76361","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.21599/ATJIR.76361","url":null,"abstract":"It is no doubt that the rise of new energy actors in post-Soviet geographic space such as Azerbaijan, Kazakhstan, and Turkmenistan was welcomed by Western power centers. Those emerging actors were assessed as partners in diminishing Europe’s energy dependence to a single supplier; the Russian Federation. In this context, the main Western initiatives to challenge Russian energy dominance regarding the Caspian Basin were the Baku-Tbilisi-Ceyhan (BTC) oil pipeline, and South Caucasus gas pipeline. These two strategic pipelines pass through the territories of Samtskhe-Javakheti region of Georgia - a tiny administrative unit adjacent to the Turkish city of Ardahan and Armenian city of Gyumri. Because of that, any political turmoil in that strategic region should easily turn into a factor endangering both already unsatisfactory regional stability and European energy security. In this article, Samtskhe-Javakheti region’s economic and demographic characteristics that make it unique and prone to instability are analyzed and European Union’s Samtskhe-Javakheti policy is evaluated through the lens of security of energy supply. The conclusion of the paper is that, the European Union failed to establish influential cooperation mechanisms to avoid political and economic instabilities in this transit region. The European Union simply lacks a comprehensive regional plan compatible with the sociological and economic realities of Samtskhe-Javakheti.","PeriodicalId":7411,"journal":{"name":"Alternatives: Turkish Journal of International Relations","volume":"6 1","pages":"1-10"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2016-04-26","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"87391086","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
On March 23, 2015 the Turkish government ratified ILO Convention No. 176, the international labour convention concerning occupational safety and health in mines. This multilateral treaty will enter into force for Turkey in 2016. After a lengthy advocacy campaign that received renewed attention after major disasters in the mining industry, more attention is being paid to the implementation of this important ILO convention. Post-ratification application of the convention in the unique Turkish context requires revisiting the obligations of the convention itself. Whether the convention becomes an empty promise to Turkish mine workers or a living document for the protection of worker safety and health remains an open question. Recent recommendations by an ILO technical assistance project raise important questions about the scope of Convention No. 176 and the need for stronger efforts by the Turkish state to achieve reform in the coal mining industry. This article discusses the ILO’s Safety and Health in Mines Convention in light of recent ILO technical assistance work in Turkey. It outlines arguments in favor of a more expanded legal interpretation of the obligations of Convention No. 176 in light of dangerous business practices in the coal mining industry and in light of the global community’s new international consensus on sustainable development.
{"title":"The ILO’s Safety and Health in Mines Convention: Reframing the Scope of Obligations for a Sustainable World","authors":"Jeffrey Hilgert","doi":"10.21599/ATJIR.27139","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.21599/ATJIR.27139","url":null,"abstract":"On March 23, 2015 the Turkish government ratified ILO Convention No. 176, the international labour convention concerning occupational safety and health in mines. This multilateral treaty will enter into force for Turkey in 2016. After a lengthy advocacy campaign that received renewed attention after major disasters in the mining industry, more attention is being paid to the implementation of this important ILO convention. Post-ratification application of the convention in the unique Turkish context requires revisiting the obligations of the convention itself. Whether the convention becomes an empty promise to Turkish mine workers or a living document for the protection of worker safety and health remains an open question. Recent recommendations by an ILO technical assistance project raise important questions about the scope of Convention No. 176 and the need for stronger efforts by the Turkish state to achieve reform in the coal mining industry. This article discusses the ILO’s Safety and Health in Mines Convention in light of recent ILO technical assistance work in Turkey. It outlines arguments in favor of a more expanded legal interpretation of the obligations of Convention No. 176 in light of dangerous business practices in the coal mining industry and in light of the global community’s new international consensus on sustainable development.","PeriodicalId":7411,"journal":{"name":"Alternatives: Turkish Journal of International Relations","volume":"29 1","pages":"59-69"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2016-04-26","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"76058094","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
The Syrian crisis is an amalgamation of strategic struggle for power and influence in the Middle East and the internal and external factors which are based on ethnic lines. Some are supporting the Assad regime, while as some are against it. The Syrian crisis has now transformed from a domestic or regional issue to a global security issue. The removal of Assad is a central step for both the Syrian people as well as the anti-Assad comp. However, after three years of fighting, the situation seems to be complex and without any possible outcome. In addition, the presence of extremists (ISIS) and a strong Iranian and Russian support for the regime, the Syrian crisis is jeopardizing the interests of both U.S. and Turkey. Both U.S. and Turkey have numerous national security interests at stake in Syria. However, the interests of both the countries do not perfectly match with each other. Turkey is unhappy about U.S’s unwillingness to help the opposition to topple the Assad regime. Different priorities in the conflict have strained the bilateral relations. The aim of this paper is to analyse the U.S-Turkey relations in the light of recent Syrian crisis. An attempt will be made to highlight the issues which strain the bilateral relationship. This paper will highlight the divergent and convergent points in U.S-Turkey relations. This paper will also focus on U.S and Turkish policies vis-a-vis Syria. The policies of both the countries will be critically evaluated.
