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Medizin, Gesellschaft, und Geschichte : Jahrbuch des Instituts fur Geschichte der Medizin der Robert Bosch Stiftung最新文献

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[Samuel Hahnemann: physician and adviser to the Princess Luise of Prussia from 1829 to 1835]. 塞缪尔·哈内曼:1829年至1835年普鲁士路易丝公主的医生和顾问。
Inge Christine Heinz

The nearly 500 pages of letters (edited and commented in a medical dissertation by the author), written by a Prussian Princess in the 19th century to Dr. Samuel Hahnemann, the founder of homoeopathy, provide a fairly complete patient history thanks to the homoeopathic method which obliges patients to observe and describe the complaints and the changes they experience during treatment. The achievements of Hahnemann's therapy were so remarkable that the patient engaged his disciple Dr.Julius Aegidi as her court physician during the years 1831 to 1834. In no other of Hahnemann's published case histories so many dreams are described. The diagnosis within the historical context could be hysteria, hypochondria and melancholy. The therapy consisted in the prescription of homoeopathic remedies but also, among other prescriptions, in taking placebos, application of mesmerism, diet and life style advice. Hahnemann was opposed to vaccination. The doctor-patient-relationship became very intense. It can be said that Hahnemann acted as a psychotherapist. As the Princess rather liked speaking about her complaints her compliance in describing symptoms was excellent. It was less so in taking verum, applying mesmerism and changing her lifestyle. The success of the treatment was limited by the Princess's court and family circumstances and probably by Hahnemann's restriction to psora theory and C30 potencies. The dissertation is the most extensive patient history from Hahnemann's medical practice ever published.

19世纪,一位普鲁士公主给顺势疗法创始人塞缪尔·哈内曼博士写了近500页的信件(作者在一篇医学论文中编辑和评论),由于顺势疗法要求患者观察和描述他们在治疗过程中经历的抱怨和变化,这些信件提供了相当完整的患者历史。哈内曼的治疗成就如此显著,以至于这位病人在1831年至1834年间聘请了他的弟子朱利叶斯·埃基迪医生作为她的宫廷医生。在哈内曼出版的其他案例中,都没有描述过如此多的梦。在历史背景下的诊断可能是歇斯底里、疑病症和忧郁。治疗包括顺势疗法的处方,但在其他处方中,也包括服用安慰剂,应用催眠术,饮食和生活方式的建议。哈内曼反对接种疫苗。医患关系变得非常紧张。可以说,哈内曼扮演了心理治疗师的角色。由于公主很喜欢谈论她的抱怨,她在描述症状时非常顺从。服用verum,使用催眠术和改变她的生活方式就不那么明显了。治疗的成功受到公主的宫廷和家庭环境的限制,可能也受到哈内曼对psora理论和C30效力的限制。这篇论文是哈内曼医学实践中最广泛的病人病史。
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引用次数: 0
[Sterility in medieval noblemen]. [中世纪贵族的不育]。
Klaus van Eickels

The social competence of the medieval nobleman was closely associated with his male sense of honour. One essential aspect of his masculinity was the ability to produce progeny. The childlessness of a good ruler needed special justification, the childlessness of a bad ruler was seen as God's punishment. In terms of canon law, the inability to procreate was irrelevant as long as the marriage could be consummated. Considering the importance of the procreative capacity and its symbolic significance one must ask to what extent it was possible to ascertain sterility in the Middle Ages. In the case of noblemen one can assume that they could obtain certainty about their fertility through their premarital and extramarital intercourse. This might explain why some rulers and nobles accepted a childless marriage without deeming it necessary to take another wife (or plan their itinerary in a way that enabled them to produce progeny).

