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Comparing Nations in Mass Communication Research, 1970-97 大众传播研究的国家比较,1970- 1997
Pub Date : 2001-10-01 DOI: 10.1177/0016549201063005004
T. Chang, Patrick Berg, A. Fung, Kent D. Kedl, Catherine A. Luther, J. Szuba
The purpose of this article is to assess critically, within the framework of the sociology of knowledge, how we come to know what we know in comparative international communication research. The point of departure is the collective output of comparative international communication enterprise - the published articles in six major communication journals through which theories, methods and findings have been diffused and the cumulated knowledge made possible during the past three decades. A major concern is the general pattern of methodological approaches and epistemological positions as manifested in the existing comparative international communication studies. The common patterns in comparative international communication research include lack of theoretical framework, non-equivalence of concepts and indicators, incomparability of units of analysis and unawareness of Galton's problem.
本文的目的是在知识社会学的框架内批判性地评估我们如何在比较国际传播研究中了解我们所知道的东西。出发点是比较国际传播事业的集体产出-在过去三十年中传播理论、方法和发现并积累知识的六种主要传播期刊上发表的文章。一个主要的问题是现有比较国际传播研究中所表现出的方法论方法和认识论立场的一般模式。比较国际传播研究中常见的模式有:缺乏理论框架、概念和指标不对等、分析单位不可比较以及对高尔顿问题的认识不足。
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引用次数: 41
China's State-Run Tabloids 中国的国营小报
Pub Date : 2001-10-01 DOI: 10.1177/0016549201063005005
Chengju Huang
Since the mid-1990s, the Chinese Communist Party's major provincial organs have established a large number of highly commercialized and urban-reader oriented daily newspapers, which are widely regarded as an `individual' press category called `city newspapers'. As an important press phenomenon that significantly reflects some recent changes in Chinese print media, the rise of city newspapers has attracted little attention in western communication scholarship so far. After a general description of the historical development of city newspapers, this article further examines their characteristics and impact on the Chinese press. The article argues that though market-oriented city newspapers are not independent operations but additional offerings of Party organs and therefore have little to do with the concept of press freedom, their emergence and rapid development significantly illustrate that the heyday of propaganda-oriented Party and government organs in China is apparently over, even though they still formally remain the authoritative voice of the ruling power. It is also argued that the growing success of city newspapers, while financially contributing to their parent Party organs, has brought challenges to them as well.
自20世纪90年代中期以来,中国共产党的主要省级机关已经建立了大量高度商业化和面向城市读者的日报,这些报纸被广泛认为是一种被称为“城市报纸”的“个人”新闻类别。城市报纸的兴起作为一种重要的新闻现象,反映了中国纸媒近年来的一些变化,但迄今为止,西方传播学界对其关注甚少。本文在概述了城市报纸的历史发展之后,进一步考察了城市报纸的特点及其对中国报业的影响。文章认为,虽然以市场为导向的城市报纸不是独立经营,而是党政机关的附加产品,因此与新闻自由的概念关系不大,但它们的出现和迅速发展明显表明,中国以宣传为导向的党政机关的鼎盛时期显然已经结束,尽管它们在形式上仍然是执政权力的权威声音。也有人认为,城市报纸的日益成功,在为其上级党机关做出经济贡献的同时,也给它们带来了挑战。
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引用次数: 45
Cultural Fields, Communication and Ethnicity 文化领域,交流和种族
Pub Date : 2001-08-01 DOI: 10.1177/0016549201063004004
T. Tufte, M. Riis
This article is a cultural analysis conducted in a neighbourhood of Copenhagen, Indre Nørrebro, where approximately 20 percent of the population is of other than Danish ethnic origin. It sheds light on the structural characteristics of two strategic sites, or cultural fields, within which everyday life and identity formation of ethnic minorities take place. We deliberately explore how ethnicity works or does not work as a marker in the configuration of the two chosen cultural fields: public libraries and ethnic media. We analyse the role of these two cultural fields in the social formation of Indre Nørrebro as a neighbourhood and in the local citizens' process of producing locality and a sense of belonging. How are these cultural fields structurally configured and organized, and what role do they historically and contemporarily have in the neighbourhood? The implicit assumption is that both these cultural fields play significant roles as social and cultural mediators in the production of locality.
