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Medizin, Gesellschaft, und Geschichte : Jahrbuch des Instituts fur Geschichte der Medizin der Robert Bosch Stiftung最新文献

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[Protestant healthcare? The building of denominational hospitals in Berlin during the Weimar Republic]. (新教医疗?魏玛共和国时期在柏林建立的宗教医院。
Clemens Tangerding

This essay tries to show that, in the Berlin of the Weimar Republic, Protestant hospitals were built not only to relieve the suffering of the population, but also out of a sense of inferiority to a reinvigorated Catholicism. Hospitals were consequently not only places of care and healing but also of denominational self-assertion. Based on Olaf Blaschke's thesis of a "second denominational age," this contribution tries to demonstrate that the responsible Protestant agents did not make anti-Catholic proclamations at every occasion and in all the media. The founders of the "Protestant Hospital Building Association," which this essay investigates, made deliberate use of anti-Catholic resentment, expressing it boldly when approaching the Protestant elites, while playing it down deliberately when addressing the people of Berlin. With a view to the severe economic crisis and mass unemployment prevailing from 1930, they justified the building of new hospitals with the need to create work places, without making recourse to the denomination argument. The political situation, the addressees and the hope for economic success seem to have informed the representation of denominational resentments decisively. Confessionalism therefore seemed to have been not as much a question of ideology as one of strategy.

本文试图表明,在魏玛共和国的柏林,新教医院的建立不仅是为了减轻人们的痛苦,也是出于对重新焕发活力的天主教的自卑。因此,医院不仅是护理和治疗的场所,而且也是宗派自我主张的场所。根据奥拉夫·布拉施克(Olaf Blaschke)的“第二个教派时代”理论,这篇文章试图证明,负责任的新教代理人并没有在每个场合和所有媒体上发表反天主教的宣言。本文调查的“新教医院建筑协会”的创始人故意利用反天主教的怨恨,在接近新教精英时大胆表达,而在向柏林人民发表讲话时故意淡化。鉴于严重的经济危机和1930年以来普遍存在的大规模失业,他们以创造工作场所的需要为建造新医院辩护,而没有诉诸名称的论点。政治局势、收件人和对经济成功的希望似乎决定性地反映了教派怨恨的表现。因此,自白主义似乎与其说是一个意识形态问题,不如说是一个战略问题。
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引用次数: 0
["A change in medical thinking?" or "over-eager literary activity?" August Bier, homeopathy and the Nobel Prize 1906-1936]. “医学思想的改变?”还是“过于急切的文学活动?”奥古斯特·比尔,顺势疗法与诺贝尔奖(1906-1936)。
Nils Hansson

This essay explains the nomination and evaluation procedure for the Nobel Prize for Physiology or Medicine. Its research is based on original files and on the example of August Karl Gustav Bier (1861-1949). It discusses the minutes of the Nobel Committee for physiology or medicine, which are kept in the Nobel Archives, as well as the unusually high number of nominations of August Bier and the nominations submitted by him; it also describes the reasons why August Bier, in the end, never received the Nobel Prize. The essay focuses mainly on the reception of Bier's homeopathic theses by the Nobel Prize Committee and his nominators.

本文阐述了诺贝尔生理学或医学奖的提名和评审程序。它的研究是基于原始文件和奥古斯特·卡尔·古斯塔夫·比尔(1861-1949)的例子。它讨论了保存在诺贝尔档案馆的诺贝尔生理学或医学奖委员会的会议记录,以及奥古斯特·比尔(August Bier)的异常高的提名数量和他提交的提名;它还描述了奥古斯特·比尔最终未能获得诺贝尔奖的原因。本文主要关注诺贝尔奖委员会和他的提名人对比尔顺势疗法论文的接受情况。
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引用次数: 0
[Medicine for the elderly or science of old age? Max Bürger's contribution to geriatric medicine and gerontology]. 老年医学还是老年科学?Max brger对老年医学和老年学的贡献。
Sandra Blumenthal, Florian Bruns