中世纪贵族的社会能力与他的男性荣誉感密切相关。他男子气概的一个重要方面是生育后代的能力。一个好统治者的无子嗣需要特殊的理由,一个坏统治者的无子嗣被视为上帝的惩罚。就教会法而言,只要婚姻能够圆满,不能生育是无关紧要的。考虑到生育能力的重要性及其象征意义,人们必须问,在中世纪,在多大程度上可以确定不育。在贵族的情况下,人们可以假设他们可以通过婚前和婚外性交来确定自己的生育能力。这也许可以解释为什么一些统治者和贵族接受无子嗣的婚姻,而不认为有必要再娶一个妻子(或计划他们的行程以使他们能够生育后代)。
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引用次数: 0
[The relationship between physician and patient in the early 18th century based on research into Johann Storch's case studies on mole pregnancies]. [18世纪早期医生和病人之间的关系基于对约翰·斯托奇关于痣妊娠的案例研究]。
Matthias Blanarsch

This paper describes the physician-patient relationship in early modern Thuringia. Its main historical source are a hundred patient records concerning 'mole pregnancies'. The physician Johann Storch (1681-1751) published these records in 1749. Firstly, the quantitative exploration shows that among his patients were not only wealthy people but also wives of craftsmen and day labourers. The paper explores the conceptual history of mole pregnancies since Hippocrates' times. It also describes the social role of healers and patients and addresses the issue of god's role. Although theoretical works of the time emphasize the important role of god, he does not feature strongly in the patient records investigated. The body image of Storch's patients is also thematised in the paper. Storch and his patients had the same perception of body and illness. Unlike today, physicians and patients shared similar notions about illness and healing.

本文描述了近代早期图林根州的医患关系。它的主要历史来源是100个关于“痣妊娠”的病人记录。内科医生约翰·斯托奇(1681-1751)在1749年发表了这些记录。首先,定量研究表明,他的病人中不仅有富人,还有工匠和临时工的妻子。本文探讨了自希波克拉底时代以来痣妊娠的概念历史。它还描述了治疗师和病人的社会角色,并解决了上帝角色的问题。虽然当时的理论著作强调上帝的重要作用,但他在被调查的病人记录中并没有很强的特征。本文还对Storch患者的身体形象进行了专题研究。斯托奇和他的病人对身体和疾病有着相同的感知。与今天不同的是,医生和病人对疾病和治疗有着相似的看法。
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引用次数: 0
[Debating disease: the risk factor concept in political economic and scientific consideration, 1968 to 1986]. [辩论疾病:1968年至1986年政治、经济和科学考虑中的风险因素概念]。
Jeannette Madarász

The risk factor concept was developed in American epidemiological studies ongoing since the 1940s researching the causes of chronic cardiovascular diseases. By looking at the depiction of this model in a variety of media in Germany between 1968 and 1986 we can put its close interaction with contemporary socio-political debates under scrutiny. Thereby, a strong connection between the various agents' political and economic interests on the one hand and the incorporation of the risk factor concept into their specific agendas will become apparent. The risk factor concept was not fundamentally changed in the process but it was adapted to contemporary conditions and political constellations. Thereby, so it will be argued, the medical uses of the model, especially regarding the prevention of chronic cardiovascular disease, were forced into the background of public debates.

危险因素的概念是在美国流行病学研究中发展起来的,自20世纪40年代开始研究慢性心血管疾病的原因。通过观察1968年至1986年间德国各种媒体对这一模式的描述,我们可以将其与当代社会政治辩论的密切互动置于审视之下。因此,一方面,各种行动者的政治和经济利益与将风险因素概念纳入其具体议程之间的密切联系将变得明显。在这一过程中,风险因素的概念并没有从根本上改变,但它适应了当代的条件和政治格局。因此,有人会说,这种模式的医疗用途,特别是在预防慢性心血管疾病方面的用途,被迫成为公众辩论的背景。
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引用次数: 0
['Charitable brothers' in charge of hospitals in early modern times: The hospital in Linz/Austria and its patients up to c. 1780]. [近代早期负责医院的“慈善兄弟”:约1780年前奥地利林茨的医院及其病人]。
Carlos Watzka

