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Medizin, Gesellschaft, und Geschichte : Jahrbuch des Instituts fur Geschichte der Medizin der Robert Bosch Stiftung最新文献

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[Poverty and Sickness. The precarious lives of lower-class families in Würzburg and Göttingen, 1800-1850]. 贫穷与疾病。[[[[]] [[[]] [[[]] [[] []
Stephanie Neuner

This contribution focuses on the medical practice of the policlinics in Würzburg and Göttingen in the first half of the nineteenth century. In these institutions patients were treated free of charge by medical students and assistant physicians who, in turn, were able to gain further experience and develop their skills. The policlinics were therefore an important part of poor-healthcare in both these cities. The essay tries in particular to illustrate healthcare for poor patients against the background of their everyday lives and working environment. Based on the situation of individual poor patients, the concepts of 'sickness' and 'poverty' are discussed as mutually dependent determinants of the 'reality of life' among the urban lower classes. This contribution combines the evaluation of medical practice journals and patient histories with the analysis of source materials on urban poor relief and healthcare. It looks particularly at the children and elderly people who attended the policlinics. The encounters between physicians and poor patients documented in the sources not only provide valuable insights into historical patient behaviours, they also open up new perspectives of the physician-patient relationship during the nineteenth century transition from the 'sickbed-society' to hospital medicine.

这一贡献的重点是在19世纪上半叶在w rzburg和Göttingen的诊所的医疗实践。在这些机构中,病人由医学生和助理医生免费治疗,他们反过来又能够获得进一步的经验和发展他们的技能。因此,诊所是这两个城市医疗保健水平低下的重要组成部分。本文试图特别说明在他们的日常生活和工作环境的背景下,贫困患者的医疗保健。基于个别贫困患者的情况,“疾病”和“贫困”的概念被讨论为城市下层阶级“生活现实”的相互依赖的决定因素。这一贡献结合了对医疗实践期刊和患者病史的评价以及对城市贫困救济和保健的原始材料的分析。它特别关注参加诊所的儿童和老年人。文献中记录的医生和贫困患者之间的接触不仅提供了对历史患者行为的宝贵见解,而且还为19世纪从“病床社会”向医院医学过渡期间的医患关系开辟了新的视角。
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引用次数: 0
[The Hygienist Karl Roelcke, M.D. (1907-1982). Annotations to the family biography]. 卫生学家Karl Roelcke, M.D.(1907-1982)。对家族传记的注解]。
Florian G Mildenberger

Volker Roelcke, the well-known historian of medicine, wrote a biographical sketch on his father's role in National Socialism. Karl Roelcke (1907-1982) was an important hygienist at the University of Heidelberg and assistant to Ernst Rodenwaldt (1878-1965). Attempts to discuss the Nazi issue with his father directly ended unsuccessfully in the 1970s. In his essay of 2014, Volker Roelcke portrayed his father as quite sophisticated, but did not mention all aspects of his work. The present essay therefore offers new insights into the person of Karl Roelcke which are not constrained by family interests.

著名的医学历史学家沃尔克·洛克(Volker Roelcke)写了一篇关于他父亲在国家社会主义中所扮演角色的传记。Karl Roelcke(1907-1982)是海德堡大学重要的卫生学家,也是Ernst Rodenwaldt(1878-1965)的助手。20世纪70年代,他曾试图与父亲讨论纳粹问题,但最终以失败告终。在他2014年的文章中,Volker Roelcke将他的父亲描绘成一个相当老练的人,但并没有提到他工作的各个方面。因此,本文提供了不受家庭利益约束的卡尔·洛克人的新见解。
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引用次数: 0
[Gender images in health education: a comparison between East and West Germany (1949-1990)]. [健康教育中的性别形象:东德与西德比较(1949-1990)]。
Jenny Linek, Pierre Pfütsch

This essay takes a closer look at the shared traditions as well as separate developments in health education in both German states, based on the circulated gender images. Health education is a rewarding field of investigation because its materials not only convey information on the prevention of sickness or the cultivation of healthy lifestyles; they also--implicitly or explicitly--carry social key messages such as ideas regarding femininities and masculinities or the tasks and functions allocated to women and men within and outside the family. The fact, for instance, that women in East Germany were expected to be part of the labour force as early as the 1950 s, whereas their Western counterparts were expected to stay at home and look after the family, had an effect on health education. The question as to the normative images of femininity and masculinity is therefore at the centre of our inquiry. The sources used are health education publications and popular health magazines from both Germanies. Based on the parameters 'Home and Family', 'Work and Performance', 'Attractiveness and Outer Appearance', the ideas of femininity and masculinity, as portrayed in the health propaganda in East and West, are presented and compared. Analysis of these parameters shows that the gender images, while they coincided in some respects, also evolved in different ways in others, or that entirely different intentions were concealed behind the promotion of similar principles. Many of the guiding images discussed show how the two German states perceived each other. While there were attempts at dissociating from the other state entirely, there were also developments that seem to indicate that they referred to one another to a certain extent.