{"title":"U.S.-Turkey Relationship and Syrian Crisis","authors":"Tufail Ahmad Peerzada","doi":"10.21599/ATJIR.04576","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.21599/ATJIR.04576","url":null,"abstract":"The Syrian crisis is an amalgamation of strategic struggle for power and influence in the Middle East and the internal and external factors which are based on ethnic lines. Some are supporting the Assad regime, while as some are against it. The Syrian crisis has now transformed from a domestic or regional issue to a global security issue. The removal of Assad is a central step for both the Syrian people as well as the anti-Assad comp. However, after three years of fighting, the situation seems to be complex and without any possible outcome. In addition, the presence of extremists (ISIS) and a strong Iranian and Russian support for the regime, the Syrian crisis is jeopardizing the interests of both U.S. and Turkey. Both U.S. and Turkey have numerous national security interests at stake in Syria. However, the interests of both the countries do not perfectly match with each other. Turkey is unhappy about U.S’s unwillingness to help the opposition to topple the Assad regime. Different priorities in the conflict have strained the bilateral relations. The aim of this paper is to analyse the U.S-Turkey relations in the light of recent Syrian crisis. An attempt will be made to highlight the issues which strain the bilateral relationship. This paper will highlight the divergent and convergent points in U.S-Turkey relations. This paper will also focus on U.S and Turkish policies vis-a-vis Syria. The policies of both the countries will be critically evaluated.","PeriodicalId":7411,"journal":{"name":"Alternatives: Turkish Journal of International Relations","volume":"106 1","pages":"11-19"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2016-04-26","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"82732973","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
The main discussion point of this article is to explore the cause-effect relation between the weakening of nation state and the intensification of global terrorism by the influence of globalization. The main thesis of the article is that the malign effects of globalization have considerably weakened nation states or dragged them into a situation in which the security and stability would no longer be sustained as desired. Global terrorism can stem from the adverse effects of globalization, imbalance of power, disparity of players, and power vacuum. Failed states, separatist minorities and radicals use terrorism as warfare in order to counterbalance the power gap or to consolidate their authority. In order to verify/nullify the main thesis, we sought answers for three main issues: consequences of globalization; influence of globalization on terrorism; and lessons learned from terrorism. Our study has come to a conclusion that the most reliable way to cope with the challenges of the new form of terrorism is to strengthen the nation state concept in democratic, laic, social and legal terms
{"title":"Globalization, Terrorism and the State","authors":"Sertif Demir, A. Varlık","doi":"10.21599/ATJIR.34992","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.21599/ATJIR.34992","url":null,"abstract":"The main discussion point of this article is to explore the cause-effect relation between the weakening of nation state and the intensification of global terrorism by the influence of globalization. The main thesis of the article is that the malign effects of globalization have considerably weakened nation states or dragged them into a situation in which the security and stability would no longer be sustained as desired. Global terrorism can stem from the adverse effects of globalization, imbalance of power, disparity of players, and power vacuum. Failed states, separatist minorities and radicals use terrorism as warfare in order to counterbalance the power gap or to consolidate their authority. In order to verify/nullify the main thesis, we sought answers for three main issues: consequences of globalization; influence of globalization on terrorism; and lessons learned from terrorism. Our study has come to a conclusion that the most reliable way to cope with the challenges of the new form of terrorism is to strengthen the nation state concept in democratic, laic, social and legal terms","PeriodicalId":7411,"journal":{"name":"Alternatives: Turkish Journal of International Relations","volume":"1 1","pages":"36-53"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2016-01-11","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"84034875","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