The fact that, due to demographic changes, gerontology and geriatrics are gaining ever more importance gives rise to more questions regarding the history of the science of aging. Based on unpublished sources and relevant publications by Max Bürger, the doyen of gerontological research in Germany, our contributions trace the beginnings of age research in Germany. Our results confirm Bürger as the dominant expert in this field in the first decades of its emergence. Bürger was primarily interested in basic medical-scientific research, and less in clinical geriatrics. His scientific goal was not to establish a medicine for the elderly but a theory of life changes ("biomorphosis"). From the start, he saw aging as a physiological process--a view that is still valid today. His concept of "biomorphosis", however, did not catch on and reveals a constriction in Bürger's thinking, which was to some extent influenced by Hans Driesch's vitalism. Interdisciplinary approaches are noticeable in the natural sciences rather than the humanities or social sciences. Bürger's research was also influenced by the political system he lived in. During National Socialism, which Bürger joined--at least formally--in 1937, his research into labour economics and aging met with considerable interest in connection with the general mobilisation of resources. East Germany also had an interest in questions of labour productivity in old age and the extension of the working life, which meant that Bürger remained a sought-after physician and scientist up into the 1960s. As he grew older himself, Bürger's initially deficit-oriented view of old age gave way to a more positive presentation that attached greater weight to the resources of old age.

由于人口结构的变化,老年学和老年病学变得越来越重要,这一事实引发了关于老龄化科学历史的更多问题。基于未发表的资料和德国老年学研究元老Max b rger的相关出版物,我们的贡献追溯了德国年龄研究的开端。我们的研究结果证实,在该领域出现的头几十年里,b rger是占主导地位的专家。benger主要对基础医学科学研究感兴趣,对临床老年病学的兴趣较少。他的科学目标不是建立一种针对老年人的药物,而是建立一种关于生命变化的理论(“生物形态学”)。从一开始,他就把衰老看作是一个生理过程——这个观点至今仍然有效。然而,他的“生物形态”概念并没有流行起来,这在一定程度上受到了汉斯·德列施的活力论的影响。跨学科方法在自然科学中比在人文科学或社会科学中更引人注目。伯格尔的研究也受到他所处的政治体制的影响。1937年,伯格尔至少正式加入了国家社会主义党(National Socialism),在此期间,他对劳动经济学和老龄化的研究与资源的普遍动员有关,引起了相当大的兴趣。东德也对老年人的劳动生产率和延长工作寿命的问题感兴趣,这意味着直到20世纪60年代,布尔格尔仍然是一位受欢迎的医生和科学家。随着年龄的增长,伯格尔最初以赤字为导向的老年观被一种更加积极的观点所取代,这种观点更加重视老年资源。
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引用次数: 0
[Nosode and sarcode therapies and their history--a controversial inheritance]. [Nosode和sarcode疗法及其历史——一个有争议的遗传]。
Viktoria Vieracker

Nosodes and sarcodes (homeopathic remedies gained primarily from disease products respectively organs of human or animal origin) are groups of drugs which were added to the homeopathic Materia Medica in the 1830s. Most substances used in nosode or sarcode therapy have a long medical tradition, with some even going back to the pre-Christian period. My contribution first describes therapeutic practices that use these substances and then juxtaposes them with their use in the early days of homeopathic nosode and sarcode therapy. The investigation shows, on the one hand, that there are aspects common to both approaches that go far beyond the mere choice of substances. On the other hand, it demonstrates the effect the inclusion of human or animal body substances in the homeopathic Materia Medica has had on homeopathy, as their use is no longer in line with what is considered rational.

Nosodes和sarcodes(主要从疾病产品中获得的顺势疗法药物,分别来自人类或动物的器官)是19世纪30年代添加到顺势疗法药物中的药物组。nosode或sarcode疗法中使用的大多数物质都有悠久的医学传统,有些甚至可以追溯到前基督教时期。我的贡献首先描述了使用这些物质的治疗实践,然后将它们与早期顺势疗法nosode和sarcode疗法的使用并列。调查表明,一方面,这两种方法有一些共同的方面,远远超出了物质的选择。另一方面,它证明了顺势疗法药物中包含人类或动物身体物质对顺势疗法的影响,因为它们的使用不再符合被认为是合理的。
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引用次数: 0
"Docile bodies" or "impudent" women: conflicts between nurses and their employers, in England, 1880-1914. “温顺的身体”或“无礼的”女人:1880-1914年英国护士与雇主之间的冲突。
Stuart Wildman
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引用次数: 0
["Practical tuberculosis care outside the hospital stands and falls with the tuberculosis nurse". Challenges in out-patient care, using the example of tuberculosis nurses in the first third of the 20th century]. “医院外的实际结核病护理与结核病护士息息相关”。门诊护理的挑战,以20世纪前三分之一的结核病护士为例]。
Sylvelyn Hähner-Rombach