本文以流传的性别形象为基础,仔细研究了德国两个州在健康教育方面的共同传统以及各自的发展。健康教育是一个有益的研究领域,因为它的材料不仅传达关于预防疾病或培养健康生活方式的信息;它们还——或隐或明地——传递着社会关键信息,比如关于女性和男性的观念,或者家庭内外分配给女性和男性的任务和职能。例如,东德妇女早在20世纪50年代就被期望成为劳动力的一部分,而她们的西方同行则被期望呆在家里照顾家庭,这一事实对健康教育产生了影响。因此,关于女性气质和男性气质的规范形象的问题是我们研究的中心。所使用的资料来源是两国的卫生教育出版物和流行卫生杂志。根据“家庭与家庭”、“工作与绩效”、“吸引力与外表”等参数,介绍并比较了东西方健康宣传中所描绘的女性气质和男性气质的概念。对这些参数的分析表明,性别形象虽然在某些方面是一致的,但在其他方面也以不同的方式演变,或者在促进类似原则的背后隐藏着完全不同的意图。讨论的许多指导性图像显示了两个德国是如何看待彼此的。虽然有人试图完全脱离另一个国家,但也有一些发展似乎表明它们在一定程度上相互关联。
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引用次数: 0
[The company Willmar Schwabe in the Nazi era]. (纳粹时期的威尔玛施瓦贝公司)。
Christoph Friedrich, Ulrich Meyer, Caroline Seyfang

This essay follows the history of the Schwabe Company between 1933 and 1945 when it, like all other companies at the time, had to subject to the state-enforced conformity ('Gleichschaltung'). While Willmar Schwabe II (1878-1935), the company's second director, kept clear of Nazi politics, both of his sons, who succeeded him at an early age, became members of the Nazi party: Willmar III (1907-1983) probably from initial conviction and Wolfgang (1912-2000), who joined in 1937, more likely for opportunistic reasons. The two lay journals published by Schwabe--the Leipziger Populäre Zeitschrift für Homöopathie and the Biochemische Monatsblätter--embraced the Nazi ideology more thoroughly than the general homeopathic journal Allgemeine Homöopathische Zeitung, including above all contributions on racial hygiene. Our research has revealed that Schwabe only employed foreign workers from 1942 on, that their number was much lower, at 0.9 per cent in 1942 and 3.6 per cent in 1944, than that of other pharmaceutical companies and that their pay hardly differed from that of German workers. The sales and profit figures investigated have shown that the company did not profit exceptionally from the new Nazi health policies ('Neue Deutsche Heilkunde'): while its sales and profits rose in the Nazi era due to the increased use of medication among the civil population during wartime, the drugs produced by Schwabe remained marginal also during the war, as is apparent also from its modest deliveries to the army. All in all one can conclude that the company offered neither resistance nor particular support to the Nazi ideology.

本文追溯了施瓦贝公司在1933年至1945年间的历史,与当时所有其他公司一样,它不得不服从国家强制的一致性(Gleichschaltung)。虽然公司的第二任董事威尔玛•施瓦贝二世(1878-1935)远离纳粹政治,但他的两个儿子——他们很早就继承了他的职位——都成为了纳粹党成员:威尔玛三世(1907-1983)可能是由于最初的定罪,而沃尔夫冈(1912-2000)于1937年加入纳粹党,更可能是出于机会主义的原因。施瓦贝出版的两本非专业期刊——《莱比锡Populäre Zeitschrift f Homöopathie》和《生物化学》Monatsblätter——比一般的顺势疗法期刊《Allgemeine Homöopathische Zeitung》更彻底地接受了纳粹的意识形态,尤其是在种族卫生方面的贡献。我们的研究显示,施瓦贝从1942年起只雇用外国工人,其比例远低于其他制药公司,1942年为0.9%,1944年为3.6%,而且他们的工资与德国工人几乎没有差别。所调查的销售和利润数字表明,该公司并没有从纳粹的新卫生政策(" Neue Deutsche Heilkunde ")中获得特别的利润:虽然在纳粹时期,由于战时平民使用药物的增加,该公司的销售和利润有所增加,但在战争期间,Schwabe生产的药物也很少,这一点从它向军队提供的少量药物中也可以看出。总而言之,人们可以得出结论,该公司既没有对纳粹意识形态进行抵抗,也没有特别支持。
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引用次数: 0
[Protestant clergymen among Hahnemann's clientele. Patient histories in letters]. [哈内曼的客户中的新教牧师。病人的病史[书信]。
Simone Kreher, Melanie Schlott, Thilo Schlott

