Antipode最新文献

This paper reads the sale of citizenship via citizenship-by-investment (CBI) programmes through an offshore lens. Scholarship on offshore industries has long positioned citizenship sales as part of offshore capitalism—without exploring the phenomenon in any depth. Research on CBI, in turn, has with some notable exceptions neglected the phenomenon's offshore nature. This paper argues that CBI is an outgrowth and increasingly integral part of offshore capitalism, offering a new form of what Susan Roberts calls “regulatory arbitrage”, aiding elite wealth accumulation and power. The paper establishes this relationship by examining the countries and firms selling citizenship, their marketing strategies and customers and, crucially, the nature of the product which rests on the three “offshore pillars”, as described by Ronen Palan—virtual residency, easy incorporation, and secrecy. Conceptualising CBI as an offshore provision can transform how the phenomenon is understood and opens new avenues of thinking about its socio-structural role and impact in an unequal world.

Recent critical scholarship has brought attention to local resistance in the spaces of adaptation, with reported instances of local communities rejecting planned adaptation interventions around the world. As adaptation funding is only expected to grow, so should our understanding of this resistance. In this article, I investigate one such dispute where residents of a small village in São Tomé and Príncipe refused to participate in an adaptation project implemented by the national government and the United Nations Development Programme. I ground my analysis in the literature on post-politics and discuss the community's resistance as a Rancièrian “political interruption” of the post-political adaptation configuration in the country. I also investigate the factors that arguably led to local resistance, including the residents’ disillusion with what I term Big Development, and their political subjectivation through a local grassroots initiative. The paper concludes with reflections on countering the post-politics of adaptation as a prerequisite for more democratic and equitable local climate governance.

The concept of social infrastructure has experienced a rapid rise to prominence in recent years, both in academia and in policy. In this article, we explore a case study of cages (also known as Multi-Use Games Areas) in Hackney, North-East London. We argue that cages are forms of urban infrastructure which can facilitate multiple forms of sociality—especially for young people—and can thus be deemed valuable social infrastructure. However, this value can only be understood in context—in relation to the joys and harms of growing up in Hackney—and as in contest—the status and meaning of the cage is different for different groups, and there are considerable tensions over their use, ownership, and management. In our examination of the cage, we aim to explore and build upon existing conceptions of social infrastructure.

This article provides the first comprehensive empirical analysis of global profit repatriation as a mechanism of uneven development, thereby challenging the development model of Foreign Direct Investment. Between 2005 and 2020, transnational corporations repatriated an annual average of one trillion USD, corresponding each year to 4.2% of the global FDI stock. Net profit flows take on a centripetal form: the biggest net losers are middle-income countries such as the Russian Federation, Brazil, and Nigeria; the winners are a few high-income countries, above all the United States. By analysing the impact of profit repatriation on accumulation dynamics in net profit exporting and importing countries, and by examining the exploitative conditions under which profits are generated in the former, we situate our findings in current theoretical debates on uneven development and geographical transfer of value, as well as on the intertwining of capitalism's class and geographical antagonisms.

Drawing in part on the work of Édouard Glissant, this article explores how the Raizal population of the San Andrés Archipelago in the Caribbean mobilises the concept of maritorio as an archipelagic geopoetic vessel with emancipatory potential. This concept disrupts dominant land/sea binaries that result from and are rooted in geopolitical mechanisms and colonial fantasies. The San Andrés Archipelago is administratively and politically part of Colombia, but the Raizal people of the Archipelago share a long colonial and postcolonial history with Black Creole people elsewhere in the Anglophone Caribbean, especially the Caribbean Coast of Nicaragua, based on diverse forms of economic, familial, and cultural exchange and marine mobilities. For many years, the status of the Archipelago was the basis of a dispute between Nicaragua and Colombia at the International Court of Justice, who ruled in 2012 that the islands were in fact Colombian while Nicaragua gained 75,000 km² of sea. This ruling was devastating for the Raizales, fragmenting their maritorio and further thwarting Black mobilities and cultural exchange across the region. Legal-geopolitical dislocations applied to the islands and the sea exacerbated structural conditions of racial and environmental injustice, while geopoetic responses by Raizal people to this state of affairs serve to confront colonial dispossession, ecological damage, and the ideological fixities of the Eurocentric nation-state.