This paper endeavors to analyze the evolution of Iran’s foreign policy in the post-revolutionary era by focusing on the ‘historic nuclear deal’ (Joint Comprehensive Plan of Action- JCPOA) which is expected to ensure the peaceful nature of Iran’s nuclear programme. The objective of the paper is to shed some light on Iran’s striving to maintain a delicate balance between ideology and pragmatism and the elements of change and continuity in its conduct of foreign policy since the Islamic Revolution of 1979. In this regard, different foreign policy agendas adopted respectively by Khomeini, Rafsanjani, Khatami, Ahmadinejad, and Rouhani will be examined within the context of factional rivalries which emerged out of the political, economic and social structure of the country. With the ascent of the reformist cleric Khatami to presidency in 1997, the long lasting rivalry between the reformist faction that seeks ‘Islamic democracy’ at home and Iran’s integration into the world politics, and the conservative faction whose guiding principle is the return to a revolutionary Islamic ideology, has become apparent in post-revolutionary Iran. While the hardliner Ahmadinejad’s rise to power in 2005 meant flashback to revolutionary ideology both in domestic and foreign affairs of Iran, the victory of pro-reform cleric Hassan Rouhani in 2013 marked the beginning of a new era in Iran’s relations with the West through nuclear negotiations.
{"title":"Contentious Politics in Iran: Factions, Foreign Policy and the Nuclear Deal","authors":"S. Kaya, Zeynep Şartepe","doi":"10.21599/ATJIR.08102","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.21599/ATJIR.08102","url":null,"abstract":"This paper endeavors to analyze the evolution of Iran’s foreign policy in the post-revolutionary era by focusing on the ‘historic nuclear deal’ (Joint Comprehensive Plan of Action- JCPOA) which is expected to ensure the peaceful nature of Iran’s nuclear programme. The objective of the paper is to shed some light on Iran’s striving to maintain a delicate balance between ideology and pragmatism and the elements of change and continuity in its conduct of foreign policy since the Islamic Revolution of 1979. In this regard, different foreign policy agendas adopted respectively by Khomeini, Rafsanjani, Khatami, Ahmadinejad, and Rouhani will be examined within the context of factional rivalries which emerged out of the political, economic and social structure of the country. With the ascent of the reformist cleric Khatami to presidency in 1997, the long lasting rivalry between the reformist faction that seeks ‘Islamic democracy’ at home and Iran’s integration into the world politics, and the conservative faction whose guiding principle is the return to a revolutionary Islamic ideology, has become apparent in post-revolutionary Iran. While the hardliner Ahmadinejad’s rise to power in 2005 meant flashback to revolutionary ideology both in domestic and foreign affairs of Iran, the victory of pro-reform cleric Hassan Rouhani in 2013 marked the beginning of a new era in Iran’s relations with the West through nuclear negotiations.","PeriodicalId":7411,"journal":{"name":"Alternatives: Turkish Journal of International Relations","volume":"128 1","pages":"1-12"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2016-01-11","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"87907542","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
This article aims to contribute to the discourse of Euroscepticism in Turkish civil society by examining the underlying dynamics of the phenomenon among leftist groups. Methodologically, semi-structured qualitative interviews with and surveys of Civil Society Organisation (CSO) leaders and Critical Discourse Analysis (CDA) are applied. Compared to business organisations, a large part of the trades unions have a cautious approach towards European integration. Generally, the leftist leaders do not perceive the EU process strategically or as a political opportunity structure to gain influence, but predominately more ideologically, as the spread of neoliberal free market policies that create an anti-labour environment.