As part of the research project, developments in the history of science and in the regional and ecclesiastic history of the late feudal petty state of Köthen-Anhalt have been assessed and numerous documents of the Nagel and Mühlenbein family histories examined that place the transcribed patient letters of the two Protestant clergymen within the context of the Hahnemann Archives. These findings complement and extend previous insights into Hahnemann's Köthen clientele, especially when it comes to the structure and milieu of the local clerical elite. Inspired by the interpretive methods of sequential textual analysis, form and content of the letters of the two clergymen and their relatives were also investigated as methodically structured lines of communication. The body of sources published here presents--embedded in the body-image (of sickness and health) prevalent at the time--the medical cultures of educated patients as well as the increasingly professionalized medical practices of Samuel Hahnemann in a flourishing urban doctor's surgery. The correspondence between the pastors Albert Wilhelm Gotthilf Nagel (1796-1835) and August Carl Ludwig Georg Mühlenbein (1797-1866), presented here in a standard edition, has been investigated at Fulda University as part of the project 'Homöopathisches Medicinieren zwischen alltäglicher Lebensführung und professioneller Praxis' ('Homeopathic medicine between everyday use and professional practice'). Of the altogether 78 transcribed documents, 53 are letters written by either of the two pastors, 16 are patient journals by Samuel Hahnemann, 9 letters by the pastors' wives and Mühlenbein's mother. The two series of letters, originally composed between 1831 and 1833 in old German cursive script, can now be used as sources for research into the history of homeopathy.

作为研究项目的一部分,对科学史的发展以及后期封建小国Köthen-Anhalt的地区和教会历史进行了评估,并检查了Nagel和m hlenbein家族历史的大量文件,这些文件将两位新教牧师的病人来信抄写在Hahnemann档案的背景下。这些发现补充并扩展了之前对Hahnemann的Köthen客户的见解,特别是当涉及到当地神职精英的结构和环境时。受顺序文本分析解释方法的启发,对两位神职人员及其亲属的信件的形式和内容也进行了有条不紊的结构化交流。这里发表的大量资料——嵌入当时流行的身体形象(疾病和健康)——展示了受过教育的患者的医学文化,以及塞缪尔·哈内曼(Samuel Hahnemann)在蓬勃发展的城市医生手术中日益专业化的医疗实践。牧师Albert Wilhelm Gotthilf Nagel(1796-1835)和August Carl Ludwig Georg mhlenbein(1797-1866)之间的通信,在这里的标准版本中,作为“Homöopathisches Medicinieren zwischen alltäglicher lebens hrung und professioneller practice”(“日常使用和专业实践之间的顺势疗法药物”)项目的一部分,在富尔达大学进行了调查。在总共78份转录的文件中,53份是两位牧师写的信,16份是塞缪尔·哈内曼(Samuel Hahnemann)的病人日记,9份是牧师的妻子和海伦拜因的母亲写的信。这两封书信最初是在1831年至1833年之间用古德国草书写成的,现在可以作为顺势疗法历史研究的资料。
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引用次数: 0
[How to dose correctly? An overview of debates in the United States, Great Britain and Germany (1830s to 1970s)]. 如何正确用药?美国、英国和德国(19世纪30年代至70年代)的辩论综述。
Florian G Mildenberger

The dispute over low and high potencies is no longer current in today's homeopathy, but from the 1830s to the 1960s it played a major role in scientific discourse. The devotees of high potencies claimed to be the only true Hahnemannians, while their antagonists tried to practise a scientific, modernized homeopathy. The former ultimately triumphed in Britain, the U.S. and Germany, but this happened on quite different routes in each of these countries. As well as Hahnemann, other scholars, such as Constantin Hering, James T. Kent and Karl Koetschau, played important roles in the international disputes.