The article deals with the history of the Hospital of the Brothers of St. John of God (in German: "Barmherzige Brüder"; official name "Ordo Hospitalarius Sancti Joannis a Deo") in the capital of Upper Austria, Linz, from its founding in 1757 to c. 1780. Primarily, the organisational development and the patients of the institute are discussed. The order's hospital already functioned as a medical hospital for the treatment of acute diseases: It was oriented towards the reestablishment of health of its inmates during short time and offered treatment by a staff of learned medical experts, among them academically trained physicians. The accommodation of the patients yet took place in a largely undifferentiated manner, as most of them were situated in a large common hall. This was obviously a consequence of the comparatively little capacity of the organisation, too, which sustained about 12 beds in the beginning, and about 20 around 1780. Nonetheless, the number of patients treated there summed up to nearly 1% of the entire male population of Upper Austria even during the first decade of its existence. In early modern time, only men were admitted to this hospital, the average age of them being only ca. 30 years. As far as social status is concerned, most of them (according to a representative sample out of the admissions of 1757-1767) were handicraftsmen (more than two thirds), labourers and servants. Thus, the organisation was obviously destined to broad social strata, but by no way displays itself as a poorhouse. Average annual mortality was 10 to 13%, which is comparable to that of other hospitals of the order in 18th century Austria. Most of the admitted persons suffered from "fever" or inner diseases and were dismissed as healed already after some weeks of stay.

本文论述了圣约翰兄弟医院的历史(德语:"Barmherzige br der";官方名称为“Ordo Hospitalarius Sancti Joannis a Deo”),从1757年成立到1780年,一直位于上奥地利州林茨的首府。首先,讨论了该所的组织发展和病人情况。骑士团的医院已经成为治疗急性病的医院:它的目标是在短时间内恢复囚犯的健康,并由一批学识渊博的医学专家提供治疗,其中包括受过学术培训的医生。病人的住宿在很大程度上是没有区别的,因为他们大多数都在一个大的公共大厅里。这显然也是该组织相对较小的能力的结果,最初只有12张病床,1780年左右只有20张病床。尽管如此,在那里接受治疗的患者数量甚至在其存在的第一个十年中就占了上奥地利州全部男性人口的近1%。在现代早期,只有男性入院,他们的平均年龄只有30岁左右。就社会地位而言,他们中的大多数(根据1757年至1767年录取的代表性样本)是手工业者(超过三分之二),劳动者和仆人。因此,该组织显然注定要面向广泛的社会阶层,但绝不是一个济贫院。年平均死亡率为10%至13%,与18世纪奥地利其他医院的死亡率相当。大多数被收容的人都患有“发烧”或内部疾病,在住院几周后就被视为已经痊愈而解雇了。
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引用次数: 0
[The patients' view in Ancient Egypt]. [古埃及病人的观点]。
Sabine Herrmann

Although many medical texts are preserved from Ancient Egypt, these texts are giving only little information about the relationship between the Egyptian doctor and the patient. The aim of this article is to draw the reader's attention to personal documents such as letters between members of the royal court or private persons as well as to literary texts from the New Kingdom until the Roman Period. The article does also focus on Mesopotamian legal texts (Codex Hammurapi) and letters from the kingdom of Mari.

尽管许多古埃及的医学文献被保存下来,但这些文献只提供了很少关于埃及医生和病人之间关系的信息。这篇文章的目的是吸引读者注意个人文件,如王室成员或私人之间的信件,以及从新王国到罗马时期的文学文本。这篇文章也关注了美索不达米亚的法律文本(汉谟拉皮法典)和马里王国的信件。
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引用次数: 0
[Fresh fruit and occultism as ways to salvation: conversions in Leipzig's alternative culture at around 1900]. [新鲜水果和神秘主义作为救赎之道:1900年左右莱比锡另类文化的转变]。
Bernadett Bigalke

