Antipode最新文献

Dader K and Joronen M (2025) Fitful Infrastructures: Dwelling with Infrastructural Elimination in Gaza. Antipode 57(3): 886–906 https://doi.org/10.1111/anti.70013

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Open access publishing facilitated by Tampereen yliopisto ja Tampereen ammattikorkeakoulu, as part of the Wiley—FinELib agreement.

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European Research Council Grant Number: 101087950

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Liberal states must reconcile extraction-driven economic growth with environmental protection. While literature on environmental fixes documents how conservation measures can ease this tension, it has yet to fully explore the conditions, which normalise the transformation of overexploitation into an ecological, rather than economic, problem. Using the entanglement of British Columbia's wolf cull, resource industries and endangered caribou as a case study, I draw from conservation archives, economic data and theories of liberal environmental governance to show how balancing calls for both extraction and environmental protection allows for the state to engage in ‘ecological displacement’, where regulation is shifted from economy to ecology. Further, I argue that this displacement is dependent on pre-existing domination of animal life. These findings suggest that understanding the proliferation of what geographers call conservation fixes requires engagement with conditions of the liberal state that make lethal ecological intervention more available than regulation of extractive interests.

Since 2015, the Italy–Slovenia border and the city of Trieste have become key points on the so-called Balkan Route, contributing to this border's stratified history. This article proposes the concept of “intimate traces”—such as discarded objects and bodily waste—as a novel perspective to analyse the everyday violence to which migrants are subjected upon applying for asylum in Italy. Drawing on recurring periods of fieldwork in 2022–2023, I reveal how intimate traces expose the everyday violence that works towards the debilitation of migrants' physical and psychological condition—instrumental to reinforcing technologies of migration control. At the same time, intimate traces become a testament—a way for migrants to engage with the territory they traverse, to become part of the stratifications and re-materialisations of the border. Concurrently, intimate traces are often co-opted into anti-migration narratives to divert the attention from the local government's inaction.

This article explores the endogenous characteristics of commons within the frameworks of precarity and commons through the urban commons movement in 1970s South Korea. During Korea's compressed capitalist transformation, rural migrants became the urban poor, occupying the lowest position in urban labour hierarchies. Through qualitative research methods and historical analysis, we examine the Nangok shantytown in Seoul, demonstrating how commons production is shaped by specific socio-cultural, geographical, and anthropological realities. Despite their marginalised status in a patriarchal society, urban poor housewives emerged as agents of an urban commons movement by developing new urban sensibilities, challenging the capitalist norms of work and home and the conventional community practice. This article reveals how their “working-in-commons” constituted new social relationships, illuminating how people's collective attempts to reorganise livelihoods transcend the work/home or production/reproduction dichotomy. Our analysis enhances the understanding of the commons movement as rooted in everyday urban struggles in rapidly urbanising societies.

In the context of global market integration, capital accumulation relies on social reproduction; yet unlimited accumulation disrupts the reproductive processes that sustain it. Vietnam is pursuing economic growth in the same fashion, relying on cheap migrant labour in urban areas that are stabilising rural areas through remittances and care, mostly from women. In such a process, migrant women have simultaneously negotiated between various spaces to distribute their physical, mental, and emotional labours, which is characterised as “multi-sited labour of social reproduction” in this research. Without sufficient support systems, such a process has depleted the bodies, minds, and emotions of migrant women. The paper advocates for redistributing reproductive responsibilities among the state, market, and society to address the disproportionate burden borne by migrant women, thereby promoting social justice and equality. The paper also argues for a nuanced understanding of the temporal and spatial dynamics of social reproduction; thus, recognising migrant women's identities and agency in today's migration trends.

This article explores the endogenous characteristics of commons within the frameworks of precarity and commons through the urban commons movement in 1970s South Korea. During Korea's compressed capitalist transformation, rural migrants became the urban poor, occupying the lowest position in urban labour hierarchies. Through qualitative research methods and historical analysis, we examine the Nangok shantytown in Seoul, demonstrating how commons production is shaped by specific socio-cultural, geographical, and anthropological realities. Despite their marginalised status in a patriarchal society, urban poor housewives emerged as agents of an urban commons movement by developing new urban sensibilities, challenging the capitalist norms of work and home and the conventional community practice. This article reveals how their “working-in-commons” constituted new social relationships, illuminating how people's collective attempts to reorganise livelihoods transcend the work/home or production/reproduction dichotomy. Our analysis enhances the understanding of the commons movement as rooted in everyday urban struggles in rapidly urbanising societies.