在今天的顺势疗法中,关于低效和高效的争论不再流行,但从19世纪30年代到60年代,它在科学论述中发挥了重要作用。高效力的信徒声称是唯一真正的哈尼曼人,而他们的对手试图实践一种科学的,现代化的顺势疗法。前者最终在英国、美国和德国取得了胜利,但这在这些国家的发展路线却截然不同。除了哈内曼之外,康斯坦丁·赫林、詹姆斯·t·肯特和卡尔·科特肖等学者在国际争端中也发挥了重要作用。
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引用次数: 0
[Advertising and Zeitgeist. The advertising of Schwabe Pharmaceuticals]. 广告与时代精神。Schwabe制药公司的广告]。
Cornelia Hofmann, Ortrun Riha

This contribution explores the advertisements for homeopathic products in magazines in the first half of the twentieth century, focusing on the period between 1933 and 1945 and based on the example of the pharmaceutical company Dr Willmar Schwabe. In the first half of the twentieth century, Schwabe Pharmaceuticals was market leader for homeopathic and other complementary medical products (phytotherapy, biochemicals). The example chosen as well as the time frame complement the existing research. We searched three German publications (the homeopathy journal Leipziger Populäre Zeitschrift für Homöopathie, the medical weekly Münchner Medizinische Wochenschrift and the pharma magazine Pharmazeutische Zeitung) and collected target-group-specific results for laypersons, physicians and pharmacists. Analysis of the images and texts in the selected advertisements often reflected the historical background and the respective health policies (wartime requirements, times of need, "Neue Deutsche Heilkunde"). The history of this traditional company was seen as an important point in advertising, as were the recognisability of the brand through the company logo, the emphasis on the high quality of their products and the reference to the company's own research activities. We furthermore found the kind of argumentation that is typical of natural medicine (naturalness, the power of the sun, prominent representatives). Schwabe met the expectations of its clients, who were interested in complementary medicine, whilst pursuing an approach to homeopathy that was compatible with natural science, and it presented itself as a modern, scientifically oriented enterprise. The company did not lose credibility as a result, but increased its clientele by expanding to include the whole naturopathic market.

这篇文章探讨了20世纪上半叶杂志上顺势疗法产品的广告,重点关注1933年至1945年期间,并以制药公司Dr . Willmar Schwabe为例。在20世纪上半叶,施瓦贝制药公司是顺势疗法和其他辅助医疗产品(植物疗法、生化产品)的市场领导者。所选择的例子和时间框架是对现有研究的补充。我们检索了三份德国出版物(顺势疗法杂志Leipziger Populäre Zeitschrift f r Homöopathie,医学周刊m nchner Medizinische Wochenschrift和制药杂志Pharmazeutische Zeitung),并收集了针对外行、医生和药剂师的特定目标群体的结果。对选定广告中的图像和文字的分析往往反映了历史背景和各自的卫生政策(战时要求、需要的时代、"Neue Deutsche Heilkunde")。这家传统公司的历史被视为广告的一个重要方面,通过公司标志的品牌认可度,对产品高质量的强调以及对公司自身研究活动的参考也是如此。我们进一步发现了自然医学的典型论证(自然性、太阳的力量、杰出的代表)。Schwabe满足了对补充医学感兴趣的客户的期望,同时追求一种与自然科学兼容的顺势疗法,并将自己呈现为一家现代的、以科学为导向的企业。该公司并没有因此失去信誉,而是通过扩大到包括整个自然疗法市场来增加其客户。
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引用次数: 0
[Philo of Alexandria and his views on health and sickness]. 亚历山大的斐洛和他对健康和疾病的看法。
Otto Kaiser