During the time of the Wilhelmine Empire, there were multiple interdependencies between adherents of the life reform movement (vegetarians, naturopathists, nudists, etc.) and new religious movements such as esoteric groups like the theosophists in the alternative cultural milieu around 1900. These networks became visible in the form of double memberships in associations. However, there were also ambiguous affiliations, migration between groups and syncretistic beliefs without institutional belonging. The similarity between patterns of argumentation for this specific lifestyle and the congruence of chosen goals, ways and goods of salvation become particularly clear in this context. These forms of "methodical lifestyle" may lead to the development of a specific ethos or habitus (Max Weber). To illustrate these processes, this article analyses the report of a Leipzig lady who ate raw fruits and vegetables only, and examines her broader social context. Thereby the analysis will employ sociological theories of conversion to explain the case of Hedwig Bresch.

在威廉帝国时期,生活改革运动的追随者(素食主义者、自然治疗师、裸体主义者等)与新宗教运动(如1900年左右另类文化环境中的神智学者等深奥团体)之间存在着多种相互依存关系。这些网络以双重会员的形式出现在协会中。然而,也有模棱两可的从属关系,群体之间的迁移和没有机构归属的混合信仰。在这种情况下,这种特定生活方式的论证模式与所选择的救赎目标、方式和成果的一致性之间的相似性变得尤为明显。这些形式的“有条理的生活方式”可能导致一种特定的精神或习惯的发展(马克斯·韦伯)。为了说明这些过程,本文分析了莱比锡一位只吃生水果和蔬菜的女士的报告,并考察了她更广泛的社会背景。因此,分析将运用社会学的转换理论来解释海德维格·布雷斯赫的案例。
{"title":"[Fresh fruit and occultism as ways to salvation: conversions in Leipzig's alternative culture at around 1900].","authors":"Bernadett Bigalke","doi":"","DOIUrl":"","url":null,"abstract":"<p><p>During the time of the Wilhelmine Empire, there were multiple interdependencies between adherents of the life reform movement (vegetarians, naturopathists, nudists, etc.) and new religious movements such as esoteric groups like the theosophists in the alternative cultural milieu around 1900. These networks became visible in the form of double memberships in associations. However, there were also ambiguous affiliations, migration between groups and syncretistic beliefs without institutional belonging. The similarity between patterns of argumentation for this specific lifestyle and the congruence of chosen goals, ways and goods of salvation become particularly clear in this context. These forms of \"methodical lifestyle\" may lead to the development of a specific ethos or habitus (Max Weber). To illustrate these processes, this article analyses the report of a Leipzig lady who ate raw fruits and vegetables only, and examines her broader social context. Thereby the analysis will employ sociological theories of conversion to explain the case of Hedwig Bresch.</p>","PeriodicalId":81975,"journal":{"name":"Medizin, Gesellschaft, und Geschichte : Jahrbuch des Instituts fur Geschichte der Medizin der Robert Bosch Stiftung","volume":"27 ","pages":"205-46"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2008-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"28440626","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
引用次数: 0
[Biography as discipline tradition. The idealization of the pharmacologist Wolfgang Heubner (1877-1957)]. [作为学科传统的传记。药理学家沃尔夫冈·休伯纳(1877-1957)的理想化。
Nils Kessel

Taking a german professor of pharmacology, Wolfgang Heubner (1877-1957), as an example, the paper shows how hagiographic traditions were used to construct a scientific ideal in Post-War Germany. This ideal tended to (re-)legitimate German Science after World War II and to justify institutional and personal continuities in the 1950s, but I argue that it is a specific construction of the 1950s, thus serving to build a new image of science in a democratic society.