Once it had become apparent that tuberculosis sanatoriums were unable to stop this widespread disease, out-patient tuberculosis clinics were established for patients and their relatives in the German Reich. These clinics, which started in the late nineteenth century, employed physicians and tuberculosis nurses. The nurses were generally community or parish nurses, specialized carers not being trained until later. On the one hand, their tasks included the work at these clinics, where they assisted the physician, admitted patients and carried out x-rays and lab tests. On the other hand--and this was their main task--they visited the sick and their families at home, informed them about tuberculosis, instructed them on questions of hygiene and the appropriate behaviour and made sure these instructions were adhered to. If they were able to offer material help as well, they were received more willingly--and they could only make their visits with a patient's consent. Due to the lack of tuberculosis medicines, the work of the tuberculosis nurses was a mainstay in the fight against this highly infectious disease. They often had to overcome the resistance of general practitioners and also of some patients and their families. But they loved doing their job because they were appreciated by the tuberculosis doctors, had a relatively high degree of freedom, authority and responsibility as health visitors and achieved visible results through personal commitment.

一旦结核病疗养院显然无法阻止这种广泛传播的疾病,就在德意志帝国为患者及其亲属建立了门诊结核病诊所。这些诊所开始于19世纪后期,雇佣医生和结核病护士。护士一般是社区或教区护士,专业护理人员直到后来才接受培训。一方面,他们的任务包括在这些诊所工作,在那里他们协助医生,接待病人,进行x光检查和实验室检查。另一方面——这是他们的主要任务——他们到病人和他们的家人家里拜访,告诉他们有关结核病的知识,指导他们卫生问题和适当的行为,并确保这些指示得到遵守。如果他们也能提供物质上的帮助,他们就会更愿意接受——而且只有在病人同意的情况下,他们才能去看病人。由于缺乏结核病药物,结核病护士的工作是防治这种高度传染性疾病的主要力量。他们经常不得不克服全科医生和一些病人及其家属的阻力。但他们热爱自己的工作,因为他们受到结核病医生的赞赏,作为健康访视者有相对较高的自由度、权威和责任,并通过个人承诺取得了看得见的成果。
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引用次数: 0
[Parish nursing around the year 1900]. [1900年前后的教区护理]。
Bettina Blessing

This contribution first introduces the factors that supported the development of parish nursing before going on to explain the diverse organizational concepts involved and their development over time. It looks at the various Catholic and Protestant as well as secular institutions active in this field. The article then discusses the manifold tasks, fields of work and approaches to problem-solving that were characteristic of parish nursing. The various cultural, social and religious problems that the parish nurses had to contend with on a daily basis are also presented, including the increasing competition with other professional groups. The article concludes by looking at the standing of parish nurses in society and the advantages and disadvantages of parish nursing as opposed to hospital nursing from the point of view of the parish nurses themselves.

本贡献首先介绍了支持教区护理发展的因素,然后继续解释所涉及的各种组织概念及其随时间的发展。它着眼于各种天主教和新教以及活跃在这一领域的世俗机构。文章然后讨论了多方面的任务,工作领域和解决问题的方法,教区护理的特点。此外,还介绍了堂区护士每天必须应对的各种文化、社会和宗教问题,包括与其他专业团体日益激烈的竞争。文章最后从堂区护士自身的角度,探讨了堂区护士在社会中的地位,以及堂区护理相对于医院护理的优缺点。
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引用次数: 0
[The "secret book" of Dr Friedrich Benjamin Osiander: anonymous births in the Göttingen Accouchierhaus, 1794-1819]. [Friedrich Benjamin Osiander博士的“秘密书”:Göttingen Accouchierhaus的匿名出生,1794-1819]。
Jürgen Schlumbohm

