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This paper develops the concept of double frontiers—urban sites where capitalist accumulation and ethno-territorial ordering are articulated—to examine communal capitalism as a mode of authoritarian rule in contemporary India. Focusing on Ahmedabad, India's most segregated city, it shows how segregation shifted after the 2002 pogrom from orchestrated riots to technical procedures of urban development. Based on 19 months of ethnographic research (2017–2021), the paper compares two sites: Juhapura, where riot-driven displacement, strategic neglect, and legal restrictions converged with informal property markets to entrench segregation; and Ganeshnagar, a resettlement colony where displacement and bureaucratic violence reproduced segregation under Modi's post-2002 agenda. While both reveal how development conceals communal violence, Ganeshnagar also exposed the order's fragility: its marginality enabled fleeting Hindu–Muslim alliances that unsettled Ahmedabad's spatial order. The paper argues that communal capitalism makes the production of segregation and Muslim marginality central to development, yet also generates openings where solidarities challenge its hegemony.

This paper addresses stories of surveillance of Brazilian critical/radical geographers, drawing on innovative sources. That is, the folders and reports through which the political police and related institutions watched critical and radical scholars during the 20th century in all Brazilian states and abroad, under both ‘dictatorial’ and ‘democratic’ regimes. Our argument is twofold: first, surveillance is not only a device that characterises ‘authoritarian’ or ‘autocratic’ regimes, but a dispositive that can be geared at any moment to the repression of dissidences, even in what is called a ‘democracy’, being not only ‘technology’, but intention to construct a political enemy. Second, ideas on radicalising archives and rescuing alternative geographical traditions should take advantage of hostile sources produced by ‘adversaries’ such as police informants, radicalising these sources through critical readings. To this end, direct access to original documents, places and languages proves paramount to put transnational radical geographies in mutual dialogues.

The modern slavery-climate change nexus is emerging as a trendy topic. It combines two powerful consensus narratives, modern slavery and climate change, and has been uncritically embraced by scholars, charities, campaigners and corporations. In this article, we argue that rather than representing an exciting advancement in society–environment scholarship, the modern slavery-climate change nexus resurrects the long-discredited theory of environmental determinism. It absolves the West of its historical responsibilities for labour exploitation and environmental destruction, from which it continues to benefit, while shifting the burden of action to the global majority. By doing that, it provides Western states, corporations and even academics with a convenient storyline which allows them to reinforce neoliberal agendas whilst positioning themselves as saviours, and corporations to continue exploitative practices whilst presenting as ethical.

This paper concerns CIE Aluche, an immigration detention center in Madrid's southwestern inner suburbs. This site is the location of overlapping political struggles—over urban planning, historical memory, migrant justice, and detention abolition. In this paper, I unpack what I call the carceral and abolition remains of this site. I trace how these remains have articulated with contemporary processes to shape the current conjuncture and possibilities for CIE Aluche. This paper demonstrates the role of landscapes in bringing past social formations into articulation with contemporary conjunctures and the formation of conjunctural openings. I ultimately diagnose that there is a strong possibility for CIE Aluche's closure, but that this would be a conjunctural closure rather than a step toward detention or border abolition. This paper highlights how detention abolition projects are historically and geographically grounded, practical endeavors while also aiming at an expansive, emancipatory horizon.

Describing heavily polluted areas as “sacrifice zones” has become commonplace in recent decades, as diverse groups resist their unwitting exposure to destructive and toxic industrial, municipal, and military activities. However, pollutants tend to seep, spill, leak, and drift from wherever they are concentrated, defying any notion of physical containment within a specific area. Accordingly, this work considers various cases of what we call fugitive pollution to interrogate the assumptions of relative containment and (in)security that the concept of sacrifice zones implies. Although we are sympathetic to the concept's affective appeal, we conclude that its reliance on shaky notions of spatial fixity, boundaries, and protection undermines the project of supplanting colonial racial capitalism with convivial socio-ecological relations. We, in turn, explore disablement as a potential heuristic alternative to “sacrifice zones” to respatialize conceptual articulations of environmental harm from geographical sites to individual yet interconnected bodies.

The humanitarian disaster triggered by Hurricane Katrina exposed the racial violence and class domination that structures New Orleans and the broader US South. In the immediate aftermath of the storm's destruction, the state of Louisiana transformed New Orleans' neighborhood schools into privately managed charter schools and 7000 teachers, staff, and administrators were terminated. Drawing on ethnographic field research between 2013 and 2023, this article explores the social impact of this quasi-privatization by analyzing how the politics of space, place, and citizenship in Black New Orleans are being transformed by the jettisoning of traditional neighborhood public schools. This essay builds on critical work in Black geographies and Black studies to argue that, despite claims of success, the neoliberal policies implemented post-Katrina have not only failed to address the educational needs of Black New Orleanians but have also reinforced a narrative of Black dysfunction that justifies ongoing state violence and neglect.

This article examines the relationship between gentrification and policing by considering how regimes of property and policing produce racial subjects. To do so, we draw together recent scholarship on racial regimes of property and a more established literature on community policing. We then use this work to trace how regimes of property and policing overlapped in a gentrifying neighbourhood of Halifax, Canada. Here, regimes of property and policing both encouraged white homeowners to see the neighbourhood as their own and gave them opportunities to act on this perception. The same two regimes constructed the Black tenants of the neighbourhood's largest public housing complex as the antithesis of white homeowners, making them the targets of increasingly invasive property and policing practices as gentrification proceeded. The tenants, however, also maintained forms of ‘non-propertied’ collective life in and against these regimes, prefiguring a world beyond property, policing and their violent intersections.

For 3 weeks in early 2022, the so-called ‘Freedom’ Convoy took over the downtown of Canada's capital, fuelled by frustrations with the federal government over strict vaccine policies and frequent lockdowns. In response, the Prime Minister declared a national crisis and invoked the Emergencies Act. This article examines the financial sanctions used as part of these emergency measures to force an end to the Ottawa encampments. In the 1 week during which the Emergency Orders were active, individual financial accounts were frozen with a total value of about $8 million. In the words of legal scholar Michelle Gallant, the government was brandishing a ‘financial hammer’ straight out of the counter-terrorism financing playbook. I examine the use of these sanctions, their impact and their troubling implications—both in terms of the extension of the tools of counter-terrorism finance to policing protests and their legitimation in terms of national economic security.

In this paper, I take the case of Maasai pastoralists' land struggles as an entry point to demonstrate ontological struggles over how land is known, treated and managed in Tanzania. Engaging political ontology and Indigenous scholarship and drawing on my own lived experiences as an Indigenous Maasai, I highlight a Maasai relational mode of inhabitation (Eramatare) that informs different natures being struggled over in land conflicts. Firstly, I show how this mode of inhabitation differs from a modernist-colonial mode of inhabitation that structures destructive societal relations with nature. Secondly, I illuminate how Eramatare challenges the colonial assumptions about nature and the insights it may offer to those seeking for a decolonial socio-ecological transformation.