Antipode最新文献

Green finance is widely hailed as the solution to environmental and capitalist crises, promising to address climate change and secure future returns. Yet, rather than being market-driven, it increasingly relies on data-intensive forecasting models and scenarios that resemble economic planning. Drawing on case studies of sustainability-linked bonds within the International Capital Market Association (ICMA), climate stress tests by central banks, and asset managers' green portfolio strategies, we reveal how big data and algorithmic tools produced outside the market are pivotal to green finance. Although these practices expose contradictions, they also hold transformative potential. Through a financially led undemocratic form of planning, green finance wields powerful instruments we cannot leave solely to elite control. If finance is abandoning its neoliberal market addiction, then we must likewise transcend our inability to envision alternative futures. In acknowledging that planning is already happening, we can reclaim and redirect these tools towards more democratic ends.

Three decades of austerity in the UK have seen the deterioration of the elemental infrastructures, those that provided a basic level of security for the population. In this article, we analyse the case of Awaab Ishak, who died (age two) when he suffocated from mould in his home in Rochdale, North-West England. We investigate why and how this child was allowed to die in a rich Western European country with a welfare state, and how this case made visible the necroeconomic policies that have made our most intimate spaces for daily living and breathing dangerous. Exploring the relationship between capital and state, we reveal those who profit from slum housing and examine how premature death from indoor air pollution is symbolically legitimated. We argue that the state's invitation to asset managers to take over social housing has granted property owners and managers a licence to kill.

This paper explores frictions of care among lowland indigenous Guaraní and other low-income women, including highland (Aymara and Quechua) migrant women, in peri-urban Santa Cruz in Bolivia's lowlands. Gendered ideals of informal entrepreneurialism circulate, given limited options for marginalised women to support their families and protect themselves from exploitation, while also looking after dependents. However, maintaining informal microenterprise is particularly difficult for Guaraní women given material poverty and differences in lifeworlds and practices of (self-)care. This fosters racialised representations of Guaraní women as “lazy”, when their care labour, including debt-work, does not conform to ideals of the citizen–mother–entrepreneur. Drawing out tensions of care reveals subtle forms of differentiation between marginalised women as well as a more complex picture of shifting inequalities during the Bolivian process of change following the election of the leftist MAS government in 2005.

Situated in the manufacturing and construction industries of Durban, South Africa, this paper presents an ethnographic investigation into non-unionised labour activism emergent from so-called “organised crime” linked to the patronage politics of the African National Congress. In doing so, this paper traces a twin process of post-colonial class formation: of a new elite class developing through recourse to patronage systems, and of a new class of precarious workers emerging through new forms of non-union labour activism. Following this process of class formation, I argue, provides an analytic lens for critiquing recent debates on “rentier capitalism” and “political capitalism”, as concepts used to describe contemporary political and economic decay amid chronic low growth. Contributing to this debate, I show how organised labour shapes the articulation of “gangster capitalism” in South Africa, and I suggest that critical theories of “rent” are problematically beholden to a politics of growth.

In the early 20^th century, when oil was discovered in Khuzestan, the native Arab population was the dominant socio-political group in most parts of the region. A century later, they are among the most marginalised in Iran. What role did the oil industry play in this transformation? Drawing on archival research, this paper argues that the racialisation of native populations has been central to the logic of oil capitalism. In Khuzestan, this began with the exclusion of Arabs from employment in the colonial oil company, severing their access to new forms of social reproduction and rendering them external to an industry that relied on their land. This exclusion persisted even after oil nationalisation, revealing how oil capitalism operates through domestic colonialism. The paper contends that addressing the social and ecological consequences of the fossil fuel industry requires closer attention to how it disrupts the social reproduction of affected communities.

This article expands social psychiatrist Mindy Fullilove's characterisation of US postwar urban community root shock in time and space. We explore the impacts of land dispossession and population displacement on Black farming communities and their health from colonial origins on. We review racial capitalism driving such rural root shock as a socioecological nexus, with particular focus here on its effects in little-studied Black communities of the US Midwest. National and regional elite power repeatedly deploys novel strategies in land grabbing, labour exploitation, and counterinsurgency out of an ethos operationalised around narratives of white civilisational redemption. The dynamic, however, is perpetually interrupted. Campaigns of resistance and alternate modes of social organisation launched in opposition repatriate the locus of community control central to population health and well-being. We postulate Black-led struggles in reversing rural root shock in the historical present help all farmers. We further propose humanity, presently caught in a global spiral in socioenvironmental expropriation, would benefit from such examples in reconnecting local people and place.

Problems that collective actors struggle with require collaborative and transformative knowledge production to be solved. Despite the long tradition of participatory approaches in social science research, issues concerning collaborative methodologies are often located at the bottom of the knowledge hierarchy. We want to place them at the centre of social movement research, but also direct attention to the processes through which collaborative knowledge is produced. We propose the metaphor of “kitchen-work” to focus on how “the cooking” of collaborative research with collective actors is done, how “recipes” for a more equitable society are created together. The metaphor illustrates methodological approaches where preparatory, relational, and often invisible work is done in research with collective actors. Using a classification of methodologies within, against, and beyond academia (inspired by David M. Bell and Kate Pahl), we distinguish recipes for research collaboration with collective actors and provide practical suggestions on cooking together collaboratively.

Despite his vocal support for the Algerian revolution, Palestinian liberation, and the South African anti-apartheid struggle, James Baldwin has continued to be regarded as a thinker whose work predominantly revolved around themes of civil rights, cross-racial dialogue, and integration. In this essay, I seek to undomesticate Baldwin in a dual sense: first, by challenging the liberal appropriation of his work; and, second, by bringing debates about decolonisation into conversation with ideas of marronage, statelessness, and fugitive placemaking. By following Baldwin's lifelong journey in and out of the United States, I show how he brought together a global set of struggles against racial capitalism and state-driven projects of enclosure, captivity, and dispossession. The result was a form of anarcho-blackness which, rather than seek inclusion in the national home, sought to create new and undomesticated ways of being in the world. Today, as fascist, authoritarian, and genocidal state violence abound, there is much to be learnt from Baldwin's refusal of the nation-state as the horizon and arbiter of freedom.

The spectre of resource scarcity as a cause of war is dominant in discussions about potential links between climate change and armed conflict. Via engagement with Georges Bataille's theory of a general economy of the biosphere, this article conceptualises the relationship between climate change and war by focusing on resource excess as a threat. Positing resource excess and thereby the burning of fossil fuels, rather than resource scarcity and climate change, as threatening, puts focus on the production and acquisition of fossil fuels as perilous in relation to armed conflict, rather than painting often racialised individuals and countries who are victims of climate change as risks to security. Applying Bataille's thinking to the relationship between climate change and war moves beyond Malthusian crisis narratives and highlights the necessity of abandoning attachments to security as a progressive ideal.

The spectre of resource scarcity as a cause of war is dominant in discussions about potential links between climate change and armed conflict. Via engagement with Georges Bataille's theory of a general economy of the biosphere, this article conceptualises the relationship between climate change and war by focusing on resource excess as a threat. Positing resource excess and thereby the burning of fossil fuels, rather than resource scarcity and climate change, as threatening, puts focus on the production and acquisition of fossil fuels as perilous in relation to armed conflict, rather than painting often racialised individuals and countries who are victims of climate change as risks to security. Applying Bataille's thinking to the relationship between climate change and war moves beyond Malthusian crisis narratives and highlights the necessity of abandoning attachments to security as a progressive ideal.