Philo of Alexandria, Torah scholar and philosopher of religion, (c. 20 BC to 50 BCE) is the first Middle Platonic philosopher whom we know through his own works. His thinking was determined by the two antitheses of God and world, and virtue and vice. The Logos (divine reason) mediates between the transcendent God and the earthly world. His thoughts on health and illness and on the possibilities and limitations of medicine are testimony to his comprehensive philosophical education as well as to his belief in God as ruler of the world and of human life. He saw human health as the reward for self-control for which one was best prepared by the classical education programme. Self-control and physical exercise were therefore, in his view, possible guarantors of health, and a coach potentially more important than a physician. Illnesses, if they result from the loss of self-control, may point to the necessity for penitence. Philo therefore saw virtuousness as the safest precondition for a healthy and cheerful life. That the life forces increase during youth and diminish in old age is part of destiny. Similarly, illness can be brought about by strokes of fate. If illness occurred in this or any other way, medicine was there to help and its success or failure depended on divine providence. Like Jesus Sirach, the Jewish scholar who taught around a hundred years earlier, Philo did not think it sinful to use medical help if one was ill, seeing that God himself had made natural remedies available. He compared the importance of physicians for their patients to that other professionals have in people's lives. Philo did not provide a compendium on the work of the physician, but he gave indications, on nutrition for instance, or on the use of laxatives and fragrances, or that complaints can be necessary stages of recovery. Philo also asked himself whether physicians were always obliged to tell patients the truth. The only case of illness he described in sufficient detail was one of leprosy, which he diagnosed in accordance with Leviticus 13:2. Philo saw physicians as helpers of God, who was the Lord of life and who would therefore decide on the fate of the healthy and sick. Faith in God, Philo thought, was vital if one was to cope with life's ups and downs. Only the wicked had to fear death, however, while the souls of the righteous returned to heaven after death.

亚历山大的斐洛,托拉学者和宗教哲学家,(公元前20年至公元前50年)是我们通过他自己的作品所知道的第一位中世纪柏拉图派哲学家。他的思想是由上帝与世界、美德与罪恶这两种对立所决定的。逻各斯(神圣的理性)在超越的上帝和世俗世界之间进行调解。他对健康和疾病以及医学的可能性和局限性的思考证明了他全面的哲学教育,也证明了他相信上帝是世界和人类生活的统治者。他认为人类的健康是自我控制的回报,古典教育为自我控制做了最好的准备。因此,在他看来,自我控制和体育锻炼可能是健康的保证,教练可能比医生更重要。疾病,如果是由于自我控制的丧失而引起的,则可能表明忏悔的必要性。因此,斐洛认为美德是健康快乐生活的最安全的先决条件。青春时生命力增强,老年时生命力减弱,这是命运的一部分。同样地,疾病也可能是由命运的打击引起的。如果疾病以这样或那样的方式发生,医学就会提供帮助,它的成功或失败取决于神的旨意。就像大约一百年前的犹太学者西拉赫(Jesus Sirach)一样,菲罗认为生病时使用药物治疗并不是有罪的,因为他看到上帝自己已经创造了自然疗法。他将医生对病人的重要性与其他专业人士在人们生活中的重要性进行了比较。斐洛没有提供医生工作的概要,但他给出了一些指示,例如营养,泻药和香水的使用,或者抱怨可能是恢复的必要阶段。菲洛也问自己,医生是否总是有义务告诉病人真相。他唯一详细描述的疾病是麻风病,他根据利未记13章2节诊断出麻风病。斐洛认为医生是上帝的帮手,上帝是生命的主宰,因此决定健康和生病的人的命运。菲洛认为,如果一个人要应对人生的起起落落,对上帝的信仰是至关重要的。然而,只有恶人才会害怕死亡,而义人的灵魂在死后会回到天堂。
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引用次数: 0
[Love on enemy territory: Belgrade, Cetinje and Lublin under Austro-Hungarian occupation in World War I]. 敌人领土上的爱情:第一次世界大战中奥匈帝国占领下的贝尔格莱德、采蒂涅和卢布林。
Tamara Scheer

During World War I, Serbia and Montenegro were under Austro-Hungarian occupation between late 1915/early 1916 and 1918. This article explores the attitude of the occupiers towards prostitution and venereal disease, among the indigenous population as well as among their own soldiers, officers and female support staff. The measures taken were primarily guided by military considerations. For the military, the occupied areas were zones that served particular purposes, such as preserving peace and order behind the front, making use of manpower and resources, and serving as cordon sanitaire. In spite of this, pseudo-peace-like structures evolved in the capitals Belgrade and Cetinje that facilitated the spread of prostitution and venereal disease. In my article, I will look at the scale of the debate and of the proposed countermeasures. It is noticeable that women were usually branded as the perpetrators, while the soldiers were seen as the ones in need of protection. In spite of this, it is apparent how candidly the royal-imperial army dealt with the topic even though it went against the current ideas of morality. The social differentiation that was customary in the imperial and royal army applied here, too. Officers suffering from venereal disease had their own hospitals and brothels and were permitted leave more often (a fact that went against the purpose of these institutions). The topic also received publicity because the military physicians, who were in fact civilians mobilized by the army, chose to publish continuously on the topic. Based on the microcosm of occupied enemy territory, my contribution shows how ideas of morality changed during the war despite traditional gender stereotypes, and the role played by the military in these developments.