{"title":"Deconstructing the Neoliberal Character of the European Union: A Major Source of Leftist Dissent Over the EU in Turkish Civil Society","authors":"Can Büyükbay","doi":"10.21599/ATJIR.04639","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.21599/ATJIR.04639","url":null,"abstract":"This article aims to contribute to the discourse of Euroscepticism in Turkish civil society by examining the underlying dynamics of the phenomenon among leftist groups. Methodologically, semi-structured qualitative interviews with and surveys of Civil Society Organisation (CSO) leaders and Critical Discourse Analysis (CDA) are applied. Compared to business organisations, a large part of the trades unions have a cautious approach towards European integration. Generally, the leftist leaders do not perceive the EU process strategically or as a political opportunity structure to gain influence, but predominately more ideologically, as the spread of neoliberal free market policies that create an anti-labour environment.","PeriodicalId":7411,"journal":{"name":"Alternatives: Turkish Journal of International Relations","volume":"13 1","pages":"54-73"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2016-01-11","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"74704491","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
This article argues that the dynamic development of Sino-Turkish economic relations has got new strategic significance amid rising of the two countries in the 21 st century. The strategic significance of Turkey economy to China lies in the following aspects: there is great economic cooperative potential between the two countries in view of economic power and momentum; as the principle members of emerging powers, both of them have growing common interests in global economic transformation and governance reform; Turkey plays an increasing important role in evolution of Eurasian geo-economic structure as well as the Silk Road Economic Belt construction. There are fruitful strategic contents for Sino-Turkish economic relationship in new era; bright prospects can be predicted in bilateral cooperation in aspects including trade, investment, finance and global economic governance. Look ahead, China should pay more attention to Turkey’s importance and make great efforts to build bilateral strategic economic relationship.
{"title":"Sino-Turkish Strategic Economic Relationship in New Era","authors":"Zhiqiang Zou","doi":"10.21599/ATJIR.89529","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.21599/ATJIR.89529","url":null,"abstract":"This article argues that the dynamic development of Sino-Turkish economic relations has got new strategic significance amid rising of the two countries in the 21 st century. The strategic significance of Turkey economy to China lies in the following aspects: there is great economic cooperative potential between the two countries in view of economic power and momentum; as the principle members of emerging powers, both of them have growing common interests in global economic transformation and governance reform; Turkey plays an increasing important role in evolution of Eurasian geo-economic structure as well as the Silk Road Economic Belt construction. There are fruitful strategic contents for Sino-Turkish economic relationship in new era; bright prospects can be predicted in bilateral cooperation in aspects including trade, investment, finance and global economic governance. Look ahead, China should pay more attention to Turkey’s importance and make great efforts to build bilateral strategic economic relationship.","PeriodicalId":7411,"journal":{"name":"Alternatives: Turkish Journal of International Relations","volume":"332 1","pages":"13-25"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2016-01-11","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"90368336","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Britain is an established parliamentary democracy traditionally dominated by two political parties: Labour and Conservative. General election defeats usually prompt leadership challenges by candidates promising electoral success at the next election. 2010 was no exception with many Labour Members of Parliament offering themselves as the solution to fix the party’s electoral problems. Ed Miliband emerged as the victor in the Labour leadership contest, beating his elder brother alongside his other rivals. His success was dependent on his self portrayal as a left-wing candidate who had learned the relevant lessons from the mistakes encountered under Tony Blair’s New Labour. His vision of a new generation of political leader embracing long held cherished Labour values was a success. The leadership election demonstrated that internal divisions persisted within the Labour Party despite the election of a new leader
{"title":"2010 Labour Party Leadership Election","authors":"Sureyya Yigit","doi":"10.21599/ATJIR.20754","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.21599/ATJIR.20754","url":null,"abstract":"Britain is an established parliamentary democracy traditionally dominated by two political parties: Labour and Conservative. General election defeats usually prompt leadership challenges by candidates promising electoral success at the next election. 2010 was no exception with many Labour Members of Parliament offering themselves as the solution to fix the party’s electoral problems. Ed Miliband emerged as the victor in the Labour leadership contest, beating his elder brother alongside his other rivals. His success was dependent on his self portrayal as a left-wing candidate who had learned the relevant lessons from the mistakes encountered under Tony Blair’s New Labour. His vision of a new generation of political leader embracing long held cherished Labour values was a success. The leadership election demonstrated that internal divisions persisted within the Labour Party despite the election of a new leader","PeriodicalId":7411,"journal":{"name":"Alternatives: Turkish Journal of International Relations","volume":"53 1","pages":"26-35"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2016-01-11","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"72955473","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
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