Antipode最新文献

The Moroccan and Spanish governments pursue the visibility of people and things. They observe and survey in order to codify, catalogue, classify, and calculate. Rather than trace the contours of such projects, this paper seeks to provoke a more sustained engagement with modes of errantry that confound their logics of command and control. Building on more than 18 months of multi-sited ethnography, it explores how marginalised communities navigate unequal geographies of visibility. To do so, I revisit the work of Édouard Glissant and some of his interlocutors to contemplate fluctuating vectors of opacity amongst communities living in hashish trafficking hubs. Frequently stigmatised as violent criminals and indolent freeloaders—their itineraries effaced—inhabitants of La Atunara (Spain) and the central Rif (Morocco) grapple with detection and wrestle with capture. This paper explores these positionings without reading them as disarray or disorder but as purposeful refusals worthy of political reflection.

In November and December of 2021, the Fraser Valley in southwest British Columbia suffered extreme flooding due to an atmospheric river. Although the event was attributed to climate change, I suggest that the recent floods must be understood through the historical geography of flood control infrastructure in the valley, particularly dikes. In this article, I trace the development of these infrastructures from the beginning of colonisation to the completion of the first state-managed diking system in the early 20^th century. I argue that at the same time as dikes secured land for settler farmers, they exposed Indigenous peoples to new hazards—ironically including floods—and multiplied the damage of future flood events. Building on geographic literature demonstrating the participation of dike infrastructure in racialised capital accumulation and settler colonialism, I highlight the way that dikes have abetted these projects through the uneven spatial production of vulnerability.

This paper explores the role of community food spaces in processes of social change and reproduction. I investigate the mechanisms by which these groups reproduce, exacerbate, or dismantle power relations and socio-environmental injustices. I systematically examine exclusion and inclusion dynamics and assess what shapes diversity of participation and representation. Contending that diversity is not a sufficient indicator of social equity and may overshadow forms of injustice, I unpack the interlocking workings of privilege and power in place and examine innovative ways of developing emancipatory food politics. Drawing upon activist ethnography among community gardens, people's kitchens, and co-operative projects in Berlin, I expose the complex, dual nature of its food activist landscape, characterised by the coexistence of experienced, locally rooted, and openly political projects, and more recent, outsider-led sustainability- and consumption-orientated projects—together embodying the variegated and shifting politics of socio-environmental change in the city and beyond.

Studying the Sorgenfri urban renewal project in the Swedish city of Malmö, this article suggests that a shift in planning documents reflects a new understanding of segregation containing traces of arguments from theoretical debates in geography. This new understanding of segregation appears informed by geographic debates on encounters, mobility, and boundaries, and implies that segregation is best addressed by planners in public space “between” housing areas to create more “meetings” between “strangers”. While planning focused on segregation in a more granular way, it also ignored racialised inequality's structural preconditions in ways that perfectly match the neoliberal premises of municipal planning. Thus, translating spatial theory into planning practice can be seen as a strategically selective work shaped by local political conditions. This means that geographers’ work might have unexpected and undesired effects even when it has “impact” in policy practice, and that geographers would do well to face this challenge equally strategically.

Urban Political Ecology (UPE) has explored human–soil relations, emphasising the political dimensions of environmental degradation in and through urbanisation. However, UPE lacks critical reflection on governance collusions with illicit actors. Bridging this gap, my paper combines UPE with literature on criminal urban governance, focusing on how urban sand shapes illicit urbanisation. To address UPE's oversight of criminal governance, I explore Rio de Janeiro's militias expanding their illegal portfolio through terrain modification, linking illicit activities to territorial control. Integrating criminal governance with UPE, I argue for the concept of Urban Illicit Ecologies (UIE). Urban sandscapes become multi-sited, illicit geographies revealing imbrications of formal state and criminal actors, political dimensions, and inequalities in resource extraction and environmental processes. By understanding urban illicit ecology, we gain insights into the contested claims of political authority and territorial control between militias and the state.

