Antipode最新文献

In British Columbia (BC), Canada, industry advocates are increasingly mobilising bioenergy as a renewable and carbon neutral fuel source in energy transition and climate change mitigation strategies. At the same time, changing climate conditions have exacerbated the extent and severity of beetle and fire activity in the region, and trees impacted by extreme climate events are allocated as salvage wood in a growing bioenergy sector. This paper draws from timber supply and sector growth data in the Cariboo–Omineca fibre “basket” and follows the global wood pellet supply chain that links trees from BC to heat and power generation in the UK, the fibre “boiler”. The basket and boiler metaphors expose the powerful combination of state policy and capital accumulation in both BC and European contexts, and the discourses of waste and salvage that enabled sectoral growth in wood pellet manufacturing.

The paper examines the existing relationships between universities and Frontex, investigating and problematising the intersection between the higher education sector and the violence of the European border regime. We introduce the concept of positivist dissonance to conceptualise these relationships within the wider “industrial-military-academic complex”. Several cases are examined, ranging from the Horizon projects involving both universities and Frontex to the research grants offered by the agency and its teaching programmes. We also discuss the case of our department at the Polytechnic of Turin, which has provided cartographic services to Frontex. The paper offers a twofold contribution. First, expanding on available scholarship, it shows how universities function as key actors in the enforcement of regimes of border control. Second, it provides conceptual and empirical insights to centre academia as a prime ground not only of critical thinking but also of direct struggle against the violence of the EU border regime.

The paper examines the existing relationships between universities and Frontex, investigating and problematising the intersection between the higher education sector and the violence of the European border regime. We introduce the concept of positivist dissonance to conceptualise these relationships within the wider “industrial-military-academic complex”. Several cases are examined, ranging from the Horizon projects involving both universities and Frontex to the research grants offered by the agency and its teaching programmes. We also discuss the case of our department at the Polytechnic of Turin, which has provided cartographic services to Frontex. The paper offers a twofold contribution. First, expanding on available scholarship, it shows how universities function as key actors in the enforcement of regimes of border control. Second, it provides conceptual and empirical insights to centre academia as a prime ground not only of critical thinking but also of direct struggle against the violence of the EU border regime.

This paper focuses on the everyday experiences of carcerality of a community, known as Kathputli Colony, that has been waiting to be rehoused by the state for over a decade in Delhi, India. We draw on Kathputli Colony's everyday experiences to argue that state-led housing policies and practices produce carceral socio-spatialities, rather than just transformations in the city. Everyday carcerality arrests marginalised communities within states of spatial, embodied, and temporal constraints at individual and collective levels. In turn, this paper understands state-led housing practices of in-situ redevelop to rehouse as part of the carceral continuum, advanced in this paper through the concept of “everyday carcerality”. We argue that the conceptual framing of everyday carcerality provokes questions on intimate yet often invisible interconnections among housing, homing, and carcerality in geographies that are not prison, yet are connected to the logics and logistics of the punitive state and its deepening entanglements with capitalist extraction of land and housing value.

The geography of incarceration in the USA has shifted over the past 20 years. While the USA remains atop the world in per capita incarceration rates and numbers of people inside, the locus of this system has been moving downscale over the past two decades. Local jail incarceration rates have been rising in rural counties and declining in many big cities; there are now more people overall incarcerated in rural jails than in urban jails. We explore this shift in Smith County, a small, mostly white rural county in Eastern Kentucky. Interview participants spoke of frequent jail stints, police harassment, unstable employment, punitive drug treatment, and unreliable housing. Relying on ethnographic research as well as insights from scholarship on racial capitalism and carceral geographies, we argue that the local state relies on racialised criminalisation as a way to manage class conflict in a rural geography characterised by organised abandonment.

In this article, we analyse secretive practices of border and migration management we term covert borderwork. Covert borderwork comprises techniques of border and migration management which adopt varying forms and temporalities of secrecy in their design, implementation, and/or performance. Through primary source documents and interviews, we detail and analyse the European Commission, EU member states, and the Australian government's use of fronts such as the UNHCR, the International Organization for Migration, and private firms, as well as the use of incentivised agents and unbranded materials to obscure or conceal their involvement in their own migration information campaigns. We describe and analyse secretive forms of direct engagement with potential migrants and their communities to spread anti-migration sentiment in Africa and the Asia-Pacific. We show this covert borderwork to be facilitated through various astroturfing techniques designed to obscure and conceal the involvement of states in these campaigns.

Following the lead of labour movements, this article frames slums as labour geographies whose evictions constitute the devaluation of labour in spatial terms. This devaluation occurs in two modes: in the first, through the rendering of workers as “encroachers” or “the urban poor” in policy documents and public discourse, thereby unmooring workers from their geographies of reproduction. In the second, evictions entail the material erasure of the unwaged labour of autoconstruction and other activities that produce and sustain these geographies. Through ethnographic research in Chennai, India, and archival work, “capture” emerges as an embodied practice and emic concept that makes visible value generated through the reproduction of labour power, and the labour sunk into urban lands where access to the realm of the formal is foreclosed. Visibilising this labour of caste-marginalised working classes is a key way by which discourse on who belongs in the city can be transformed.

This paper contributes to feminist urban geographies by drawing attention to gendered danger in the supposedly “safe” space of a women's hostel in urban Pakistan. While hostels are supposed to protect women against male sexual violence, residents suffer physical, financial, emotional, and reputational forms of danger. Hostel residents carry out safety work to mitigate these threats within the private space of the hostel, showing how gendered forms of danger and safety management continue to play out in supposedly “safe” spaces.

Williams A and May J (2025) Racial capitalism and the workhouse–plantation nexus in the Atlantic world. Antipode 57(5):2015–2044 https://doi.org/10.1111/anti.70038

While Latimer's The Annals of Bristol in the Eighteenth Century documents that Bristol's Corporation of the poor faced sporadic financial difficulties (Latimer 1893:81, 514), Butcher (1972:6) similarly notes that the workhouse “never managed to produce profits either from skilled or unskilled occupations”. We wish to clarify, however, that the statement “charitable benefactors who regularly contributed twice as much as the poor rate” pertains specifically to financial and in-kind contributions during the early years of the workhouse (1696–1714), rather than the 18th century at large (on charitable gifts and property bequests to the Corporation of the Poor, see Johnson 1826:51–56, 82–90, 167–169). This clarification does not alter the substance of our argument: the Corporation drew upon charitable gifts and interest-free loans from benefactors—many of whom were engaged in the Transatlantic Slave Trade—to supplement rate income and offset shortfalls.

We apologise for these errors.

This paper contributes to feminist urban geographies by drawing attention to gendered danger in the supposedly “safe” space of a women's hostel in urban Pakistan. While hostels are supposed to protect women against male sexual violence, residents suffer physical, financial, emotional, and reputational forms of danger. Hostel residents carry out safety work to mitigate these threats within the private space of the hostel, showing how gendered forms of danger and safety management continue to play out in supposedly “safe” spaces.