本文以德国药理学教授沃尔夫冈·休伯纳(Wolfgang Heubner, 1877-1957)为例,展示了战后德国如何利用圣徒传世的传统来构建科学理想。这种理想倾向于在第二次世界大战后(重新)合法化德国科学,并为20世纪50年代的制度和个人连续性辩护,但我认为这是20世纪50年代的特定构建,因此有助于在民主社会中建立科学的新形象。
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引用次数: 0
Hahnemann's late prescriptions. 哈内曼晚期的处方。
Ubiratan C Adler, Maristela Schiabel Adler, Ana Elisa Padula
{"title":"Hahnemann's late prescriptions.","authors":"Ubiratan C Adler,&nbsp;Maristela Schiabel Adler,&nbsp;Ana Elisa Padula","doi":"","DOIUrl":"","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":81975,"journal":{"name":"Medizin, Gesellschaft, und Geschichte : Jahrbuch des Instituts fur Geschichte der Medizin der Robert Bosch Stiftung","volume":"27 ","pages":"161-72"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2008-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"28440624","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
引用次数: 0
[Debates on the "Jewish nurse" within the Jewish communities in Austro-Hungary around 1900]. [1900年前后奥匈帝国犹太社区内关于“犹太护士”的争论]。
Elisabeth Malleier

The debate about the organisation of nursing became acute during the last decades of the 19th century when big modern Jewish hospitals were built in several cities of the Habsburg Monarchy. This led to an increase in the demand for nurses and to the initiation of a discussion about the professionalisation of Jewish nursing. In these debates different actors with different intentions were involved. While hospitals were looking mainly for inexpensive and unlimited working nurses, middle-class organisations such as B'nai B'rith emphasised the necessity for women to learn a useful profession to be able to support their husbands economically. Furthermore, feminists and women's associations tried to set new standards for female education, emphasising economic independence and improving the working conditions for women. Jewish feminists such as Henriette Weiss in Vienna, Ida Fuerst in Budapest, and Julie Leipen in Prague tried to build up Jewish nursing schools. The different strategies of implementations and the result of their efforts will be the main focus of this paper.

在19世纪最后几十年,当大型现代犹太医院在哈布斯堡王朝的几个城市建立起来时,关于护理组织的争论变得尖锐起来。这导致了对护士需求的增加,并引发了关于犹太护理专业化的讨论。在这些辩论中,不同的参与者有着不同的意图。虽然医院主要寻找的是价格低廉且不受限制的工作护士,但B'nai B'rith等中产阶级组织强调,女性有必要学习一门有用的职业,以便能够在经济上支持丈夫。此外,女权主义者和妇女协会试图为妇女教育制定新的标准,强调经济独立和改善妇女的工作条件。维也纳的亨利埃特·韦斯、布达佩斯的伊达·富尔斯特和布拉格的朱莉·雷彭等犹太女权主义者试图建立犹太护理学校。不同的实施策略和他们努力的结果将是本文的主要焦点。
{"title":"[Debates on the \"Jewish nurse\" within the Jewish communities in Austro-Hungary around 1900].","authors":"Elisabeth Malleier","doi":"","DOIUrl":"","url":null,"abstract":"<p><p>The debate about the organisation of nursing became acute during the last decades of the 19th century when big modern Jewish hospitals were built in several cities of the Habsburg Monarchy. This led to an increase in the demand for nurses and to the initiation of a discussion about the professionalisation of Jewish nursing. In these debates different actors with different intentions were involved. While hospitals were looking mainly for inexpensive and unlimited working nurses, middle-class organisations such as B'nai B'rith emphasised the necessity for women to learn a useful profession to be able to support their husbands economically. Furthermore, feminists and women's associations tried to set new standards for female education, emphasising economic independence and improving the working conditions for women. Jewish feminists such as Henriette Weiss in Vienna, Ida Fuerst in Budapest, and Julie Leipen in Prague tried to build up Jewish nursing schools. The different strategies of implementations and the result of their efforts will be the main focus of this paper.</p>","PeriodicalId":81975,"journal":{"name":"Medizin, Gesellschaft, und Geschichte : Jahrbuch des Instituts fur Geschichte der Medizin der Robert Bosch Stiftung","volume":"27 ","pages":"111-32"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2008-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"28440622","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
引用次数: 0
期刊
Medizin, Gesellschaft, und Geschichte : Jahrbuch des Instituts fur Geschichte der Medizin der Robert Bosch Stiftung
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