The problem of anonymous or confidential deliveries, a subject of current controversy, has a long history. Some maternity hospitals offered the possibility for "clandestine" births as early as the 18th and 19th century. A recently emerged source about the maternity clinic of Göttingen University allows insight into the motives that led to keeping a birth secret and the consequences of such a clandestine birth for mother, father and child. The director of the institution, a professor of obstetrics, wrote case reports on the women, who paid a handsome sum for his help and the in-patient care they received. In return, these women could be admitted under a pseudonym, and thus falsify their child's birth certificate; moreover they were not used as teaching material for medical students and midwife apprentices, whereas "regular" patients had to give their names and, in return for being treated free of charge, be available for teaching purposes. The ten cases that have been painstakingly investigated reveal that the reasons that led the women and men to opt for an anonymous birth were manifold, that they used this offer in different ways and with different consequences. All of these pregnancies were illegitimate, of course. In one case the expectant mother was married. In several cases it would be the father who was married. Most of the women who gave birth secretly seem to have given the professor their actual details and he kept quiet about them--with the exception of one case where he revealed the contents of the case report many years later in an alimony suit. Only one of the men admitted paternity openly, but many revealed their identity implicitly by registering the pregnant woman or by accompanying her to the clinic. If the birth was to be kept secret the child needed to be handed over to foster parents. By paying a lump sum that covered the usual fourteen years of parenting, one mother was able to avoid any later contact with her son. In most cases contact seems to have been limited to the payment of this boarding money. One of the couples married later and took in the twins that had been born clandestinely out of wedlock. One mother kept close contact with her son through intermediaries. All of the women who gave birth in this clandestine fashion received practical as well as financial support, often from the child's father or from a relative. Few of them came by themselves. In those days, only women who used the maternity hospital free of charge would have been as isolated in the difficult perinatal period as are women today who choose to deliver their babies anonymously.

匿名或保密递送的问题,是当前争议的一个主题,有着悠久的历史。早在18世纪和19世纪,一些妇产医院就提供了"秘密"分娩的可能性。最近关于Göttingen大学产科诊所的消息让我们了解了秘密分娩的动机,以及这种秘密分娩对母亲、父亲和孩子的影响。该机构的负责人是一位产科教授,他为这些妇女撰写病例报告,这些妇女为他的帮助和住院治疗支付了一笔可观的费用。作为回报,这些妇女可以用假名入境,从而伪造孩子的出生证明;此外,它们不被用作医学院学生和助产士学徒的教学材料,而"普通"病人必须提供姓名,作为免费治疗的回报,他们可以用于教学目的。经过精心调查的十个案例表明,导致女性和男性选择匿名分娩的原因是多方面的,他们以不同的方式使用这种方式,并产生不同的后果。当然,所有这些怀孕都是非法的。在一个案例中,准妈妈已经结婚了。在一些情况下,是已婚的父亲。大多数秘密分娩的妇女似乎都向教授透露了她们的实际细节,而教授却对她们保持沉默——只有一个例外,多年后他在一起赡养费诉讼中透露了病例报告的内容。只有一名男子公开承认了自己的父亲身份,但许多人都通过给孕妇登记或陪同她去诊所来暗示自己的身份。如果要对孩子的出生保密,孩子就必须交给养父母。通过一次性支付通常14年的养育费用,一位母亲能够避免以后与她的儿子接触。在大多数情况下,联系似乎仅限于支付这笔住宿费。其中一对夫妇后来结婚,收养了一对秘密出生的非婚生双胞胎。一位母亲通过中间人与儿子保持密切联系。所有以这种秘密方式分娩的妇女都得到了实际和经济上的支持,通常来自孩子的父亲或亲戚。他们中很少有人是自己来的。在那些日子里,只有免费去妇产医院的妇女才会像今天选择匿名分娩的妇女那样,在困难的围产期受到隔离。
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引用次数: 0
[A ''humanitarian duty and a matter of honour for German Jewry": "feeble-minded" Jewish children and the Institution in Beelitz]. [“德国犹太人的人道主义责任和荣誉问题”:“弱智”犹太儿童和Beelitz机构]。
Claudia Prestel