This paper proposes the concept of “spatial sovereignties” to understand the governance of squatted spaces, using the case study of Hamburg's autonomous Rote Flora. Referring very loosely to theories of the “excess flesh” of the homo sacer in the state of exception, the paper then inverts these classic theories by instead interrogating a situation where non-state actors establish their own states of banishment and political exception. These “excess spaces” are not created when the “excess flesh” of the banned subject is stripped of sovereignty, but rather when radical actors, possessing full agency and privilege, intentionally establish their own biopolitical self-administration. This ultimately constitutes what I posit as a new form of “spatial sovereignty”, wherein self-banned subjects refuse the social contract to instead carve out alternative forms of sovereignty grounded in squatted excess spaces, which ultimately also develop autonomous forms of self-governance, justice, and self-surveillance within sites of alternative citizenship.

This article delves into the concept of valorisation of space, a prominent notion in Marxist geographical literature in Brazil. We critically examine this concept—stemming from a theoretical approach introduced in the 1980s during the critical renewal of Brazilian geography—by juxtaposing it with contributions from the Marxist value-form tradition. This comparison reveals certain operational limits in the concept of valorisation of space. Nevertheless, these limitations can be overcome by more precisely defining it as a subset of practices within the broader context of space production: it can be conceptualised as a specific type of space production, occurring when space itself becomes the subject of valorisation. Furthermore, we explore the potentialities of the concept, showcasing its operationalisation through concrete examples of dynamics within the Brazilian territory.

This paper contributes to debates on autonomous geographies by foregrounding and analysing democratic praxis in two grassroots agrifood collectives to interrogate the ways in which it constitutes a vehicle for postcapitalist transformation. We focus on the negotiation and (re)distribution of power (Case Study 1) and the politicisation of ambiguous human–more-than-human entanglements (Case Study 2) and find that the dynamics and frictions these collectives experience can be understood as diverse processes of becoming-interdependent. Becoming-interdependent refers to a collective recognition of existing and emerging relationships and dependencies (amongst human people as well as between humans and more-than-human actors) and efforts to continuously navigate these. Based on these insights, we discuss tensions between capitalist–postcapitalist realities and making–unmaking in grassroots collectives. We conclude by conceptualising becoming-interdependent as a deliberate response to the separations and abstractions inscribed in capitalism and by connecting it to debates on strategies for postcapitalist transformation.

This paper investigates the relationship between “civic pedagogy” and institutions, through three case studies: the Live Works Castlegate Co-Production at the University of Sheffield; a Collective Design Pedagogy at Muktangan School, India; and the School for Civic Action at the Tate Exchange. The projects aim to build citizens’ agency with transformative urban potential by engaging civic pedagogy using different scales, perspectives, and resources: as engagement with schools, higher education institutions, and art practices. Using Pelin Tan's definition of urgent pedagogies as a framework, this paper investigates the alternative alliances, trans-territorial solidarities, and transversal methodologies of each project, comparing and contrasting methods and techniques. We discuss the potential for a shared decentralisation of learning associated with institutions, by engaging with the urban environment and communities, and propose a series of codependent practices for the initiation and sustenance of civic pedagogy for geographers interested in urban learning and education.

This paper engages with the relationship between dissident European mayors and the migrant solidarity movement in Europe after 2015. With the case study of the coalition “From the Sea to the City”, I examine how its members institutionalise mayors’ dissent at a transnational level through the International Alliance of Safe Harbours. Employing primary empirical data, the study finds that coalition members create a political sequence in four ways: developing a storyline and setting up a broad coalition of migrant solidarity; referencing mayors’ disruptive acts; nurturing counter-imaginaries; and laying the foundation for further action towards transforming the instituted order of European migration politics. To conceptualise the empirical findings, I draw on concepts of political organisation. In this vein, the paper calls for an assessment of movement politics that goes beyond the belief that local disruptions will suffice to set in motion a progressive transformation of European migration politics.