这篇文章是在哥本哈根的Indre Nørrebro社区进行的文化分析,该社区约有20%的人口不是丹麦裔。它揭示了两个战略地点或文化领域的结构特征,少数民族的日常生活和身份形成在其中发生。我们有意探索族裔在公共图书馆和族裔媒体这两个选定的文化领域的配置中如何起作用或不起作用。我们分析了这两个文化领域在Indre Nørrebro社区社会形成中的作用,以及在当地居民产生地方性和归属感的过程中所起的作用。这些文化领域在结构上是如何配置和组织的,它们在历史上和当代在社区中扮演着什么角色?隐含的假设是,这两个文化领域在地方生产中作为社会和文化中介发挥着重要作用。
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引用次数: 10
We Are French Too, but Different 我们也是法国人,但不同
Pub Date : 2001-08-01 DOI: 10.1177/0016549201063004002
Nabil Echchaibi
There have been very few attempts to critically examine the issue of migration (in terms of the movement of people and cultures) in the light of recent theoretical and methodological developments in media studies. Research has focused mainly on migrants' representation in and reception of the mainstream media of the host country. While this line of research is still valuable, it obscures the role of migrants as active participants and producers of alternative media outlets that help in the articulation of their diasporic experience. This article discusses how, through radio and music, young North Africans in France negotiate, elaborate and reappropriate different cultural forms to carve out a place for themselves in French culture. A focus on production illuminates the value of media as a site where monolithic forms of cultural belonging are rejected and new hybrid ethnicities are forged.
很少有人尝试根据媒体研究中最近的理论和方法发展来严格审查移民问题(就人口和文化的流动而言)。研究的重点主要是移徙者在东道国主流媒体中的代表性和接受情况。虽然这条研究路线仍然有价值,但它模糊了移民作为另类媒体渠道的积极参与者和生产者的作用,这些渠道有助于表达他们的散居经历。本文讨论了在法国的北非年轻人如何通过广播和音乐,与不同的文化形式进行协商、精心设计和重新利用,从而在法国文化中为自己开辟一席之地。对生产的关注阐明了媒体作为一个场所的价值,在这里,单一形式的文化归属被拒绝,新的混合种族被锻造。
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引用次数: 24
Crossing the Boundaries of the Ethnic Home 跨越民族家园的边界
Pub Date : 2001-08-01 DOI: 10.1177/0016549201063004003
Myria Georgiou
The focus of this article is on media consumption, as it relates to ethnic identity construction. In an attempt to surpass the domination of the domestic as the singular point of reference and research in media studies, the author turns to the public. On one hand, this choice relates to the conceptualization of media consumption as a cultural process exceeding narrowly perceived media use and being implicated in processes of identity and community construction. On the other, it is an attempt to investigate how ethnic identities, initially constructed in the domestic, are challenged and reaffirmed in the public, in processes of constructing group identities and community belongings. These questions are addressed and studied ethnographically in a case study of the Cypriot Community Centre in north London. For the local Greek Cypriot community, this centre is one of the most important ethnic points of reference - both as a real place and as a symbol of a visible and thriving community. The Cypriot Community Centre is an interesting case study for studying ethnicity being reconfirmed, but also redefined in the coexistence of Greek Cypriots with Turkish Cypriots; it is a space for studying ethnic media consumption becoming a public and a communal experience.
这篇文章的重点是媒体消费,因为它涉及到民族认同的建构。为了超越国内作为媒介研究的唯一参考和研究点的统治地位,作者转向了公众。一方面,这一选择涉及到媒体消费作为一种文化过程的概念化,超越了狭隘的媒体使用,并涉及到身份和社区建设的过程。另一方面,它试图探究最初在国内建构的族群认同,在建构群体认同和社区财产的过程中,如何在公众中受到挑战和重申。这些问题在伦敦北部塞浦路斯社区中心的个案研究中得到解决和研究。对于当地的希族塞人社区来说,这个中心是最重要的种族参照点之一,既是一个真实的地方,也是一个可见的繁荣社区的象征。塞浦路斯社区中心是一个有趣的研究案例,用于研究在希族塞人和土族塞人共存的情况下重新确认族裔,但也重新界定族裔;这是一个研究民族媒体消费成为一种公共和公共体验的空间。
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引用次数: 74
Talking German 说德国
Pub Date : 2001-08-01 DOI: 10.1177/0016549201063004005
J. Schneider
The German debate on migration and citizenship reveals a close connection between the discourse on immigration (and the imagination of Germany as a multicultural society) and general perceptions of German national identity. The article analyses how `Germanness' is constructed and communicated through public and everyday discourses - on the basis of some recent empirical research that has been carried out in the field of discursive representations of German identity. This research confirmed the prominent role of the `internal Other' for dominant German self-definitions. The article then analyses the resultant strategic possibilities of these `Others'. The most central category of the `Other' in German self-definitions are the Ausländer (foreigners) and the role of the prototypical Ausländer is most prominently played by the German Turks. The article thus also focuses on self-definitions of German Turks and their responses to dominant role ascriptions.