Amid the ongoing transformation of agrarian territories in peripheral geographies across the world through extended urbanisation, this paper delves into the persistence of peasant and pastoral strategies amidst the closing down effects of land enclosure and fragmentation. Based on ethnographic research conducted with transhumant pastoralists in Delhi National Capital Region, this paper finds that instead of diminishing under agrarian-urban transformation, pastoralists reassign use value to the fallows, wastelands, and surpluses of real estate speculation, thereby crafting a transhumance urbanism beyond the sedentary ontology of land and property. Understood as an urban otherwise, this urbanism remakes the fragments of material incompletion inherent within the agrarian-urban transformation, offering socio-ecological alternatives beyond the current impasse. The paper discusses the tentative, unsettled, and transient nature of this urbanism, which is always inter-mixed with its non-urban other. Contributing further to the scholarship emerging at the interstices of urban and agrarian studies, this paper calls for further comparative research on the territorial adaptation of peasant and pastoral populations routinely excluded from capitalist urbanisation processes unfolding in peripheral regions where sizeable itinerant populations coexist with extreme pressures of land enclosure.

Municipal bureaucrats in the United States—mostly on the social side of the state (e.g. public health, welfare, educators, housing, and sometimes urban planners) but not exclusively so (e.g. district attorney offices)—have shown growing willingness to engage in political battles within the bureaucracy, connect with social movements, and construct oppositional identities centred on social and racial justice. Critical urban theories of the state highlight important constraints that shape state strategies, functions, and policies but tell us little about the contradictions propelling some bureaucrats into political contests over power and legitimacy. Consequently, we turn to theorists who conceive of the bureaucratic state as a contradictory and relatively autonomous field where conflicts between dominated and dominant bureaucrats overlap and converge with conflicts between dominated and dominant class forces (Bourdieu, Gramsci, Hall, and Poulantzas). Their observations are used to formulate the three propositions that underpin our theoretical framework. These propositions draw attention to the structural, relational, and conjunctural processes involved in forming individual bureaucrats into an insurgent political subject.

This paper advances a reading of the social metabolism as a dynamic orchestration of heterogeneous rhythms, encompassing those intrinsic to human bodies and other natural processes, and those of relations mediating both. Contrary to pre-capitalist societies, as the collective mediation of the social metabolism adopts a capitalist form, it becomes autonomised from its conditions of existence, and a “temporal rift” emerges, with two distinct dimensions: the rhythmic conditions of regeneration of human bodies and natural processes, as well as the terms of occurrence of non-subsumed practices, become subordinated to capital's reproductive needs, thus compromising the reproduction of all Earthly life.

This paper draws on research on infrastructure-led development and urbanisation in Nairobi to explore the new urban geographies of rentier capitalism in Africa. Under the banner of Kenya's Vision 2030 national development strategy, Nairobi's agrarian hinterlands have been transformed by major road building projects. These initiatives have catalysed a peri-urban property boom characterised by the conversion of agricultural and ranching land into urban real estate and the verticalisation of road corridors. The paper identifies four processes of land transformation driving this real estate market expansion: commodification; speculation; autoconstruction; and assetisation. Adopting a multi-scalar conjunctural approach, it argues that rentier capitalism in this context is spatialised through the dramatic extension of real estate frontiers along the route of peri-urban road corridors. Development along these corridors assumes a “grey” character that defies conventional formal–informal distinctions, enabling the extraction of large rentier profits and encouraging the further proliferation of frontier spaces.