第一次世界大战期间,塞尔维亚和黑山在1915年底/ 1916年初至1918年期间被奥匈帝国占领。本文探讨了占领者对土著居民以及他们自己的士兵、军官和女支助人员中卖淫和性病的态度。所采取的措施主要是出于军事考虑。对军方来说,占领区是具有特殊目的的区域,例如维护后方的和平与秩序,利用人力和资源,以及充当警戒线的卫生设施。尽管如此,在首都贝尔格莱德和采蒂涅形成了似和平的结构,助长了卖淫和性病的传播。在我的文章中,我将着眼于争论的规模和提出的对策。值得注意的是,妇女通常被视为肇事者,而士兵则被视为需要保护的人。尽管如此,可以明显看出,尽管皇军与当时的道德观念背道而驰,但他们对待这个话题的态度是多么坦率。在帝国和皇家军队中司空见惯的社会差异在这里也适用。患有性病的军官有自己的医院和妓院,并且更经常被允许离开(这一事实违背了这些机构的宗旨)。这个话题也得到了宣传,因为军医,实际上是由军队动员的平民,选择继续发表关于这个话题的文章。基于被占领的敌方领土的缩影,我的文章展示了尽管传统的性别刻板印象,道德观念在战争期间是如何变化的,以及军队在这些发展中所扮演的角色。
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引用次数: 0
[The development of nursing schools in East and West Germany]. [东德和西德护理学校的发展]。
Simone Moses

This study compares the various nursing schools in East and West Germany. In the 1980s and early 1990s the professionalization of nursing was still in its infancy there compared with Anglo-America. There were attempts to professionalize nursing that were meant to enhance the quality of nursing as well as lead to improved working conditions. As part of the political debates in the field after German reunification, the nursing schools in the former east were also affected by reform efforts. From the 1960s, diploma courses in nursing studies and in the teaching of medicine had been offered in the east and, up into the 1990s, these courses were repeatedly modified and adapted to educational requirements. The study also tries to establish the extent to which the academization of nursing in the reunified Germany was driven by the concurrence of the different training routes in West and East. It analyses above all the diverse study syllabi and lengths of training. What also emerged was that, despite all the positive impulses arising from the East German training models, the continuous changes in training in the GDR not only served to improve the nursing qualifications but also to promote identification with the socialist system and its political ideology. In addition, the teaching of theory was never prominent in East German nursing, while, in the west, theory was increasingly asked for and eventually also implemented. The possibility, in the former east, to study the teaching of medicine definitely made an impact on the nursing training in the west after the reunification and the subject is now offered at universities there, too. Despite all that, the concept of "professional nursing," which needs to be practised in a practical, patient-oriented way, and on a scientific basis, is again being discussed since the introduction of Bachelor and Master study courses. The process of professionalizing and academizing the nursing schools and further training courses clearly continues despite the impulses received from the former East Germany.

这项研究比较了东德和西德的各种护理学校。在20世纪80年代和90年代初,与英美相比,护理专业化仍处于起步阶段。有人试图将护理专业化,以提高护理质量,并改善工作条件。作为德国统一后该领域政治辩论的一部分,前东德的护理学校也受到改革努力的影响。从20世纪60年代开始,东方开设了护理研究和医学教学的文凭课程,直到20世纪90年代,这些课程被反复修改,以适应教育要求。研究还试图确定在统一后的德国,护理学院化在多大程度上是由东西方不同的培训路线共同推动的。首先分析了不同的学习大纲和训练时间。此外,尽管东德的培训模式产生了积极的推动力,但民主德国培训的不断变化不仅有助于提高护理资格,还促进了对社会主义制度及其政治意识形态的认同。此外,理论教学在东德护理中从未突出,而在西方,理论越来越多地被要求并最终得到实施。在前东德,医学教学的可能性在统一后对西部的护理培训产生了一定的影响,现在西部的大学也开设了这门课程。尽管如此,自从引入学士和硕士学习课程以来,“专业护理”的概念再次被讨论,因为它需要以实用的、以病人为导向的方式进行实践,并建立在科学基础上。尽管受到前东德的推动,护理学校的专业化和学院化进程以及进一步的培训课程显然仍在继续。
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引用次数: 0
期刊
Medizin, Gesellschaft, und Geschichte : Jahrbuch des Instituts fur Geschichte der Medizin der Robert Bosch Stiftung
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