德国关于移民和公民身份的辩论揭示了关于移民的话语(以及对德国作为一个多元文化社会的想象)与德国民族认同的普遍看法之间的密切联系。本文分析了“德意志性”是如何通过公共和日常话语构建和传播的——基于最近在德国身份的话语表征领域进行的一些实证研究。这项研究证实了“内部他者”在占主导地位的德国人自我定义中的突出作用。然后,文章分析了这些“他者”所产生的战略可能性。在德国人的自我定义中,“他者”最核心的类别是Ausländer(外国人),而原型Ausländer的角色由德裔土耳其人扮演得最为突出。因此,本文也关注德裔土耳其人的自我定义以及他们对主导角色归属的反应。
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引用次数: 15
Mediated Culture in the Middle East: Diffusion, Democracy, Difficulties 中东的中介文化:扩散、民主、困难
Pub Date : 2001-05-01 DOI: 10.1177/0016549201063002002
Annabelle Sreberny
This overview attempts to place the region in wider historical and cultural contexts. The recent and rapid developments in media are discussed, while particular attention is paid to the dynamics of democratization, gender participation and Internet access in the Middle East.
这篇综述试图将该地区置于更广阔的历史和文化背景中。讨论了媒体最近的迅速发展,同时特别注意了中东民主化、性别参与和互联网使用的动态。
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引用次数: 23
Pakistani Television Politics in the 1990s 1990年代的巴基斯坦电视政治
Pub Date : 2001-05-01 DOI: 10.1177/0016549201063002008
S. Barraclough
This article describes the flawed attempts of successive governments in Pakistan to respond to the proliferation of satellite television during the 1990s. The popularity of Indian programming on satellite television is particularly galling, since it challenges the notion of a distinct Islamic identity in the subcontinent - the very ethos of Pakistan's existence. In spite of this challenge, neither the Nawaz Sharif nor Benazir Bhutto administrations were willing to allow news and current affairs on the national broadcaster to move away from their traditional role as the prime promotional vehicle for the government of the day. The availability of permissive programming of satellite television has heightened the sensitivities of conservative Islamic organizations, leading to a backlash against liberal experiments in the depiction of women and gender issues on national television under the Benazir Bhutto government, and a deeply conservative broadcasting agenda under the Nawaz Sharif government.
本文描述了20世纪90年代巴基斯坦历届政府为应对卫星电视的普及所做的有缺陷的尝试。印度节目在卫星电视上的流行尤其令人恼火,因为它挑战了印度次大陆独特的伊斯兰身份观念——这正是巴基斯坦存在的精神。尽管面临这样的挑战,纳瓦兹•谢里夫(Nawaz Sharif)和贝娜齐尔•布托(Benazir Bhutto)政府都不愿意让国家广播公司的新闻和时事节目偏离它们作为当时政府主要宣传工具的传统角色。宽松的卫星电视节目提高了保守的伊斯兰组织的敏感性,导致贝娜齐尔·布托(Benazir Bhutto)政府在国家电视台上对妇女和性别问题的描述的自由实验遭到强烈反对,纳瓦兹·谢里夫(Nawaz Sharif)政府的广播议程也非常保守。
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引用次数: 11
State-Building and Media Regime 国家建设和媒体制度
Pub Date : 2001-05-01 DOI: 10.1177/0016549201063002010
Amal Jamal
This article analyses the complex mechanisms of media censorship, produced through both external and internal pressures, that are at work within Palestinian society. The article argues that there is an ongoing struggle for an open public sphere which is vital to Palestinian national development.
本文分析了在巴勒斯坦社会中起作用的媒体审查的复杂机制,这些机制是通过外部和内部压力产生的。这篇文章认为,巴勒斯坦正在为开放的公共领域进行斗争,这对巴勒斯坦的国家发展至关重要。
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引用次数: 10
Contested Blueprints for Egypt's Satellite Channels 有争议的埃及卫星频道蓝图
Pub Date : 2001-05-01 DOI: 10.1177/0016549201063002004
N. Sakr
With Arab-owned satellite channels of all types now broadcasting in all directions, from inside and outside the Arab world, state-centric approaches are no longer valid for analysing power relations in this field. Combining Susan Strange's theory of structural power with Robert Cox's model of world hegemony, developed from the work of Antonio Gramsci, this article proposes an alternative perspective from which to view the organizational formulae adopted for satellite broadcasting. After showing how labels such as national and public cannot be stretched to fit even Egypt's state-owned satellite channels, the article compares competing visions for the future of Egyptian satellite broadcasting on the basis of whether they conform to world hegemonic orthodoxies or challenge them.
由于阿拉伯人拥有的各种卫星频道现在从阿拉伯世界内外向各个方向广播,以国家为中心的方法已不再适用于分析这一领域的权力关系。结合苏珊·斯特兰奇的结构权力理论和罗伯特·考克斯从葛兰西的著作中发展出来的世界霸权模型,本文提出了另一种视角来看待卫星广播所采用的组织公式。在展示了国家和公共的标签如何不能延伸到甚至适合埃及的国有卫星频道之后,文章比较了埃及卫星广播未来的竞争愿景,基于它们是符合世界霸权的正统观念还是挑战它们。
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引用次数: 11
期刊
Gazette
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