In 1908, in collaboration with the Bnei Briss, the German Association of Israelite Communities founded an institution for intellectually disabled Jewish children in Beelitz with the aim of educating 7-14-year-olds, using therapeutic pedagogy. The institution was part of the philanthropic efforts undertaken by German Jewry in that period. It was set up in the wake of the German Kaiser's call to found more philanthropic institutions, and its establishment is indicative of the efforts at integration being made by German Jewry. In their fund-raising material, the German Association of Israelite Communities stressed the "loyalty and patriotism" of German Jewry and described the establishment of the institution as "a humanitarian duty" and "a matter of honour for German Jewry". It was, therefore, demands from the non-Jewish world that led to the foundation of a Jewish institution; however, its establishment was also symbolic of the struggle against anti-Semitism and indicative both of German Jewry's dissimilation and their efforts at integration. The article investigates the struggle of Jewish parents to have their children admitted to the institution, the philosophy and teaching methods of the director Sally Bein (1881-1942) and his wife Friederike Rebeka Bein (1883-1942), the background of the students, the causes of intellectual disability, as well as the disagreements that occurred between parents, teachers and the director. The article also discusses the successes and failures of therapeutic pedagogy.

1908年,在Bnei Briss的合作下,德国以色列社区协会在Beelitz为智力残疾的犹太儿童建立了一个机构,目的是用治疗教学法教育7-14岁的儿童。该机构是那个时期德国犹太人进行的慈善努力的一部分。它是在德国皇帝呼吁建立更多慈善机构之后成立的,它的成立表明了德国犹太人正在努力融合。德国以色列社区协会在其筹款材料中强调德国犹太人的“忠诚和爱国主义”,并将该机构的设立描述为“人道主义责任”和“德国犹太人的荣誉问题”。因此,非犹太世界的要求导致了犹太机构的建立;然而,它的建立也象征着反对反犹太主义的斗争,表明德国犹太人的异化和他们为融合所做的努力。本文调查了犹太父母为让孩子进入该机构而进行的斗争,院长Sally Bein(1881-1942)和他的妻子Friederike Rebeka Bein(1883-1942)的哲学和教学方法,学生的背景,智力残疾的原因,以及父母,老师和院长之间发生的分歧。文章还讨论了治疗教育学的成功与失败。
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引用次数: 0
[The flu epidemic after World War I and homeopathy--an international comparison]. [第一次世界大战后的流感和顺势疗法——一个国际比较]。
Stefanie Jahn

The "Spanish Flu" began in 1918 and was the most devastating pandemic in human history that had ever been, claiming more lives than World War I. The flu virus had not yet been discovered, and the usual therapy measures were merely symptomatic. In many parts of the world the pandemic was treated by homeopaths. At the time, homeopathic medical practices, out-patient clinics and hospitals existed in various countries. To this day homeopaths refer to the successful homeopathic treatment of the "Spanish Flu". The following paper looks at what this treatment consisted in and whether it was based on a particular concept. It also examines contemporary evaluations and figures, as well as the question as to whether homeopathy experienced a rise in demand as a consequence of its success during the pandemic.

“西班牙流感”始于1918年,是人类历史上最具破坏性的大流行病,夺去的生命比第一次世界大战还多。当时流感病毒还没有被发现,通常的治疗措施也只是症状性的。在世界上许多地方,这种流行病是通过顺势疗法治疗的。当时,顺势疗法的医疗实践、门诊诊所和医院存在于许多国家。直到今天,顺势疗法指的是成功治疗“西班牙流感”的顺势疗法。下面的文章将探讨这种治疗方法的组成以及它是否基于一个特定的概念。它还审查了当代的评估和数据,以及顺势疗法是否因其在大流行期间的成功而经历了需求上升的问题。
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引用次数: 0
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Medizin, Gesellschaft, und Geschichte : Jahrbuch des Instituts fur Geschichte der Medizin der Robert Bosch Stiftung
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