This paper frames migrant makeshift camps as mobility infrastructures, bridging scholarship on informal dwellings and migration infrastructures with the case of Bihać, a transit city on the Bosnia–Croatia border. The central idea is that grassroots makeshift camps assembled in abandoned buildings or tents play a key infrastructural role in supporting migrants' difficult journeys. Over months-long fieldwork along the Bosnia–Croatia border, the author combined ethnography with migrant-solidarity activism, gathering fieldnotes, photographing makeshift camps, and interviewing activists to reconstruct witnessed accounts of migrant encamping in Bihać. This mix of methods, here termed “counter-forensics”, was key to understanding the mobility-enabling power of makeshift camps along the Balkan Route. As the article highlights, makeshift camps can work as mobility infrastructures against immobilising borders, enabling migrants to (1) “hide” in urban interstices to reduce their visibility and access resources, (2) live together while preparing routes with smugglers, and (3) contest state-enforced evictions through disobedient reoccupations.

This paper frames migrant makeshift camps as mobility infrastructures, bridging scholarship on informal dwellings and migration infrastructures with the case of Bihać, a transit city on the Bosnia–Croatia border. The central idea is that grassroots makeshift camps assembled in abandoned buildings or tents play a key infrastructural role in supporting migrants' difficult journeys. Over months-long fieldwork along the Bosnia–Croatia border, the author combined ethnography with migrant-solidarity activism, gathering fieldnotes, photographing makeshift camps, and interviewing activists to reconstruct witnessed accounts of migrant encamping in Bihać. This mix of methods, here termed “counter-forensics”, was key to understanding the mobility-enabling power of makeshift camps along the Balkan Route. As the article highlights, makeshift camps can work as mobility infrastructures against immobilising borders, enabling migrants to (1) “hide” in urban interstices to reduce their visibility and access resources, (2) live together while preparing routes with smugglers, and (3) contest state-enforced evictions through disobedient reoccupations.

Decolonial theory (DT) has been advanced as a strategy for decolonisation alternative to 20^th-century anticolonialism, positioning decolonisation as an epistemic project rather than a historical-material one. Here, I examine DT's arguments about anticolonialism: that it had a dogmatic bias towards nationalism and postcolonial state formation, and that anticolonial Marxism ignores cultural and epistemological aspects of colonialism. Via a consideration of the history of 20^th-century decolonisation and an engagement with the anticolonial Marxism of Walter Rodney and Amílcar Cabral, I argue that DT relies on a mischaracterisation of this intellectual and political history, thereby foreclosing serious engagement with it. An important consequence is the downplaying of the historical and continued significance of imperialism. Engaging recent work on the question of decolonising geography, I argue for greater engagement with the politics of national liberation and internationalism in contemporary discussions of decolonisation, and for the continuing relevance of anticolonial Marxism.

Decolonial theory (DT) has been advanced as a strategy for decolonisation alternative to 20^th-century anticolonialism, positioning decolonisation as an epistemic project rather than a historical-material one. Here, I examine DT's arguments about anticolonialism: that it had a dogmatic bias towards nationalism and postcolonial state formation, and that anticolonial Marxism ignores cultural and epistemological aspects of colonialism. Via a consideration of the history of 20^th-century decolonisation and an engagement with the anticolonial Marxism of Walter Rodney and Amílcar Cabral, I argue that DT relies on a mischaracterisation of this intellectual and political history, thereby foreclosing serious engagement with it. An important consequence is the downplaying of the historical and continued significance of imperialism. Engaging recent work on the question of decolonising geography, I argue for greater engagement with the politics of national liberation and internationalism in contemporary discussions of decolonisation, and for the continuing relevance of anticolonial Marxism.